中文摘要 本文主要的研究目的是要檢視泰國學生運動在1973∼1992年間泰國政治發展過程中所扮演的角色。相較於其它多數相關研究，本文不僅僅只是追溯時間序列上所呈現的事件，更要探究其後所代表的意涵與價值。同時，透過瞭解學生運動的興起、發展與轉型過程，來評估其對泰國民主化及市民社會力量增強所帶來的貢獻。 1973∼1992年的二十年間，泰國一共經歷了三次重要的民主轉型階段，同時也發生了三次大規模全國性群眾運動，分別是1973年的10月學運、1976年的第二次學運以及1992年的黑色5月事件。1973年的事件是起因於他儂(Thanom Kittikachon)政權施行威權統治，進而引發大規模政治抗議的結果，而此次由學生所領導的事件，可說是泰國大規模社會運動的濫觴；1976年的二次學運是針對軍方態度的跋扈及對群眾請求漠視的反動；1992年的5月運動則是要要求執政當局制定具有民主本質的憲法，同時也欲推翻未經民選過程卻出任首相的蘇欽達(Suchinda Kraprayoon)。 本文立基於這三個轉型階段與三個歷史轉折點，來探討以下議題：在什麼樣的政治機會下，導致了學運的興起、發展與轉型？其後的歷史背景與相關意涵為何？是什麼原因讓學生變成行動主義者，並且號召其它群眾參與政治？文化及思想意識如何影響學運的發展與轉型？學生運動如何影響泰國的政治發展？ 本研究主要是利用政治發展理論（political development theory）來分析泰國學生運動與政治發展間的關聯性，進而探究其在泰國政治轉型中所扮演的角色為何。同時並觀察外在政治環境的變化，特別是軍方政權的態度與行為模式、學生動員群眾的方式，尤其是與其它組織的結盟策略以及運動帶給一般群眾的認知與文化思想信念等變數，來分析學生運動成功或失敗的原因。 透過運用政治發展理論對上述三個歷史轉型階段的分析，本文發現（1）、泰國學生運動扮演了社會力量代言人(agent)的角色，透過學生運動的努力，喚醒了弱勢階層長久以來遭受壓抑的政治意識，並影響中產階級對民主的觀念，最後造成了軍人脫離政治及民主化的落實。(2)、由學生運動所引發的「由下而上」(bottom-up)改革力量以及群眾運動，將是觀察泰國政治發展的重要指標，這種來自民間的政治參與，會是未來影響政府決策及督促政治發展的最重要力量。(3)、泰國學生運動的發展脈絡印證了政治發展理論中由變遷—進步的結果。透過激烈的革命手段來達成演化的目的，最終促成了國家政治體系的進步。 最後，本研究認為，在學生運動帶動下的市民社會抗爭獲得成功之後，其信心與力量都更為鞏固，同時人民已認知到集體力量的重要性，日後統治階層若想再藉由武力的方式來鎮壓民眾的聲音，恐將難以成功，而泰國的政治應該會更加朝向民主鞏固的路途邁進。 / Abstract This thesis examines the role of the Thai student movements in the political development process that took place in Thailand between 1973 and 1992. Most studies of the student movements in Thailand take the presence of a movement as something that can be traced simply through sequential events. Things occur and results materialize. This research has a different purpose: first, to explore not only what happened, but also how it happened. Second, to examine its emergence, development and transformation. Finally, to evaluate the contribution it has made to the expansion of civil society and democratization. Here this research attempts to answer such questions as: what internal conditions facilitated the emergence and development of the movements and how? What was the historical context in which the movement emerged and how was the emergence related to this context? How and why were students able to become activists, and then recruit others so as to sustain a voluntary social formation? And how did the elements of culture and ideology affect the development and transformation? The main subjects of this research are three pro-democracy demonstrations: the student movement of 1973, the bloody October of 1976, and the May uprising of 1992. The analysis of the Thai student movements is guided by political development theory to better understand the relationship between student movement and political development. Through this study, three conclusions have been drawn: (1) Thai student movement played the role as the agent of social force. Through its efforts, the political awareness of the civil society has thus been waken up, leading to the break down of the military. (2) Student movement brought about the “the bottom-up” reform forceand created the political space for mass participation. This kind of “bottom-up” reform force will be playing the leading role affecting government’s attitude and policies. (3) The Thai student movement verifies the hypothesis of the political development theory. Through drastic mass movements, it leads to a real progress of the political system. A comparison of the three cases shows that the development and expansion of civil society led by student movements, and the success of mass struggle make people understand the importance of collective action. It would be a quite difficult thing for the ruling class using violent means to stifle people’s demands in the future, and Thailand will be getting closer to the goal of the consolidation of democracy.

