本論文試圖透過戰略三角政治研究途徑和克里姆林宮政治研究途徑，探討普欽時期的俄羅斯對美國政策。 蘇聯解體後，俄羅斯對外政策路線的走向，由葉里欽執政初期的一面倒向以美國為首的親西方之大西洋主義政策路線，轉向為葉里欽執政後期的拉攏中國抗衡美國的東西平衡對外政策路線；到了普欽執政時期，又重新定位為與美國進行戰略和解，進而進行戰略合作的全方位對外政策路線, 以擺脫俄中戰略協作夥伴關係所導致的戰略羈絆之制約。本文試圖探討，驅動普欽時期此一俄羅斯對美國政策路線轉變的內外在因素。 本論文認為，普欽執政期間，俄羅斯對美政策之形成，乃是在承襲葉里欽對外政策的遺緒，在普欽的強勢領導之下，俄羅斯之決策菁英，以俄羅斯的國家安全及國家利益為訴求，援引包括戰略三角互動、美國的政策與做為、俄羅斯經濟發展與政治生態互動等俄羅斯內外在環境因素，作為其政策辯論的依據，透過克里姆林宮政治的互動形塑而成。 上述假設命題可以引申出下列邏輯相關的子命題： 一•普欽的對美政策，受到包括戰略三角互動與美國的政策與做為等俄羅斯外在環境因素之影響形塑而成。 1999年普欽上台前夕，科索佛戰爭及北約戰略新概念的提出，加深了俄羅斯的安全疑慮；而2001年4月，美中軍機擦撞事件，則加深了中美關係的裂痕；此一發展促使俄中戰略夥伴關係趨於密切。2001年6月中國主導「上海合作組織」的成立，以及7月俄中睦鄰友好合作條約的簽訂，就是此一發展邏輯的結果。然而，隨著中國在□海地區爭霸戰中影響力的增長，有關中國威脅論的聲音，也在俄羅斯安全決策階層引起越來越多的迴響。而此一發展，則促使俄羅斯尋求與美國進行戰略和解，以防範中國之威脅。另一方面，蘇聯解體後，中國勢力快速崛起，美國不再視俄羅斯為其戰略對手，轉而防範中國之威脅。911事件之後，美國面臨反恐之戰以及分散油源之需求，小布希總統調整了對俄政策，讓普欽得以順利與美國進行戰略和解；從而，普欽得以擺脫俄中戰略協作夥伴關係所導致之戰略羈絆的制約。 二•普欽的對美政策，受到包括經濟發展考量與政治生態互動等俄羅斯內在環境因素之影響形塑而成。 面對俄羅斯國內的經濟窘境，普欽認為，唯有與美國進行戰略和解，才能儘快加入世界貿易組織、增加歐美的投資和援助、減輕外債負擔、從而促進經濟發展。另一方面，普欽的強勢領導地位以及務實的政治手腕，使得普欽得以操控國內政治生態的互動，主導俄羅斯國家安全概念的重新定位；從而，得以順利推動全方位對外政策路線，與美國進行戰略和解，藉以擺脫葉里欽後期所建立的俄中戰略協作夥伴關係所導致之戰略羈絆的制約。 / The purpose of this study is aimed at exploring Russia’s policy toward the United States under Bladimir Putin, 2000-2003. The strategic triangle politics approach and the Kremlin politics approach are applied in this study. After the Soviet Union’s collapse, Russia’s line of foreign policy had been shifted from the one-sided pro-Western Atlanticism in the early stage of Boris Yel’tsin’s administration toward the East-West balanced strategy, attempting to draw China on the same front against the United States, in the latter stage of Yel’tsin’s regime. After Putin had come to power, Russia’s line of foreign policy was reoriented as a comprehensive one, engaging in strategic reconciliation and strategic cooperation with the U.S. and, consequently, getting rid of the strategic entanglement resulted from the establishment of the partnership of strategic coordination between China and Russia. Against this background, this study attempts to investigate the internal and external factors that drive this shift in Russia’s line of foreign policy under Putin. The hypothesis of this study is as follows: Shadowed by Yel’tsin’s legacy of foreign policy and forged under Putin’s strong leadership, Russia’s policy toward the United States under Putin has been shaped by the interaction of Kremlin politics, engaged by Russian decision-making elites, who appeal to Russia’s national security and national interests in their policy debates, referring to Russia’s external and internal factors, such as the interaction of strategic triangle politics, the US policies and conduct, Russia’s economic developments, and domestic political ecological changes in Russia. This hypothesis can be further developed into the following logically consequential sub-propositions: 1•The formulation of Russia’s policy toward the United States under Putin has been driven by Russia’s external factors, such as the interaction of strategic triangle politics and the US policies and conduct. In the spring of 1999, on the eve of Putin’s coming to power, the breakout of War in Kosovo and the pronunciation of NATO’s new Strategic Concept had created serious concerns for Russians about their national security. And in April 2001, the collision of US-Chinese military aircrafts above the South China Sea had deepen the Sino-US fissures. Consequently, the development of these events had pushed closer the Partnership of Russo-Chinese Strategic Coordination. As a result, the creation of Chinese-initiated Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in June 2001 and the conclusion