長久以來，台灣原住民族的土地及領域權利始終受到忽視和剝削，原住民族的傳統領域與其知識逐漸式微。為了重新爭取原住民族的土地權利及保存珍貴的傳統生態智慧，恢復傳統領域和傳統領域知識即為首要任務。 近一、二十年來，隨著國際上主張生物多樣性和多元文化的思維潮流，我國也開始提倡對原住民文化及其自然關係的尊重，從早期的部落地圖運動到傳統領域土地調查計畫，透過調查與部落地圖的繪製可將隱藏在生活中的歌唱、舞蹈、傳說故事…等傳統領域知識記錄、保存下來；而這些田野調查工作有許多不同的方式，如參與觀察、個案研究、深度訪談、工作坊…等，並常搭配不同的參與式製圖為其工具，如：心智圖、參與式立體模型（Participatory 3D Modelling, P3DM）、地理資訊系統（Geographic Information System, GIS）…等。 本研究參與觀察並分析比較各項參與式製圖法，將觀察到的成果結合文獻整理之設計準則，納入至原住民族傳統領域WebGIS地圖平台與其他網頁之設計規劃。建置一以原住民族傳統領域為主題，蒐集劃設傳統領域知識和範圍並傳遞資訊的參與式平台，達到參與式製圖之目的。並至平台啟用後使用網頁分析工具和使用者深度訪談，追蹤分析其後續之公眾參與成效，藉此改善平台功效並提出方案以促進公眾參與及使用率。

過去幾十年來，當地社區，科學家和政府官員不得不面對日益惡化的環境惡化以及對可持續發展和資源利用日益增長的需求。 近年來,為了解決日益增長的問題，土地和資源共同管理的概念越來越受歡迎。 共同管理通常被定義為⸢兩個以上的社會行為者之間談判，界定和保證公平分享給定領土，地區或一套自然資源的管理職能，權利和責任的情況⸥ (Borrini et al. 2000) 。 更具體地說，森林共同管理是指分享責任的領域和資源與森林有關的請況。 在理論上，森林共同管理的好處不僅應該是環境，而且應該是社會經濟。 在本論文中，我將對台灣的共同管理案例研究，十多年前成立的太魯閣國家公園合作管理委員會，以及另一個最近新出現的魯凱族和 台灣林業局。 為了提供台灣共同管理協議的示範框架，我還將討論加入加拿大國家公園管理的共同管理。 我將在台灣和加拿大的相關殖民時期追溯土著國家關係的歷史和演變，以更好地了解當前原住民族和國家共同管理工作的基礎。 本論文還將討論國際原住民族權利制度的出現在台灣制定本國原住民族政策方面發揮的作用。 我將了解原住民如何適應台灣國家公園和森林管理工作的政策和決策框架。 在評估原住民族與中央政府在這方面的權力關係的性質時，我的目的是回答以下問題：台灣當地原住民族如何與台灣政府達成共同管理協議？ 在分析歷史和國際背景，政策框架和每個案例的具體細節時，我將就台灣當局與原住民部落未來的共同管理工作提出建議。 / Over the past several decades, local communities, scientists, and government officials have had to contend with increasing environmental degradation and the growing need for sustainable development and resource use. In more recent years, in order to address these rising concerns, the concept of co-management of land and resources has become increasingly popular. Co-management is commonly defined as “a situation in which two or more social actors negotiate, define, and guarantee amongst themselves a fair sharing of the management functions, entitlements and responsibilities for a given territory, area or set of natural resources” (Borrini et al. 2000). More specifically, forest co-management refers to situations in which the area and resources for which responsibility is being shared are forest-related. In theory, the benefits of forest co-management should not only be environmental, but socioeconomic as well. In this thesis, I will conduct two case studies of co-management in Taiwan, the Taroko National Park co-management committee, which was established over a decade ago, and another more recently emerging case of co-management between Rukai indigenous peoples and the Taiwan Forestry Bureau. In order to provide a model framework for Taiwanese co-management agreements, I will also discuss co-management as it has been incorporated into Canadian national park management. I will trace the history and evolution of indigenous-state relations across the pertinent periods of colonization in both Taiwan and Canada to better understand the foundations upon which current indigenous-state co-management efforts have been constructed. This thesis will also touch upon the role that the emergence of an international indigenous rights regime has played in shaping domestic indigenous policies in Taiwan. I will identify how indigenous peoples fit into the policy and decision-making frameworks of Taiwan’s national park and forest management efforts. In assessing the nature of power relations between indigenous peoples and the central government in this context, I aim to answer the following question: how do local Taiwanese indigenous peoples engage in co-management agreements with the state government of Taiwan? Upon analyzing the historical and international contexts, the policy frameworks, and the specific details of each case, I will posit suggestions for future co-management efforts between the Taiwanese state government and indigenous communities.