無 / The concept of “soft power” was popularized by Joseph Nye’s works in the 1990s. It is then often referred to the ability of a political body, such as a state, to indirectly influence the behavior or interests of other political bodies through cultural or ideological means. This paper seeks to apply this idea to the study of cross-Strait relations to see whether Taiwan might exert soft power against China. As we know, it is not just Taiwanese that are highly concerned with the 2008 election of Taiwan. We take this election and especially President Ma as an example to see whether Ma can help facilitate the image of Taiwan and democracy among Chinese. After interviews on several dozen Chinese college students, we found that Ma’s image, as the soft power, does make the difference. And if Taiwan can make best use of its soft power, we may not need so much military buildup to defend Taiwan.

從七０年代到現在，學生軍訓總是在許多教育問題中成為備受爭論的議題，它給予部分人士黨國不分、意識形態包袱的主觀成見，即使在台灣已邁向民主鞏固的此刻，仍未能還其文武合一的真實面貌！ 國家安全的重要性、急迫性，特別在台灣地區完成政黨輪替的民主化進程中，格外顯著。國防通識教育（國防教育）在協助青少年認清局勢，瞭解軍事武備的國防共識上有正面積極的作用。民主化的可貴讓我們得以重新檢視文武關係的發展趨勢，以因應未來可能的武力威脅。 本文以東西方文武關係理論－－文武合一為架構,闡明學生軍訓的演變歷程，並探究其所遭遇的挑戰，包括意識形態、法令不明確以及中共強化學生軍訓等因素。作者嘗試將蛻變後的學生軍訓定位為「國家安全與學生校園安全」經世致用科學（廣義的軍事社會學），也提出一些革新、精進的建言，讓國家安全的重要課題真正落實在普及化的國防通識教育之中。 / Since 1970, military education for students has been a controversial issue among education problems. It gives an objective point of view in ideology so that the reality that it’s the combination of civil and military can’t be revealed, even at this moment when Taiwan is right on the way to the consolidated democracy. National security are most important and urgent, especially during the process of the take-over of political parties here in Taiwan. Therefore, education of national defense plays an active and positive role in helping teenagers make out the situation and understand armaments and military provisions. In addition, the value of democratization enables us to re-examine the trend in the development of Civil-Military relations so that we are able to deal with the possible menace by force. This thesis is based on the worldwide theory of Civil-Military relations – the combination of civil and military, clarifying the processes of changes in military education for students and exploring the elements in challenges it encounters, including ideology, vague regulations and the strengthening of military education for students by Mainland China. Also, it is the first article that names military education for students as military sociology for national and campus security, after its transformation. What’s more, it offers advice and suggestions for reform and progress, making it possible for national security to be really carried out in universal education of national defense.