of the Treaty of Good-Neighborhood, Friendship and Cooperation between China and Russia in the following month were only a logical outcome. However, accompanying the growth of China’s influence in the area of Caspian Sea, the voice of “China threat” has received more and more attention in the circle of Russia’s national security decision-makers. These developments, in turn, had forced Russia to search for strategic reconciliation with the United States in order to prevent China from becoming a threat. On the other hand, with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rapid rise of China’s influence, the United States no longer treat Russia as a strategic rival; instead, they shift their efforts to prevent China from becoming a threat. In the wake of the terrorist attack on 11 September 2001, in order to meet the needs for engaging campaigns against terrorism and for deconcentrating the sources of petroleum, President Bush has readjusted US policy toward Russian. As a consequence, these shifts in US policy provide Putin with a golden opportunity to engage in strategic reconciliation with the United States and thus get rid of strategic entanglements derived from the establishment of partnership of strategic coordination with China. 2•The formulation of Russia’s policy toward the United States under Putin has been driven by Russia’s internal factors, such as the economic development and the political ecological changes in Russia. In the face of Russia’s economic predicament, in Putin’s opinion, the only way to promote economic development is the strategic reconciliation with the United States, which will accelerate the process for Russia to obtain the access to the World Trade Organization (WTO) and in turn to gain the access to investments and financial assistance from the West and to lessen the burden of foreign loans. In addition, with his strong leadership and his pragmatic political skills, Putin has been able to maneuver the interaction of domestic political econlogies in favor of the reorientation of Russia’s concept of national security. As a result, Putin has been able to forge a comprehensive line of foreign policy and, accordingly, to conduct strategic reconciliation with the United States. Consequently, he has been able to get rid of the strategic entanglements derived from the establishment of partnership of strategic Coordination with China in the latter stage of Yel’tsin’s regime.

本研究旨在探討台灣電視產業中，商品為何、商品的特性、商品的生產過程，以及與生產結構間的對應關係。本研究採行批判的傳播政治經濟學視野，對台灣四十餘年來的電視事業進行考察。研究結果指出，電視事業中的商品，首要應為節目本身，而台灣的電視節目的首要消費者，是廣告業主而不是觀眾。同時因為國民黨時期無線三台特殊的經營體制，形塑本地節目製作業的特性：規模小、業務人員為公司主要人力。導致台灣節目的廉價化與廣告化，不論在三台寡占市場時期，或衛星電視頻道百家爭鳴時期，皆是如此。 / My objective is to find out the commodity in TV industry in Taiwan, and figure out the characteristics of the commodity, the production process, and the relationship between the commodity and the production structure. Therefore, I studied the TV production process in Taiwan for 40 years from an critical political-economy perspective. At the end, I figure out that the commodity in TV industry is programmers, and the very first consumer of this commodity is advertisers rather than audiences. Because of the special operate model of three main TV broadcasters protected by KMT, TV program producers are small and poor, and they spend too much time in maintain the relationship with advertisers and TV managers. After all, TV program in Taiwan looks like advertisement and the quality of it is low end. No matter the market is monopolized by the three main broadcasters, or opened for hundred of satellite channels, the circumstance are all the same.