本論文主要以巴宰族為研究對象，關注其在1999年至2014年之間的文化復振過程，欲探討巴宰族是否有條件成為官定原住民族。 巴宰族原居現在的台中西部平原，過去曾幫助清朝政府平定許多亂事，因此得到賜姓，並獲得許多土地，所以巴宰族曾經有過輝煌的時期，後來因為漢人侵墾、土地流失、內部統治權力競爭…等原因，整個巴宰族的情勢開始走下坡，甚至得離開原鄉向外遷徙。現在還能找到明顯聚居的巴宰族分布地有：台中市豐原區的大社村、苗栗縣三義鄉的鯉魚潭村、南投縣埔里鎮的愛蘭里。 巴宰族尚保有自己的文化，其中宗教和語言是兩個重要的民族邊界要素，1871年潘開山武干因打獵受傷，經人介紹後輾轉到台南接受馬雅各醫生的治療，順利地恢復之後決定改信基督教，透過他將傳教士帶到台灣中部，許多巴宰族人因此也接受了基督教信仰，透過信仰的力量凝聚彼此，所以巴宰族因為教會的關係有很強的向心力，另外，教會中使用的羅馬拼音，使巴宰族人擁有書寫、紀錄的能力，間接地將巴宰族語言和歌謠留了下來。 平埔族一開始是以泛平埔的架構在推動民族的認同與文化復振運動，後來慢慢出現以各族為主體的文化復振，本文關注的巴宰族民族認定運動就是在此脈絡之下展開。1998年「臺灣巴宰族群文化協會」成立，隔年聚集三個聚居地的巴宰族人聯合舉辦停止多年的傳統過年儀式，這次的活動帶起了許多人的熱情，開啟了巴宰族的文化復振之路。 「苗栗縣巴宰族群協會」、「南投縣巴宰族群文化協會」在2003年成立，之後每年持續在鯉魚潭和愛蘭舉辦傳統過年，讓所有族人每年11月15日都能回到聚居地參與活動，將固有傳統祭儀延續下去，如：牽田、走鏢、銅鑼舞。在平埔族群當中，巴宰族的語言是保存相對較好的，恢復辦理過年之後就開始在教會中培訓族語老師，2002年參與政大原住民族研究中心編輯九階教材，將巴宰族語編寫出有架構的九階族語教材。除了學習、教學、編輯母語教材之外，族語老師們也參與原住民族語文學獎比賽，從第一屆開始共參與15人次，7人次得獎，從此也可以看到巴宰族對族語復振的用心；2012年底，平埔活力計畫開辦，巴宰族運用經費修改族語教材、辦理傳統過年、傳統技藝教學…等，持續不斷透過各種方式將文化傳承下去。 本文認為，巴宰族仍保有許多民族特徵，且積極的進行文化復振以維繫民族邊界與認同，目前最需要的是政府的肯認，並恢復其應有的原住民族身分與權利，最後透過民族認定正式成為臺灣的官定原住民族。

近二、三十年來，台灣在貿易自由化趨勢、產業結構調整以及外勞政策等多重因素的影響下，使得原住民社會傳統封閉的部落生產型態逐漸遭受瓦解，許多原住民因為原鄉欠缺就業機會，紛紛離鄉背井移居至都市謀生，但因競爭力不足、適應力不佳而就業困難，致使原住民失業率大幅提高。為能改善現狀，創業便成為良好的途徑之一。政府雖有提供各項措施扶持原住民創業，然而政府所提供之各項政策措施是否能實質有效地協助原住民創業成功？同時在原住民創業過程中，是否不同原住民的特質會影響創業成功模式？緣此，本研究先從「推拉理論」及相關文獻分析光復後原住民遷移都市之原因，選定台北市原住民企業為主體，採用問卷調查方式，以了解其於創業過程中之困境，並探討政府所提供之創業輔導措施能否有效協助原住民創業。最後歸納台北市原住民創業成功模式之四大面向，分別提出改進策略與建議，希冀由不同面向探悉都市原住民創業成功之內涵，以提供原住民改進內在自我特質、政府相關單位形塑適當之外在環境條件的參考。 要言之，本研究所獲致之結論歸納如下： 一、原住民陷入就業困境之主要原因為︰特殊原住民文化與主流文化應對下之社會歧視、原住民人力提供與社會所期待之人力需求未能符合、外籍勞工大舉入境排擠原住民就業，以及政府長期缺乏積極有效之就業政策。 二、影響台北市原住民創業成功之四大面向，包括：（一）個人特質：舉凡教育程度愈高、原住民在家中的排行或有負擔家計的責任感、以及與原漢接觸的程度高，都有助於創業成功。（二）創業歷程：若在創業前有關工作經驗豐富、取得多項相關證照、自有資金充裕，以及積極拓展人際關係等，都能促使創業計畫順利實現。（三）經營方法：如於行銷、財務、會計、帳務等層面處理良好，且能善用原住民文化資源，凸顯產品的獨特價值，當能彰顯創業績效。（四）政府輔導措施：善加利用政府提供的輔導企業營運措施及原住民族綜合發展基金貸款，有助於創業順遂。 三、此外，本研究發現台北市政府雖針對原住民創業提供多項的輔導措施，然而實際申請相關之原住民企業仍為少數；且原住民族綜合發展基金貸款政策，也因貸款過程及貸款擔保方式有欠妥適，致使原住民創業受惠有限，實有必要進行全面之檢討。 / Over the past 20 or 30 years, Taiwan under the multiple influence of factors in liberalization of trade trend, industrial structure adjustment and foreign labor policy, etc. make Indigenes productive attitude of clan with close social tradition disintegrated gradually. Because a lot of Indigenes are short of employment opportunity in original country, they migrate to the city in order to make a living. But it is difficult to obtain employment because the competitiveness is insufficient, adaptive capacity is not good, cause Indigenous rate of unemployment to improve by a wide margin. In order to improve the current situation, initiating becomes one of he good ways. Although the government offers multiple measures to help Indigenes initiate, we want to know if the measures are truly and effective to assist Indigenes initiate. And if the different idiosyncrasy of Indigenes, it will affect the initiating model. Therefore, this research is based upon “pull-push theory” and the relevant documents to analyze the reasons the Indigenes migrate to city. And select Taipei Indigenous enterprise, with a series of interviews, to understand their predicament met with course of initiating and whether the government offer could help Indigenes to initiate effectively. Finally, four major factors were sum up, and propose improving the tactics and suggestion separately. It hopes to find out the intension that the urban Indigenes initiate successful, and offer some reference of Indigenes to improve inherent self-specially, and the relevant units of government properly. In short, the study results have shown as follows: 1. The main reasons that the Indigenes falls into predicament of obtaining employment are the social discriminate under the specially Indigenous culture and the major culture, Indigenous