本論文共分成五章。第一章「緒論」，旨在說明公平而競爭的選舉，對於民主國家的重要性，其對於一個開放社會而言，任何僵化的意識型態皆是極權統治的象徵，是不切實際的烏托邦，本章藉學者卡爾、巴柏之筆，首先點出一個多元化民主化的社會，才是我們所要追求的。 　　第二章「理論與實際」則企圖利用立法程序的過程面和民主化理論的動態面為經緯，鋪陳我國選舉政策之變遷情形，為力求明確清晰，政策之本體係以選罷法諸條文之規定為代表，立法程序之變遷係反應以國會結構之調整，而時空環境之變化則以民主化理論中的不斷舉行之選舉為最佳的個案。 　　第三章「我國選舉政策合法化過程分析」，則詳細說明歷次選罷法之修正情形，主要分成在行政機關的部分和立法機關的階段，環環相扣，但兩機關對於政策之主導權限則互有消長之情形，而黨政關係自解嚴與開放黨禁之後，其對於公共政策之影響，也產生了相當程度之變化。 　　第四章「我國選舉政策重要內容分析」，其內容在於說明我國選舉政策之諸多規範要項，為求分析之便，部分選罷法條文之說明係採用各國制度比較之方式，或特別註引其是某一次重要修正時之產物，或是因為曾經產生重大爭議事件，以突顯政策內容之特殊性。 　　第五章「結論」。依研究之發現，可以論證我國選舉活動舉行之頻繁和我國政治發展之過程有相當密切之關係，而選舉政策之變遷，亦與時推移的對我國之民主發展產生不同程度之影響。

二十世紀末，第三波民主化浪潮席捲全世界，在1974至1990年間全世界約莫有三十個國家由非民主政治體制轉型到民主政治體制。此波民主化浪潮始於南歐國家。次一波則發生於拉丁美洲國家與中美洲國家。再者為東歐國家。最近一波則發生於非洲與前蘇聯國家。最後，亞洲地區亦於1970年代迄今，開展民主轉型進程。於此其中，俄羅斯與台灣皆為第三波民主化浪潮中，自威權政體轉型至民主國家。 戈爾巴秋夫出任蘇聯共產黨中央委員會總書記後，在1985年4月蘇共中央全會上毅然提出了「改造」(Perestroika)的新戰略及其基本原則。起初，戈爾巴秋夫改造之主要目的在克服蘇聯經濟停滯不前的現象，稍後，戈爾巴秋夫發覺，僅在經濟領域內進行改造，很難收到預期效果。因而，戈爾巴秋夫決定同時進行政治改革，此舉開啟俄羅斯進行民主轉型之先河。 在台灣，1986年時，執政的國民黨，面臨國外民主化浪潮與國內黨外運動要求更多政治權力的雙重壓力下，始對國家的政治體制進行改造。時至李登輝主政，順然延續此波政治自由化之態勢，並進而開啟台灣民主化進程。 本文選擇俄羅斯與台灣兩國作為比較與研究之目的，著眼於俄羅斯與台灣的歷史發展軌跡中，從執政黨創立、政黨型態、國家肇建、國家機器之運作以及最終邁向民主化的種種背景、情境與模式皆具備著相當程度上相似，進而，試圖探討民主轉型在俄羅斯與台灣開展之動因、民主化途徑模式、及主政者之策略運用，並分析在戈爾巴秋夫與李登輝主政下，俄羅斯與台灣寧靜革命之肇發。 關鍵詞：第三波民主化、寧靜革命、俄羅斯、台灣、李登輝、戈爾巴秋夫

本論文從系統分化的社會演化觀點嘗試提出對現代民主之內涵與民主化開展之可能性的另種論述。本文中所提及的「民主」與民主化不一定跳脫西方世界對相關概念的想像與定義，但在嘗試將「民主」視為政治系統用以描述自身之方式的這個主張而言，無論是西方式民主或者是其他種類的民主均能夠含括於其中。此外，民主化的開展僅被視為政治系統朝向「民主」的一種系統分化的社會演化過程。西方國家對民主的界定則是在此分化的演化發展中，透過宗教與政治、宗教與法律，以及政治與法律等系統彼此之間、以及從社會中分化出來而取得之形式「之一」。這是一個對系統而言不斷增加複雜性的過程，也正是在此過程中，對於民主或民主化之內容的界定變得越來越不容易。在本論文對西方與台灣民主化過程的探究中，嘗試指出的是一個類似的功能分化的社會演化與系統內部分化的相互辯證過程。這個辯證過程使現代「民主」概念得以作為一個「未預期之後果」而出現。 宗教對信仰自由的維護與對人權的爭取毋寧是來自於自身的信仰元素。換句話說，與之有關的論述是以一種自我指涉的運作方式而獲得實現。此種不斷回到自身之信仰以尋求論述之正當性的作法在操作上賦予了這些論述正當性，這便是系統的自我指涉運作。就此而言，系統毋寧是封閉的，其在自身之中不斷地自我生產有關信仰自由與人權的論述。然而，也正是因為其運作上的封閉，使得宗教（長老教會）所生產出來的論述與接續之行動均能夠在內部獲得支持，從而對自身而言具有正當性。這個正當性也成為其能夠進行觀察與自我描述的基礎。從系統論的觀點而言，長老教會在政治與社會關懷的論述與行動上，便是以封閉為基礎的開放性自我指涉運作。若非以此自我指涉的封閉且開放之運作為其系統形成的特性，那麼論述與行動的正當性便易於受到質疑，甚至無法獲得系統內部的支持。據此，現代社會以功能為主要分化形式的系統形成，至少在時間面向上均必須取得自我指涉或自主性運作上的正當性。這個正當性決定於系統在多大程度上能夠持續地維持與其環境的界線。長老教會對人權與信仰自由的主張與論述的建構，或許是與政治系統對相同論題的溝通存在著無法跨越的差異。這個差異同時也標示的是宗教與政治系統之間的那個界線，而這個差異的維持在系統分化的社會演化過程中，使得「民主（化）」作為政治系統乃至於社會描述自身的語意是可能的。 / This thesis draws on Niklas Luhmann’s theory of social systems, and examines the relationship between religion and democratization in Taiwan. In order to advance the analysis and to make some helpful suggestions, two points are firstly highlighted. One is the concept of democracy itself, and the other is the descriptions of it by the political system and by other social systems within society. The word ‘democracy’ has long history since ancient Greek city-state, however, its modern use and the meaning of it can possibly date back to the Middle ages, especially to the sixteenth century. Modern concept of democracy relates to the tradition of monotheism, in this case referring to the Reformation and later to the formation of Western political philosophy. The second point argues that ‘democracy’ is simply a self-description of society, and its realization lies in the transformation of the form of differentiation from hierarchical to functional. Luhmann would like to link the