本研究為探討搖滾音樂演唱會：「Say Yes to Taiwan」在文化行銷中所呈現的諸種面向，包含了行銷模式分析與音樂的社會功能之文化論述。「Say Yes to Taiwan」為台灣目前負載公共議題訴求音樂活動之翹楚，不但規模已臻成熟，自2000年以來每年持續地舉辦也形成了活動自身的歷史，其與政治、社會運動之間的關連性更是台灣其他流行音樂所缺乏的，故值得作為音樂展演文化分析的對象。依照黃葳威(2003)對文化行銷所下之定義：「依據國家原生文化的取向設定宗旨任務，而進行特定族群藝文教育、知識的推廣，及特定族群文化產品與相關服務的提供，以期達成傳承與交流特定族群文化的理想」我們可知，「Say Yes to Taiwan」以一個不收費的音樂演唱會藝文活動，來推動台灣主體性理念之活動宗旨，並進行本土搖滾創作音樂的推廣，以其達到促使年輕群眾關心公共議題的目標等等，的確是符合文化行銷的定義。同時，藉以分析這個帶有政治理念訴求的「音樂社會運動」，不難看出其中音樂與政治動員的連帶關係，音樂自此跳脫了純美學討論的範疇，進而介入了社會與政治的實際運作，音樂以其「創造認同、經驗感情、組織時間」的獨特社會功能，對於群眾的動員與社會變革產生了可能的影響，因此，藉由對音樂演唱會活動的文化行銷模式分析為起點，發現活動背後深層的文化意涵，是本研究的論述方向。 根據Costa and Bamossy在1995年時提出一個關於分析文化行銷的模式，探討國家原生文化對於文化行銷所可能產生的層級影響，以及多重目標、關鍵決策人士與多元行銷區塊的文化行銷架構，本研究首先發現，在台灣目前國族認同斷裂、分歧的現況下，「Say Yes to Taiwan」活動亟欲「再現」一個台灣本土性認同之原生文化意識實踐，在這個大原則的指導下，對於文化行銷層級所產生的影響：無不以鞏固台灣主體定位為優先；在任務定位方面，是推動認同台灣、邀請國外樂團參以期達到影響國際視聽之效，另外並進一步促使年輕族群關心公共議題的討論與促進地方音樂文化與觀光產業的繁榮發展；在對藝文教育與知識的態度方面，則是幫助一般觀眾了解與欣賞台灣的創作音樂，並且鼓勵從台灣本土角度出發進行的藝術創作；在活動與節目內容、服務相關零售紀念品和行銷的態度上，則是選擇與認同台灣意識的藝人、企業、組織單位合作；在對所訴求參與觀眾的定位上，則是鎖定年輕人作為目標群眾，希望將台灣認同的理念、關心公共議題的素養推廣至年輕人身上。由此可見「認同台灣」的國家原生文化的意識形態實踐對於「Say Yes to Taiwan」文化行銷的總體性層級影響。 接著，本研究根據多重目標、關鍵決策人士與多元行銷區塊的文化行銷架構模式分析發現各區塊的文化行銷特色與矛盾，並分析出多元區塊間彼此的矛盾與衝突之處，包括：爭取贊助單位資源之經濟目標與推廣本土創作音樂的教育、知識推廣目標產生了衝突，贊助單位希望邀請主流藝人演出以求取悅大眾，但主辦單位卻希望維持推廣創作搖滾樂團的教育目的，以及關鍵決策人士之間，由於彼此的年齡代溝，而有對此一流行文化活動看法不同的角色衝突存在，老一輩的關鍵決策者心儀古典菁英音樂文化，對於年輕關鍵決策者所力持的流行文化搖滾樂抱持懷疑態度。至於在關鍵行銷區塊方面，可分為針對觀眾與贊助單位所作的行銷，又可分為下列細項：年輕搖滾音樂愛好者的核心觀眾、喜愛音樂的一般潛在觀眾、關心政治議題的潛在觀眾、民間政治團體贊助單位、政府相關部門贊助單位、企業贊助單位以及媒體贊助單位。而想要在同一個活動中同時攘括年輕搖滾音樂愛好者的核心觀眾，與喜愛流行音樂的一般潛在觀眾，這兩種在社群本質特色上相衝突的關鍵行銷區塊，可能會產生活動本質錯亂的危險，於是在年輕搖滾音樂愛好者的核心觀眾、與喜愛音樂的一般潛在觀眾這兩個關鍵行銷區塊之間，便產生了潛在相衝突的可能。 於是在SYTT文化行銷模式中所出現的「SWOT」與多元區塊間的衝突，本研究力求從文化面分析中來為其找出解答與改善建議，包括：應重視評估計畫的重要——以適於活動組織本身規模與負擔的現場問卷調查，輔以影音、文字記錄來作為評估計畫研究進行的資料蒐集法，並交由組織內部專職或外部專門人員加以分析；發展細緻的理性論述——將文字論述重點轉移至對台灣內部的關心和反省，以及將活動定位由台灣與中國間的「政治」問題提升至反對中國對台灣武力壓迫的「反戰」問題，以求獲得國際視聽的認同；發展音樂演唱會以外，與本身音樂活動相關的組織性活動；維護搖滾音樂的品牌識別性；與贊助單位建立良好的溝通管道以培養長久的贊助關係以及發展多元資源來源，其中包括——以影音複製品的販賣以求增加營收，並選擇適合自身特色，且能動性高的另類媒介作為活動訊息的宣傳管道；最後一點則是活動焦點往台灣內部轉向與擴展。透過以上建議的提出，希望能對「Say Yes to Taiwan」的文化行銷分析作出實質的幫助。 在前一部份較為「微觀」的文化行銷模式細部分析之後，本研究最後擬將此一研究主題放置於「鉅觀」的整體社會、政治結構互動關係中來作文化性的整合討論，藉以深化文化行銷分析的論述。文中以搖滾樂的「創造認同、經驗感情、組織時間」的音樂社會功能為起點，以及與群眾「一體」的社群力量，得以成為群眾發聲的代言媒介，接連分析音樂如何介入政治動員的可能，與發展社會運動新型態的功能。