manpower offers can’t accord with the society need, foreign labors of manpower demand that the society expects on a large scale , and the government lacks the positive and effective employment policy for a long time. 2. Influence Taipei key factors of successful initiation, including: (1) Idiosyncrasy: The higher education degree, the first kid of a family, the responsibility for home, and high degree contracted with original Chinese, contribute to starting an initiating successfully. (2) Course of initiation: If it is abundant to work relevantly experienced, obtain multiple relevant certificates, own enough fund and actively expand interpersonal relationships, etc., can all impel the plan of initiation to realize smoothly. (3) Management method: Dealing with such aspects as marketing, financial affairs, accounting, account, etc. well, and make the best use and the unique value of Indigenous culture resources can reflect the performance of initiation. (4) The government’s coaching measure: Exploiting enterprise’s operation measure of coaching offered by government and the loan of Indigenous comprehensive expansion funds properly, will contribute to initiating smoothly. 3. Besides, the study shows that the government of Taipei offers multiple coaching measures to the Indigenes, but enterprises are still minority to apply to the coaching measure of government. In addition, the policy of lending of Indigenous comprehensive expansion funds cause Indigenes receive benefits not proper and rightly limitedly, due to its loan course and loan guarantee way. And it carries on overall self-criticism really and necessarily.

本研究以文獻分析法及實地訪談法等方式，以剖析台灣原住民族土地財產權制度從共同所有到個別所有的演變關係。研究主題包括：一、明析原住民族土地財產權制度演變歷程的要因與結果；二、明析日治時期迄今，不同統治者標舉「理蕃」政策或山地政策所隱含的決策目的，及統治者實現其決策目的採取的行為措施，暨這些決策目的與行為措施如何影響原住民族土地財產權制度演變；三、明析原住民族土地財產權制度演變的結果，對於原住民族的發展造成何種影響。 透過上述研究主題，希望達成三點目的：一、分析日治時期迄今，原住民族土地財產權制度從共同所有演變為個別所有的過程、原因與結果，俾能連貫相關文獻的成果；二、分析日治時期迄今，統治政權賦予原住民族土地權利所隱含的決策目的、採取的行為措施，及其影響原住民族土地財產權制度演變之進程，以檢討「理蕃」政策或山地政策是否達成為原住民族謀求福祉的目標；三、分析原住民族土地財產權制度演變對於原住民族發展的影響，以供未來重新建構原住民族土地財產權制度的參考。 研究進行期間，除蒐集並整理研析關於原住民族土地財產權制度之相關文獻，作為建立研究架構及佐證研究內容之基礎外，更深入山地鄉瞭解原住民族對土地財產權問題之意見，俾使論證內容更為周延有據。茲摘述研究發現如次： 一、日治初期原住民族社會慣行的土地財產權制度方面 （一）部落為領域內土地財產權最大的共同所有團體。 （二）部落內耕地、獵地或漁區歸屬組成部落之社經團體共同所有。 （三）組成社經團體之家族（家庭）享有其範圍內土地之使用、收益權。 （四）共同所有之土地財產權，無繼受問題；惟土地之支配、管理者隨部落或社經團體之領導者更迭而變更。 （五）土地之使用、收益權，依各族群之家產法則繼受。 二、土地財產權制度演變對於原住民族發展之影響方面 （一）原住民族產權領域急遽限縮，個別原住民使用保留地的權利範圍亦趨於微小，平均每人不超過3甲土地。 （二）原住民族土地利用型態，由日治初期之「半耕、半獵」變成目前的定耕農業。 （三）原住民族與平地人民的所得差距，益趨擴大，且所得來源以非農業收入為主。另者，山地原住民仰賴保留地為生甚深，但其土地生產力仍屬偏低。顯示賦予原住民族土地財產權個別所有，仍無法提昇其經濟能力。 三、不同時期政府政策影響原住民族土地財產權制度演變之比較方面 （一）日治時期統治者之「理蕃」政策以攫取山地資源，回饋其宗主國經濟需求為要；光復時期統治者之山地政策在於維持原住民族社會安定，以鞏固政權為要。 （二）日治時期統治者之決策措施為「理蕃」措施；光復時期統治者之決策措施為山地政策措施。 （三）日治時期統治者之執行機制，以武力裝備的山地警察為主；光復時期統治者以不具武力裝備的一般行政機關為之。 四、詮釋分析觀點之事實方面 （一）制度的建立與發展具有累積性的「相互依存」特性，因此日治時期形成高砂族保留地制度授予保留地個別使用權，或光復時期形成原住民保留地制度賦予保留地個別產權，不同時期政府均事先實施相關「理蕃」措施或山地政策措施配合之。 （二）「資源攫取」為影響殖民政府是否實踐、落實「給予一定土地，使其耕種就業」之「理蕃」政策理想的重要因素。 （三）「政權鞏固」為影響政府實踐、落實「改善原住民族生計能力，提高其地位」之山地政策理想，及積極進行增劃編保留地的重要因素。 （四）殖民政府或我政府在面對各種主客觀條件時，均會權衡利弊得失而採取不同方法、手段、措施來趨利避禍、自求多福，以謀求自身最大的福祉與利益。 （五）在原住民族土地財產權演變過程中，因統治者界定高砂族保留地時缺乏考量原住民族傳統土地財產權觀念，且這些觀念仍發揮指導原住民族使用土地的作用，因此殖民政府根本未能有效監督、管理高砂族越界開墾之情事。 綜合本研究之論證與分析，歸納下列幾點結論： 一、日治初期原住民族社會以部落及部落內各種社經組織共同所有土地財產權，而組織成員則享有土地之使用、收益權能，並透過這套原住民族社會公認的土地財產權制度約束其內部的行為規範，達到維持社會秩序，減低護衛土地財產權的交易成本功效。 二、從討論分析瞭解，不同時期政府實施「理蕃」政策及山地政策的結果，未能達成為原住民族謀福祉的政策理想。其因在於，「理蕃」政策以掠奪山地利源為要；而山地政策以鞏固政權為考量，均在謀求統治者自身最大的利益，造成原住民族權益的損失。 三、日治時期迄今，原住民族土地財產權制度從共同所有演變為個別所有的結果，造成原住民族土地財產權不斷流失，且未能有效提昇其經濟能力，使得原住民族之地位日趨沒落。因此，保留地制度及保留地財產權型態允宜適度調整，未來可考量留設一定面積保留地，土地財產權改賦原住民族共同所有，以確保原住民族賴以生存的機盤，並維護其文化存續發展。 四、原住民族土地財產權制度變遷的過程，衍生原住民族與平地人民對於保留地財產權之爭議，政府宜妥適圓滿解決，創造族群共榮的多元社會。 五、本研究以「資源攫取」、「政權鞏固」及「制度相依」等因素分析原住民族土地財產權制度演變的觀點，均能從相關事實獲得合理詮釋。 / This dissertation conducted extensive literature research and field interviews in an attempt to explore the changes from the tribe ownership to the private ownership system of Taiwan aborigines’ land ownership right. The themes and the expected accomplishments of this research include the following: 1. To study the history and current status of Taiwan aboriginal land ownership right, to analyze the causes and consequences of the changes in the past, and to verify the findings with other scholars’ arguments in the literature. 2. To study the ruling mentality, rationale, policies and regulations towards Taiwan aborigines from the Japanese occupants to the ROC government, to analyze the impacts of these policies on Taiwan aboriginal land ownership right, and to explore whether Taiwan aborigines have benefited from such policies and regulations. 3. To study the overall impacts on Taiwan aborigines’ economical and cultural development, which was resulted from the changes to their land ownership right through the execution of different policies. The findings of this research could serve as recommendations to the government in setting up revised aboriginal land reservation policies for Taiwan aborigines. Through extensive literature research and field interviews with a few senior Taiwan aborigines about their memories, comments, and expectations with respect to aboriginal land ownership right, the following facts can be summarized: 1. The Land Ownership Right Before Japanese Occupancy a. The tribe leaders rule the land within a tribe’s territory. b. Each piece of farmland, hunting field, and fishing field belongs to a societal/economical group within a tribe. c. The societal/economical group has the right to farm or hunt on their assigned lands and owns the produce from the lands. d. Because the land is owned by a societal/economical group, there is no inheritance issue. The managing of the land is by the leader of the group. e. Traditionally members in a societal/economical group have the right to farm/hunt on a piece of land as well as to own the produce from the land. 2. The Impact of Land Ownership Right Changes on the Development of Taiwan Aborigines a. The land ownership right policies have limited the accessibility of Taiwan aborigines to land resources. Each aborigine has access to less than three aches of reserved land. b. The land reservation policy limited the aborigines to farm within their reserved land have changed the aborigines’ life style from half time farming and half time hunting to full time farming. c. Because productivity of each aborigine farm on his own reserved land is very low, the gap between the average income of aborigines and nonaborigines has been widening. Besides, the majority of aborigines’ income should come from non-agricultural sources. This reflects the fact that giving aborigines a piece of reserved land did not benefit them economically. 3. The Comparison of Different Land Ownership Right Policies by Different Governments a. The Japanese occupants’ aboriginal policy focused on seizing Taiwan’s mineral, forestry, and agricultural resources. While the ROC government’s aboriginal policy was only reactively trying to keep the stability of the aborigines. b. The Japanese occupant’s aboriginal policy was to “manage” Taiwan aborigines. While the ROC government’s aboriginal policy was a land reservation policy. c. The Japanese occupants ordered armed policemen to implement its aboriginal policy. While the ROC government’s aboriginal policy was executed by civilian officials in local governments. 