semantics to social evolution, by which he can investigate and explore the dialectical process between semantics and structures. The analysis of the relationship between democracy and democratization refers to this dialectical process, concerning systems differentiation and social evolution. Issues relating to democratization, the consolidation of democracies, and their discontented consequences, etc. need to be reconsidered in the sense that the concept of democracy and its modern descriptions utilize a ‘paradox’ which must be hidden while forming and maintaining identities, whether they be societies, nations, or individuals. This constitutes both positive and negative sides of the development of democracy, and also leads to crises gradually confronted by those ‘matured’ democratic Western countries and also by some third-wave democratizing regions. Among them exists a similar problem which will be discussed in this thesis: the concept of democracy and its modern developments are increasingly eroding its own foundation when the differentiation of subsystems and the evolution of society both go too far. This by no means indicates that there will not be any democracy in the near future. Instead, as an observer observing observations, this thesis inquires our present situations while at the same time attempting at offering some possible and also suitable questions from systems theory perspective.

中國環境保護主義記者在近期的反怒江大壩運動中，整合水電移民的草根抗爭以及黨政媒體的力量，成功引發龐大輿論以影響中國中央決策，乃至展現中國社會與國家的關係逐漸轉變，尤其媒體在受到中央控管之下，還得以發揮民間社會的強大力量，證明中國綠色媒體在中國邁向民主化的過程中扮演不可或缺的角色。 / Media in China are generally categorized as the extensions of propaganda machine for the central government, because despite media commercialization, China maintains heavy-handed censorship at the whim of political will. However, there are still instances in which journalists are active participants of social movements in China. One recent case in particular is the “Battle to Protect the Nu River,” in which China’s environmental NGOs, scholars, and media formed joint coalition to fight off the Nu River Project, and stop efforts to build hydropower plants on Nujiang. This paper uses John Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Model to map out the ways in which the Policy Entrepreneurs – environmental journalists – capitalized on tools of the press to influence public opinion and decision-makers in the government, systematically brought the anti-NRP campaign up to the policy agenda, and eventually swayed the outcome of the national policy. Since the beginning of the proposal to build a cascade of 13 dams on the World Heritage site of Nujiang in 2003, Chinese premier Wen Jiabao personally intervened, and twice ordered suspension of the project. Therefore, while the final outcome of the anti-NRP campaign is still pending, at least China’s environmental journalists have successfully prolonged the unusual nine-year hiatus on a project that was slated for three consecutive Five-Year Plans.