當然音樂不是革命，也許無法真正實際地去影響政治與社會變革，但它的次文化社群召喚性卻可輕易地促使我們開始注意並關心公共議題，造成思想上的質變，尤其是它對年輕人的影響力，其所形成的與論與關心力量，足以對國家機構施加變革壓力，使國家機構無法輕忽人民心聲，相信這是音樂對於政治與社會變革的實際實踐作為之所在。搖滾音樂演唱會，諸如此處的「Say Yes to Taiwan」，以其號召力激發後續的背負公共議題理念的演唱會活動出現，等於是促使連續不止的公共領域出現，成為理性對談語言的寄存所，於是搖滾音樂或搖滾音樂演唱會這種相對另類的媒體，對於推動公共議題理念的文化行銷與傳播功效，的確是不容忽視的。 / The topic of this study is about the cultural marketing of the rock concert ”Say Yes to Taiwan” , including the analysis of the cultural marketing’s model and the cultural discuss about the social function of music. Now in Taiwan, ”Say Yes to Taiwan” is the leader of the concerts which carry the public claim, not only it’s scale comes to a head, but also it’s long term activity’s history. It’s correlation with the politics and the social movement is also the biggest difference between the local creative rock music and the local pop music , that’s why ”Say Yes to Taiwan” is worth of being the topic of the cultural marketing study. According to Wai-Wai Huang’s definition of cultural marketing : ”Base upon the natural culture of the state, setting the bearing and the mission, promoting the artistic education and information of the particular group, and offering the cultural production and the interrelated service of the particular group, hoping to accomplish the ideality of translating and communicating the culture of the particular group(Wai-Wai Huang, 2003).” Because ”Say Yes to Taiwan” is a free rock concert, it hopes to promote the”Taiwanese identity ideology” and the local creative music, it also hopes to let the young audiences caring about the public issue, so it corresponds with the definition of the cultural marketing indeed. At meanwhile, via studying this ideal and political “social movement of music”, it’s easy for us to see the correlation between the music and the political mobilization. From now on, the music not only belongs to the aesthetic discussion, but also involves the practice of social and political improvement. Music uses it’s unique social function: “creating identity, experiencing emotion and organizing time” to make the social transignfication and the mobilization of people possible. Therefore, via the analysis of the cultural marketing’s model ,then finding the deep cultural meaning of this concert, is the emphasis of this study.