4. Some Observations a. The Taiwan aboriginal policies by the ROC government and the Japanese occupants have its relationship. The Japanese occupants adopted land reservation policy for the aborigines, which led to private use of reserved lands. The ROC government has consequently adopted a more extensive land reservation policy for aborigines, which led to private ownership of reserved land by all aborigines. The policy of awarding private use privilege of land to aborigines by both governments had always been accompanied by the intention to manage the aborigines. b. Seizing Taiwan’s natural resources was the real agenda by the Japanese occupants behind their slogan of “awarding aborigines land to farm”. c. Maintaining the ROC government’s ruling power was the main interest behind her aboriginal policy of “improving aborigines’ quality of life and social status”. d. Even though the Japanese occupants and the ROC government chose different means and regulations to implement different aboriginal policies, avoiding pressures and satisfying their own agenda was what’s driving their aboriginal policies. e. The Japanese occupants did not appreciate Taiwan aborigines’ perception of land while awarding reserved lands to the aborigines. However the Taiwan aborigines disrespected the boundary of their reserved land, and the issue became unmanageable. Conclusions 1. Before the Japanese occupancy, Taiwan aboriginal tribes and the social/economical groups within the tribes rule the land they use. Members in a social/economical group have usage rights over a piece of land, and own the produce from that land. Because this system was well respected by all aborigines, there was little conflict or social cost with respect to land ownership right. 2. The past aboriginal policies failed to improve the aborigines’ quality of life. The interests of the two governments were either to seize Taiwan’s resources or to secure the ruling government’s political power. Taiwan aborigines’ welfare was sacrificed. 3. Taiwan aborigines’ perception about land ownership right changed from commonly owned by everybody to pieces of privately owned land. This reservation land policy for aborigines not only against the aborigines’ philosophy and lifestyle, but also violated economic principles of efficiency and productivity. Another conflict of interests arose due to competing over the reserved land to the aborigines by the nonaborigines. The land resources reserved for the aborigines have long been diminishing. Consequently, most Taiwan aborigines suffer from economic hardship and social disadvantage. 4. This research has explored the problems in the disputes land reservation policy for the aborigines. The following two recommendations are suggested: a. The government should actively resolve all over the reserved land for the aborigines. This can give back to the aborigines such land they deserve for generations. Resolving land disputes can also improve the relationship between all residence in Taiwan. b. Knowing the disadvantages of privately owning reserved land by aborigines, this research recommends that the government allocates additional portion from the total reserved land to the aborigines, which can be managed by aboriginal tribes and shared by all aborigines. Increasing the accessibility to more natural resources by aborigines will be a direct measure to improve Taiwan aborigines’ economic income, while in the same time, preserve their pride and cultural heritage. 5. This research has based on theories of “seizure of natural resources”, “securing governing power”, and “institutional dependence” to analyze the changes in Taiwan’s aboriginal land ownership right, and its negative impact to Taiwan aborigines’ life. Recommendations to government with respect to modifying the current aboriginal land policy were suggested.