1989年中東歐政局發生重大變化，波蘭、匈牙利與捷克斯洛伐克共黨在社會團體與民運人士大規模抗議下交出政權，結束此區域長久以來的共黨統治。1991年斯洛維尼亞正式脫離南斯拉夫，波海三國亦獲獨立，中東歐新興國家開始民主轉型。本文首先探討促成1989年中東歐民主革命的外部因素，如較和緩的國際情勢、蘇共自由化政策、美國及國際組織援助等，接著以捷克為個案，分析外部因素對絲絨革命及民主化之作用。 赫爾辛基最後議定書等關於民主與人權的文件，鼓舞了七七憲章之草擬；波蘭與匈牙利的政局變化，對捷克斯洛伐克產生示範作用，異議人士、環保團體或宗教力量跨國串連，輔以西方媒體作用，是絲絨革命動員的契機。與1968年受華約軍隊鎮壓的布拉格之春相比，絲絨革命得以成功，蘇共總書記Mikhail Gorbachev (Михаил Горбачёв)放棄干涉中東歐國家內政是重要關鍵，強硬的捷共政府因而失去壓制國內民主訴求的正當性。 此後捷克「回歸歐洲」外交走向，使歐安組織、歐洲理事會與美國運用民主、人權規範及各項援助，深化其轉型程度。北約和歐盟以會籍作為條件設定，直接或間接散播民主規範，並透過捷克當地政治菁英及政黨，歐盟外部治理成功使人民對歐洲化及歐盟產生認同。2003年入盟公投通過後，歐盟外部治理有了民意基礎，影響力更為強化，主導捷克民主發展。 / In 1989 the unexpected enormous democratic revolutions in Central and Eastern European countries led to the crash of the communist governments in Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Two years later, officially departing from Yugoslavia, Slovenia started its own democratic transition, and the Baltic states also attained independence from the Soviet Union. First of all, we would like to discuss the external factors triggering the democratic revolutions in this area in 1989, such as the less tense international circumstances, the liberal reforms of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the assistance from the US and the relative international organizations. Then the discussion goes further to the case of the Czech Republic to make it clear how external factors affected the Velvet Revolution and how democratic values were promoted in the Czech Republic. The Helsinki Final Act, announced for democracy and the human rights in 1975, inspired the publication of Charter 77. The political change in Poland and Hungary turned into demonstration effect on Czech politics. Besides, the transnational connection of dissidents or the religion groups, and the western media both facilitated the mobilization for a democratic regime. Compared to the Prague Spring of 1968, crushed by the invading Soviet troops, the success of the Velvet Revolution was largely contributed by Mikhail Gorbachev’s decision not to interfere in the internal affairs in this area. Thus, the Czech communist government lost its legitimacy to suppress democratic campaigns. With the slogan “Return to Europe,” Czech Republic had made it possible for international activists including OSCE, COE and the US to impose their influences on Czech’s transition to democracy. In the accession process to the EU/ NATO, western activists spread democracy norms into the Czech Republic directly or indirectly by conditionality. Through local political elites and political parties, the EU successfully built Czech people’s identity toward EU by its external governance. Meanwhile, the positive result of Czech’s EU entry referendum in 2003 even strengthened EU’s influence as a leading external role in Czech’s democratization after the Velvet Revolution.

隨著一九八○年代「第三波」民主化浪潮的來臨，學者們對於第三世界國家的關注焦點乃不再僅限於經濟層面，同時也開始重視其政治發展過程以及與經濟活動間的互動關係。特別是針對東亞與拉丁美洲這兩個發展中的區域；由於它們各自有一些重要國家繼引人注目的經濟表現後，接著在政治民主化方面也有著大幅突破，因此逐漸成為學界的研究重心之一。在此，我們便企圖以台灣與墨西哥這兩個區域性的代表國家為例，來進行深入的比較研究。 儘管上述兩個國家各自擁有著不同的歷史文化背景與社會組織結構，地緣環境方面也相距極遠，但它們在從傳統社會邁向現代民主國家的過程中，不論是政黨體系、政治運作規範、國家發展途徑、經濟成長表現、民主化變遷歷程，以及最近的整體轉型特徵方面，都有甚多可供統合歸類的相似之處；這些共通點同時也構成我們進行比較研究的根本基礎。 在本篇論文中，我們希望藉由對民主概念的整理，利用「國際政治經濟學」的觀察視野，並透過「現代化理論」與「新制度主義」研究途徑間的互相補充，針對台灣與墨西哥這兩個國家的長遠歷史進行綜合與深入的剖析；一方面設法獲致其政治發展的真實面貌，同時也期盼對區域研究以及民主化理論做出一定的貢獻。 / In the 1980s, after the coming of a strong current of democratization called "the Third Wave", scholars who study about the Third World began to transfer their main focus from the economic level to the process of political development and the interactions of economic liberalization and political democratization. Especially to some counties in Eastern Asia and Latin America ( such as Taiwan and Mexico ), their achievements of reform have become more and more eye-catching. In spite of the different backgrounds of historical development, social structure and geographical position, Taiwan and Mexico have owned many points of similarity, for example, the party system, political norms, developing approach, process of democratization, and so on. Except for providing the analogy between above two countries, such similarities also constitute the foundation of my comparative studies. In this dissertation, I tried to view the matter of democratization with the approach of international political economy and neo-institutionalism. On one side, I will analyze the long history of Taiwan and Mexico deeply; and on the other hand, I hope simultaneously to make a contribution to the area study and democratization theory.