在2006年1月，立法院通過了總金額合計高達1410億水患治理特別條例、石門及其集水區整治特別條例。本文以許多民間非營利組織為監督治水預算成立的1410大禹治水聯盟為研究個案，希望能瞭解立法過程裡，民間聯盟如何監督公共政策？又如何打破國會與官僚的結盟結構，實際影響政策？本文採用深度訪談、報章資料與參與觀察等方式，藉由McAdam的政治機會結構理論為分析架構，以說明治水預算裡行動者擴編預算的動機與過程。並分析在立法院審查各階段治水聯盟的因應策略、實際行動和內部運作，以及監督成效。研究發現在地方水患陰影下，又面對官僚、國會與地方政府三者鐵三角般的互利合作，主張審慎監督的治水聯盟其實無力回天。一方面因議題範圍實在太大，無法動員特定地區相關者；另一方面也是鐵三角間同盟關係非常穩固，國會遊說發揮不了作用。故只能藉少數友好立委，在朝野協商爭取加入更多資訊公開、績效評估與公民參與機制。透過這些機制，在後續八年政策執行過程中找出更多公共參與和監督的著力點。藉此也讓原先僅有地區性互動的環保運動與社區大學運動在本案上交會。此新合作方向是否會對未來環保運動帶來新的在地網絡與群眾支持，值得後續觀察與研究。 / In January 2006, the Legislative Yuan passed the Special Enactment on Flood Management in Areas Susceptible to Floods and the Special Enactment on Restoration of Shi-Men and its Catchments Area amounting to NT$141 billion. This paper makes a study of the 1410 Ta-Yu Water Management Alliance formed by a number of civil non-profit organizations for the purpose of supervising and auditing the water management budget. The study seeks to understand how the civil alliance supervises public policies during the legislative process and how they break the alliance structure between the Legislative Yuan and bureaucracy to actually influence policies. By using McAdam’s political opportunity structure theory as its analysis structure, this paper gives an account of the motives and processes of activists in the creation of the water management budget through in-depth interviews, newspaper reports and participate observation. It also analyzes the countering strategies, activities, internal functioning and the results of the supervisory actions of the Water Management Alliance. This research discovered that in the face of the alliance’s proposition of prudent supervision could not be upheld in the face of mutual cooperation within the iron triangle of bureaucracy, the Legislative Yuan and local government. On one hand is the alliance’s inability to mobilize related parties in specific areas due to the issues covering too wide a range and on the other hand is the solid relationship within the iron triangle alliance and negates lobbying efforts in the Legislative Yuan. It is only by a few friendly legislators that mechanisms for the increased disclosure of information, performance evaluation and civil participation were added during negotiations between the ruling and opposition parties. Through these mechanisms it is hoped that more foothold for public involvement and supervision can be found in the following eight years of policy implementation. Also, such mechanisms would allow conservation movements and community college movements which used to be limited to territorial interactions to meet. Whether this new direction in cooperation brings new grassroot support for future environmental movements remains worthy of follow up observation and research.