「原住民族語言能力認證」是我國為了推動原住民族的民族語言教育，在行政院原住民族委員會的策劃下，針對全國原住民各族族語能力所進行的一項資格檢定工作。本論文從語言規劃的角度評估族語能力認證制度的規劃與執行，一方面透過詞彙分析，評估認證考試題庫的詞彙設計；另一方面運用問卷調查方法，探究規劃單位、執行單位、認證委員、考生、以及非考生等五類受試者對於「族語能力認證制度」與首屆「族語能力認證考試」的各項態度。最後，對未來認證制度的實施，以及族語復振政策的方向，提供建議。 本論文第一章說明研究緣起與相關問題點。第二章描述族語能力認證實施過程的背景。第三章探討與本研究相關的理論與文獻，以利於理解族語能力認證在語言規劃和語言政策範疇裡的意義。第四章為研究設計，描述內容包括對首屆認證考試題庫中的詞彙進行分析的方法，以及對首屆認證考試的內容進行量化研究的問卷設計與資料分析方法。第五章為研究結果，提出各族認證題庫的詞彙、各族語言能力、各族語言使用情形、以及各族對族語認證制度的態度等四個層面的調查結果，並加以分析與討論。第六章為結論與建議。研究結果發現，首屆族語能力認證的擬定與實施，大體獲得各類受試者的肯定，為往後認證制度的規劃、執行與評鑑奠立了基礎。整體受試者並認為族語認證工作最重要的意義在於挽救族語流失，本研究因而建議往後的認證制度可朝此方向推展，以帶動更廣泛的族語學習與族語復振。本論文的主要貢獻在於為族語能力認證及相關語言規劃的評鑑步驟，建立初步的模式。 / This thesis aims to evaluate the planning and the first implementation of the Accreditation of the Aboriginal Languages Proficiency (AALP), which is directed by Council of Indigenous Peoples, Executive Yuan, with the view of promoting the education of aboriginal languages in Taiwan. There are six chapters in this thesis. Chapter One describes the purpose of this study and presents some related problems. Chapter Two presents the backgrounds of AALP. In Chapter Three, the related theories and studies are reviewed and discussed. Chapter Four depicts the research designs, including the methodology to evaluate the vocabulary test in the first AALP, questionnaire design to elicit subjects' opinions about the policy of AALP and its first implementation, and methods for data analysis. Chapter Five reports the results in terms of vocabulary analysis, language proficiency, language use, and language attitudes toward AALP. The last Chapter offers conclusions and suggestions. One of the major findings lies in that AALP is widely recognized, and the results of its first implementation may serve as a guideline for its future implementation. It is also believed that AALP may help to revitalize aboriginal languages in Taiwan and thus reverse the language shift related. Therefore, it is suggested that AALP should be continued by following the current model.

《原住民族基本法》於2005年通過，是台灣原住民族運動努力多年的成果，但是近年來原住民族仍持續面對各種壓迫。在土地權利方面，該法第21條規定政府或私人於原住民族土地進行開發利用時，需事先諮詢當地原住民族之同意或參與（簡稱「同意權」），然而在許多案件中，原住民族主張此條文表達反對時，經常未能得到行政部門正面回應。本研究以日月潭邵族反對向山旅館開發案為例，理解「同意權」如何變成「落空的權利」。 許多文獻討論，將原住民族權利與實踐的落差歸因於「個人權」（individual right）與「集體權」（collective right）兩種概念的差異及行政部門本位主義因素。本研究則想更進一步釐清，又有哪些其他因素也影響原住民族權利的落實？ 在這些因素的影響下，「同意權」的規範運作又產生了何種實際效用？ 本研究將從「法律多重製圖」之觀點回答上述問題，首先將探究「同意權」概念在國際法、國內法與行政實踐中的規範生產與運作，分析在不同的場域下，場域內的參與者如何對「同意權」進行法律製圖。本文主張，法律生產過程中對權利概念的意義內涵轉換、法律生產與運作場域的邏輯結構，皆影響原住民族權利的實踐。同時，本研究進一步以日月潭邵族的案例，說明原住民族土地權中「自由與事先知情同意原則」或「同意權」規範，理想上是以原住民族的「參與」並實現自決權為目標，但在邵族的案例中，實際運作卻是不斷「排除」原住民族的過程，法律成為排除原住民族權利的合理化機制，更避開各種議題對立面的討論。 權利的落空一方面指權利主張不被理解與正視，更進一步指原住民族社會愈遠離「集體」的過程，因而我們需對原住民族同意權或各種集體權的運作有更多的反省，並持續探詢屬於每個部落或族群中所謂「好生活」（good life）的意義。本文最後藉用「草根後現代主義」（grassroots post-modernism）之概念，介紹原住民族在追求「好生活」的道路上，如何藉著在地思考、找回與族群內部的連結，以此對抗全球化、新自由主義趨勢下對原住民族權利的影響與侷限。 / Though its enactment in 2005 can be regarded as an achievement of Indigenous movement in Taiwan, The Indigenous Peoples Basic Law does not work as it promises. The indigenous people are still struggling for the fulfillment of rights. With respect to land rights, Article 21 of the Law requires the participation and consent of local indigenous people before the development and utilization of the indigenous land. However, the article is often neglected by the government in many cases. This case study then focuses on Thao people （邵族）who live around Sun-Moon Lake （日月潭）and their opposition to a Hotel program located in Xiangshan（向山）, which is regarded as the traditional territory of Thao. By adopting the perspective of “Multi-Layered Mapping of Law”, I hope to analyze the enactment process and the effect of law concerning the principle of Free, Prior and Informed Consent as well as land rights of indigenous people, and try to describe how the “right