自一九七○年代中期南歐、拉丁美洲與蘇聯暨東歐各國相繼爆發民主浪潮以來，「公民社會」(Civil Society)即成為政治與社會學界探討的焦點。「公民社會」有賴於對個人結社言論自由、公共參與自由和政治參與自由的保障，因此其具有國家及社會走向自由化的意函。由於自由化往往先於民主化，在研究極權與威權國家民主轉型的過程中，「公民社會」便正好可作為研究一國走向民主化的起點。在世界各國民主轉型的例子中，蘇聯的民主轉型過程顯得與眾不同，這一方面是因為蘇聯本身是多民族帝國，境內民族問題嚴重，另一方面是因為蘇聯作為全球第一個、也是實施最久的社會主義國家，其擁抱的極權主義體制對國家與社會之間的關係產生深刻的影響。 本論文主要是採用新制度主義(new institutionalism)的研究途徑，來探討蘇聯末期公民社會萌芽的來龍去脈。在解釋蘇聯公民社會的特殊發展經驗中，一反過去較常被使用的現代化理論或菁英途徑，而是側重於新制度主義下的非正式規則（或制度）因素，譬如歷史、文化與傳統等。第一章專門介紹「公民社會」概念的歷史演進過程與各種意涵；第二章敘述俄羅斯歷史上三種可能有利於或不利於「公民社會」特殊傳統，包括集體主義、保守主義與專制主義；第三章探討蘇聯在戈巴契夫領導下所進行的「公民社會」制度創新；第四章續探討公民社會在蘇聯的實踐情況；第五章則對蘇聯末期萌芽的公民社會進行反省、檢討與比較，說明其特色；第六章為結論。 本論文得出的結論是，蘇聯雖然在一九八五年戈巴契夫上台前已有「公民社會」萌芽的「要素」，但當時的社會還不是真正的「公民社會」。真正的公民社會要等到戈巴契夫上台推行一連串改革開放的措施後，才算真正萌芽扎根。不過，不論是和同一時期西方抑或東歐的公民社會比較，蘇聯末期萌芽的公民社會都顯得相當薄弱與不穩，這主要是由於蘇聯暨俄羅斯長久以來的傳統文化不利於公民社會的發展。此外，民族主義浪潮也衝擊到公民社會的發展，凸顯民族主義與公民社會之間的深刻矛盾，這一點也說明了蘇聯公民社會所獨有的困境。 / Since South Europe, Latin America and the Soviet bloc began the democratization in 1970s, civil society has become the focus of the politics and sociology of academic circle. Civil society depends on the assurance of the association freedom, speech freedom, public participation freedom and political participation freedom, implying that the state and society are being or have been liberalized. Because liberalization always goes ahead of democratization, civil society happens to be used as a starting point of research of post-Communist transition. The USSR’s case seems so different with others, not only it as a multi-nation empire, but also it as the first and long-enduring socialist country in the world. The thesis adopts the approach of new institutionalism to discuss the process of an emerging civil society in late USSR. Instead of the modernization theory or elite approach that are often used, the new institutionalism, especially in informal institution, seems to be the most persuasive in explaining the USSR’s case. The first chapter introduces the historical evolution and various meanings of civil society’s idea. The second specifies three historical traditions in Russia that may help or damage the development of civil society, including collectivism, conservatism and absolutism. The third talk about the institutional innovation of civil society by Mikhail Gorbachev. The fourth pays attention to the real situation in USSR’s civil society. The fifth reconsider, review and compare the USSR’s civil society with the East European and the west ones. The sixth is my conclusion. My conclusion is that although the USSR has had the “elements” of an emerging civil society before Gorbachev appeared on the stage in 1985, the society has not been a “real” civil society yet. A real civil society has not taken root until Gorbachev put a series of reforms into practice. Nonetheless, being compared either with the west or the East European ones, the USSR’s civil society seems very fragile and unstable, because the Russian particular tradition and culture prohibit the civil society from development and consolidation. In addition, the nationalist wave put impact on the development of civil society, highlighting the deep contradiction between nationalism and civil society. This point also underlines the dilemma of the USSR’s civil society.