本研究主要目的是希望對形象投票進行更深入的探究；嘗試更進一歩地探討候選人的形象會不會影響?如何去影響?選民的偏好與支持。候選人媒體形象一直是影響投票行為的重要變數。近年來在政治行銷的趨勢下，整合行銷傳播的概念應用於選戰行銷的趨勢也愈發明顯，所強調的成功行銷策略就是訊息的整合，訊息的一致性可以幫助達成最大的行銷效益。另一方面，2005年國民黨黨主席選舉確實有其劃時代的意義，再加上兩位候選人王金平、馬英九媒體形象的突出性和對比性，顯示形象投票的模式的確在此次選戰中發酵，而兩人在此次選戰的媒體形象塑造和過去長期以來相較，似乎王金平是嘗試區隔、馬英九則是企圖延續。本研究因此試圖以此次個案來觀察候選人媒體形象一致性與選民的偏好程度之間的關係。本研究試圖加入行銷學的理論，視候選人為單一商品；視候選人媒體形象訊息的一致性為商品的販售策略；以選民的偏好程度為商品行銷成功與否的標準，探討候選人媒體形象一致性程度所產生的影響；檢驗候選人的媒體形象若一致性愈高，是否愈能提高選民的偏好，如同商品若行銷訊息一致性愈高，愈能提高行銷的效益。 研究結果顯示驗證了本研究的假設：即王金平長期性和短期性的媒體形象較不一致；候選人馬英九較一致；選民對馬英九的偏好度是持續上升的，反觀對王金平的偏好度是緩慢下降。換言之，王金平的媒體形象訊息較不一致，因此可能較難突顯他的個人定位和加深民眾的認知強度；而馬英九則相反，由於形象訊息較具延續性，因此容易強化個人的定位和民眾的認知，而較能增加選民的偏好。 從研究結果可以發現，整合行銷傳播所強調，成功的行銷策略—「訊息的整合」，確實對於競選策略的規劃上有其參考的意義和價值；「訊息的一致性」不僅可以幫助在商業市場中販售商品達到最大的行銷效益，在本研究的結果中或許能夠初步印証，也可以將此概念移植到政治競選領域中，幫助選戰候選人獲得勝選、增加選民的偏好與支持。

中國的石油外交安全複合體系可分為海上運輸航線、歐亞能源陸橋以及全球經營三大面向。由於目前中國進口石油來源主要來自中東及非洲地區，並依賴印度洋通往國內東南沿海的海上運輸航線，基於分散運輸風險與進口地區多元化的考量，增進對東協關係以促成海路運輸安全、向陸地接鄰的俄羅斯與中亞國家發展能源陸橋、兼顧海陸進口路線平衡發展之佈局，以及積極於中東、非洲、拉丁美洲地區發展經貿與能源合作並進關係，將為中國建構石油安全複合體系必然的策略選擇。複合體系行為主體是運用石油公司、國家政策及區域組織外交三個層次相結合，發展區域經濟論壇、軍售與外交支持等全般作為以鞏固對產油國安全利益依存關係，即使面臨體系內美國與日本競爭石油資源，但是中國提供其他合作選項，使產油國得以增加出口選擇，因此牽制力量的存在反而有助於強化體系運作，預期與美國爭奪地緣關鍵國家合作關係將是今後中國開展石油外交的重點。 / China’s oil diplomacy security complex is divided into three aspects： Sea lines of communication, Eurasia energy bridge, and Global cooperation. Middle East and Africa are now the main areas for China’s imported petroleum, and their production are transported through Indian Ocean to the southeast China coast. China’s strategies to build oil diplomacy security complex on account of diversification of importing sources are to protect Sea lines of communication by promoting Sino-ASEAN relations, to construct energy bridge from Russia and Central Asia in order to poise the marine and continental route of imported petroleum, as well as to develop business and energy cooperation with Middle East, Africa and Latin America .There are three characteristics of the security complex: first , members that compose oil companies, countries and regional organizations ; second , interdependence that China fosters with oil-exported countries in regional economic forum , arm sales and diplomatic support , and the existence of opponents such as the United States and Japan that strengthens the security complex by relieving China’s alternative value. In conclusion, China provides other alternatives for oil-exporting countries and strengthen the regional security complex; thus to obtain cooperation opportunities with key countries in the Geopolitical field from the U.S. would be the priority in China’s oil diplomacy policy.