to consent” becomes a “hollow right” in practice. The study depicts the right as “hollow” for two meanings. On the one hand, it shows the situation for indigenous people facing the gap between the law’s promise and law’s practice in the complex process of law making and law enforcement. On the other hand, it further describes the more distance from collectiveness within indigenous society. The study suggests that more dialogue and more reflection is needed when claiming rights. The last part of the study then introduces the idea of “grassroots post-modernism” which discuss the way to “Good Life" and the way of resistance against globalization and neoliberalism. Although the issues need further discussion in future studies, the idea can be a guidance for indigenous people as they pursue the fulfillment of land rights, autonomy and self-determination.

本論文的研究為文學史，藉由紐西蘭毛利民族文學史與台灣原住民族文學史作為比較。法國文學家泰納指出，文學的產生均有其時代與社會的背景，文學史即是實證主義方法。本論文以「全貌觀」的視角，將民族運動作為時間軸，先探討兩民族社會脈絡，再研討文學史的發展。 兩民族歷經同化政策，曾發展民族意識未覺醒的民族文學。民族運動時期，毛利民族訴求土地、自然資源及語言。台灣原住民族則身處戒嚴，因此探究的議題即是民族的生存權益。民族運動後，紐國經濟不景氣及毛利民族的補助聲浪，於是發展「反省」文學。而台灣原住民族諸多議題已階段性達成，湧現一批返鄉熱潮，分別有族語及政論創作。 台灣戒嚴看似延宕民族權益的發展，然而實際上台灣原住民族的民族邊界比毛利民族來的清晰。毛利民族比台灣原住民族早於一百餘年歷經同化政策，並發展「認同論」的民族認定。再者，毛利民族語言及部落經驗急速消逝，文學也發展「內部」的創作議題。雖然毛利民族運動走在前端，但是伴隨都市化及疏離其民族文化，驅使毛利民族成為民族性質薄弱的「概念民族」。唯有回到穩定及具有內聚力量的民族語言，才有辦法在時間洪流裡體現民族的主體性。目前，台灣原住民族尚未走到紐國的經驗。但倘若持續未意識到民族語言的重要性，極有可能步上毛利民族的經驗。 / The aim of the thesis, The Development of Ethnicity and its History of Literature: A Comparison of New Zealand Māori People and Taiwan Indigenous Peoples, is to compare the ethnic developments of the New Zealand Maori and Taiwan’s indigenous peoples, and further characterize the history of their literature. Before the New Southbound Policy, researchers have been devoted to contributing abundant Maori research. However, many of them only chose a certain topic to write about, ignoring other perspectives or orientations, which only revealed the tip of the iceberg. For this reason, the thesis ascertained other aspects with a holistic approach. Several similarities exist between the Maori and Taiwan’s indigenous peoples: both were Austronesian peoples, and share similar languages and cultures. In addition, they both undergone colonization and launched ethnic movements to regain their rights. The thesis is divided into three periods, which are before the ethnic movement, during the ethnic movement, and after the ethnic movement. Each chapter demonstrates its social context and the significant ethnic writers at that time. The thesis first illustrates Maori and Taiwan indigenous peoples’ unawakened ethnic consciousness through their literary writings. During the ethnic movement, both ethnic groups launched the ethnic movement and published their political perspectives during political and economic instability. Afterwards, the Maori and Taiwan’s indigenous peoples share different values in accordance with different social context after their respective ethnic movement. Finally, the thesis examines their social contexts and their literature through three aspects of ethnic literature, which are identity, language, and theme. The thesis is composed of seven chapters. The introduction reviews the purpose of the study, its motivation, and the background. Chapter 1 and Chapter 2 provide an overview of ethnic certification, the status of ethnic language, and the distribution of Maori and Taiwan’s indigenous peoples. Chapter 3 and Chapter 4 depicts Maori and Taiwan indigenous peoples’ social contexts and literature respectively. By comparing both ethnic groups, Chapter 5 shows their similarities and differences. Conclusions are drawn in Chapter 7. The conclusion offer incentives and disincentives from the Maori’s experience, which could be the inspiration for Taiwan’s indigenous peoples.