本研究針對紀登斯（Anthony Giddens），探討其對於現代社會的結構特性、作為能動者的人類主體之構成，以及建構合乎現代人性需求政治制度的思想，並推演其在教育上可以有的發展。研究發現：一、紀登斯將主體重建為兼具身體與人格、意識與無意識、論述與實踐、自我與共在、源流與變化、例行性與創造性的能動者；二、意識可分為三個層級但其與行動層級並非一一對應關係；三、本體安全感除透過擱置之外，仍須透過生活政治學反思性地處理本體安全感的需求；四、結構概念具有多項特性，並與人類的能動性呈現雙重性及二元性兩種關係；五、系統與結構的區分應從組合式及聚合式之間的差異來瞭解。六、高度現代性社會有不同於以往的制度、動力、後果與特性。七、生活在高度現代性之下人們有更多自我決定的空間與必要性。八、針對高度現代性的各種特性，政治治理必須有不同以往的思考，並秉持烏托邦現實主義、世界主義，調和懷疑與獻身，使每個人都能對社會有所貢獻。依據上述發現，筆者在教育方面針對個人、結構、現代性、政治治理，與社會學研究方面進行衍釋，作為教育方面的啟示。 / This dissertation study Anthony Giddens’s thoughts about Structuration theory, modernity and politics, and try to find the implications in education. The author find that Giddens reconstructed subjects as agents by 6 pairs of concepts, pointed out 8 relative characters about structure, and contrasted structure with system as paradigmatic with syntagmatic. The author also find that Giddens’ stratification model of personality did not simply correspond to his stratification model of action. And the existential questions which are bracketed by the ontological security should be answered by life politics. Radical Modernity is different from tradition in institutions, dynamics, consequences and properties. People living in this era have more space and necessities to make decisions for themselves. To avoid the possible risks, people should hold the utopian realism, cosmopolitanism, balance the doubts and commitments. Implications in education are addressed on these findings.

中國新上市公司（Initial Public Offerings，以下簡稱IPO）上市後經營績效大幅衰退之現象時有所聞，IPO績效變化不僅影響投資者的利益，也攸關轉型經濟過程中，中國證券市場能否有效引導社會資源的配置。本研究調查2001年至2005年間，在中國深圳以及上海交易所A股市場IPO公司經營績效變化以及可能原因，延伸討論保薦制度及政治關聯對前述現象的影響。首先測試樣本公司上市前後經營績效之差異，並調整同業平均數。實證結果指出，上市後兩年ROA及ROE(無論是否調整產業因素)皆不如上市前兩年，杜邦分析發現獲利能力衰退是造成財務績效衰退的主因。 保薦制度於2004年2月1日正式施行，藉由提升保薦人及保薦機構的執業水準，以建立市場約束機制。本研究依保薦制度實施及政治關聯分別分組，採用分群組T檢定與Wilcoxon做差異分析。實證結果顯示保薦制度下IPO公司上市前的各項財務績效較佳，顯示其能篩選體質較好公司上市；而上市後績效衰退的情形也較為趨緩，中介機構制衡機制有所發揮。政治關聯度低的低國有股公司在上市前的各項財務績效指標較高國有股公司好，推論政治關聯可能影響上市機會，使其上市前需極大化自身績效；相對而言，上市後較難維持績效。 進一步分析績效衰退原因，本研究比較各期間IPO公司各項應計數變化。實證結果顯示。整體而言上市後總應計、流動應計數、營業相關應計數以IPO當年呈倒V型，有上市後反轉的現象，並與經營活動現金流量變動呈反向變動，推論與盈餘操縱有關；保薦制度的在應計數反轉現象沒有顯著抑止效果，而政治關聯度低的IPO公司亦沒有顯著操縱應計數的現象以極大化上市前經營績效。最後，代理問題探討中結果顯示，董監持股變動以及大股東持股變動與績效衰退顯著相關，符合利益一致假說。 / The article investigates whether there is a significant change in financial performance of firms after they went to public for the period between 2001 and 2005 in China A –share market. First, we use ROA and ROE as main performance index. The results indicate a significant decline in ROA and ROE. Following Du Pont framework, return on sales is the most important reason about the decline. Second, we find under new Sponsor’s System, IPO firms had better perfomanace before they went public and they suffered less declined after IPO. We also find the low political connection firms maximize financial performance before they went public to win the IPO opportunity, and they hardly maintain operating performance. At last, we examine the reason for financial performance decline. We compared the change between accruals and operating cashflow the period of IPO for inspecting wether earnings management existed. The empirical results indicate IPO firms maximize accruls when IPO.This study also indicates a significant correlation between post-IPO performance and agency problem.