本研究著眼於原住民文化產業智慧資源規劃的議題，特別是以原住民工藝產業當中的編織工藝作為研究對象。在智慧資源的創造和保護方面，對於原住民民俗創作的法律討論和立法行動，在我國雖然已有初步成果，但卻仍有許多爭議尚待解決，因而仍無法提供原住民族人充足的保護，不過即使如此，產業仍然需要在此模糊不清的法律狀態下，尋找最佳的發展路徑，換言之，從智慧資源的管理和應用方面，在盡可能建立智慧資源的基礎之後，管理者應如何透過原先具備或後天取得的資源，促使經營的事業體找出適當的發展模式，毋寧更是原住民文化產業能否永續發展的優先考量。而在產業發展較成熟之後，若再回頭主張產業從業者真正需要的法律規範，或許更可以提供規範制定者值得參考的意見。 在上述的法律和管理並重的思考邏輯之下，本研究從文獻探討開始，檢視國際間、各國和我國在處理原住民民俗創作保護時的問題現狀，在確定文化資產和智慧財產各有其規範角色，卻又會互相影響的前提之下，推導出存在於原住民文化產業當中，同時可以致力於文化資產活化，以及智慧財產創造的幾種可能的發展模式，供作本研究後續個案的探討模型，以及未來的產業從業者決定發展方向時的可能參考選項。 故在本研究個案部份，即同時反映上述類型化模型的思考。第四章的第一個個案就是較具有公共性(commons)本質的尤瑪‧達陸與野桐工坊個案，而第五章的第二個個案就是較具有完整企業經營理念的湛賞文化藝術工作坊，此二個案同時都是以編織工藝為主要經營項目，但是因為經營者的目標不同，因而展現出不同樣貌，本研究透過此二個案呈現經營面向的議題，同時也針對智慧資源規劃議題，給予個案未來發展之建議。 最後的結論與建議，本研究主要針對於政府機關和產業從業者兩方面，從之前論述當中發現的議題和可參考的適例，重新思考現存問題的解決方案，期待在研究者的共同努力下，台灣原住民文化產業能夠走上更亮麗的舞台。 / This research is focused on intelligence resources planning of indigenous cultural industry, especially in the field of knitting techniques. From creation and protection of intelligence resources perspective, legal discussion and legislative movement for aboriginal people’s cultural expressions seem to achieve slight success in Taiwan, but there still exists many unresolved issues, resulting in insufficient protection for aboriginal people as before. However, even in such legally ambiguous situation, the industry still needs to find its way out, looking for the best path to develop itself. In other words, from management and application of intelligence resources perspective, after trying best efforts to set up the foundation of intelligence resources, how the managers are devoting to figure out the suitable model for the business unit, by using original or adopting resources, becomes the first priority of concerns of whether the indigenous cultural industry can be sustainable. When the industry becomes more mature, the participants of the industry may look back, to propose their real needs for regulations, and at the same time, these proposals may be very valuable for the regulators. Based on the above thinking in accordance with both legal and managerial logic, this research makes observation to problems when dealing with aboriginal people’s folklore expressions in international society, in various countries and in Taiwan, from the beginning part of literature analysis to the latter parts; then, this research makes sure that cultural heritage and intellectual property both play parts on the focused topics, while each has its regulatory role as well as has impact on the other, and such nature and connection becomes the premise of the following several models respectively for activation of cultural heritage and creation of intellectual property at the same time in indigenous cultural industry. These models will be used as the analytic tools for the following case study and as the referable choices of business development for future participants in the industry. Furthermore, case study of this research reflects foregoing categorical models. The first case in Chapter 4 is commons-oriented Yuma Taru and Lihang Studio case. The second case in Chapter 5 is under complete company management, which is Siku Sawmah Cultural Art Workshop case. Both cases’ major revenue come from knitting techniques, but the managers have different business goals, resulting in different business models. This research tries to reveal managerial issues when running workshop through these two cases; this research will also gives suggestion to them in relation to intelligence resources planning. In the final part of conclusion and suggestion, this research aims at governmental departments and participants in the industry, and for them it rethinks solutions towards existing problems regarding previously found issues and referable cases. This research expects the indigenous cultural industry in Taiwan to eventually get on a more radiant stage with the cooperation of all the researchers and participants.