Tmair認為：當文化的公共性可以被忽略時，或是強調文化生活實踐上的個人性之後，民族文化就能夠成為權利的某一種內容而與其他權利一樣被保障。在這個意義下，民族主義與自由主義是可以相容的，這也被她稱為「自由的民族主義」。而本文提出另一種自由主義與民族主義的關係——互補關係。從研究「權利」開始，並發現它的基礎是共同體。在建立共同體的過程中，顯然並沒有一種自由主義的方式可以完全地避免暴力。也就是說，建立共同體的過程就是建立成員之間共性的過程，也是統一化的過程，在此一過程中，衝突勢所難免。若是如此，民族主義與自由主義就存在一種互補關係，若權利理論必須共同體確立為前提，那麼，「自由」就必須以「民族」為前提。也就是，民族主義處理「建立政治共同體」的部分，而自由主義則在共同體建立之後才能發會作用。在國家理論裡，民族主義要處理政治共同體的共性，而自由主義的重點在處理市民社會裡，個人的特殊性應該如何安排。兩種理論各有千秋，同時也呈現一種「互補關係」。

本研究係透過聯合國氣候綱要公約在臺灣的實踐為個案研究來就環境政策形成過程為政治經濟分析。首先，先就環境問題的原因與特徵及國際環境意識形成的政治經濟因素為介紹。為了個案研究，也檢視了國際環境法在全球暖化議題的發展來了解國際的發展方向，再就臺灣的國內環境政策與國際環境政策為了解以提供本研究的背景資料。透過深度訪談來就組織、法令及政策來探討聯合國氣候綱要公約在臺灣的實踐。本研究發現，組織的設計仍有部分限制，相關法令尚未全面的檢視，政策則缺乏一上位的指導綱領。由於政治及經濟因素均對環境政策的發展扮演著重要的角色，臺灣未來有關全球暖化政策的發展取決於執政黨的決心與執行力。 / This study explores the political economy behind the environmental policy making process through a case study of Taiwan’s practice of the UNFCCC. First, this study analyzes the reasons and characteristics of environmental problems, as well as the political economy of the formation of international environment awareness. For the case study, the development of international environment law toward global warming is reviewed to clarify international trends in dealing with this problem. Next, the author analyzes two aspects of Taiwan’s environmental policy: domestic environmental policy and international environmental policy in the past fifty years to give background information of Taiwan’s global warming policy. Then, through in-depth interviews, an examination of organization, legislation, and policy aspects of the UNFCCC practice in Taiwan is conducted to understand how the policy implements. The conclusions are as followed: (1) Institution settings for Taiwan’s global warming policies still have some limitations and need to be reviewed. (2) Although some GHG reduction regulations have already been sent to the Legislative Yuan to be reviewed, the government has yet to carry out overwhelming legal evaluation in all aspects to address the climate change issues. (3) Policy lacks superior guidelines laying out the direction for whole country to follow and implement. After all, political and economic factors both play influential roles in the development of environmental policy. Taiwan’s future action regarding global warming still depends on the determination and executive ability of the new ruling party.