傳統上農民靠天吃飯的特性造就其所得收入的不穩定進而威脅其生存，因此政府在農民福利上加以著墨，希望藉由品種改良、福利金的發放、直接的現金補助與間接的行銷、運輸等補助提升農民生活水準，然而在對農企業的資源投入上則相形較少，因其追求利潤極大化的本質與政府增進農民所得及福利、提高農民生活水準之農民政策目標相背離，因此政府在農企業輔助上多持有保留態度，也因如此造成台灣農企業無法國際化營運、規模亦無法擴大的原因之一；除此之外，政府脫離市場機制，無限制補助的結果更造成其本身財政上的吃緊。農業是由農民、政府與農企業三方面所共同構成的，因此在政策的制定上亦應全盤考量三方的利益衡平，本論文嘗試從根本面來探討三方的利益關係，利用企業社會責任的施行與社會企業的成立，來連結與整合三方利害衡平。舉釀酒葡萄產業為例，點出產業發展與農民福利政策的矛盾，經對比法國釀酒葡萄產業，說明企業社會責任與社會企業對台灣該產業的重要性，再透過美日大廠其施行企業社會責任與社會企業建立的個案分析，了解國外施行方式與達成結果，結果顯示企業社會責任的施行與社會企業的建立確實能達到照顧農民同時發展產業的目標，且因維持市場機制自由運行的結果，政府亦能做最有效率的資源分配，並將外大廠的施行方式嘗試應用於台灣釀酒葡萄產業，針對菸酒公司如何在照顧農民的同時達到企業發展部份提出建言，同時對政府與整個產業提出改善方法，證明企業社會責任與社會企業無非是一項解決農業產業化與農民福利衡平之有效工具與方向。最後提出政府照顧農民的目的與終旨的反思，農民的定義為何？農民真的是弱勢嗎？怎樣的農民才能納入政府輔導的範圍中。在農民、企業、大眾或其他利害團體的眼中政府作到怎樣的程度算照顧？是否過多還是不足，政府該如何衡平照顧農民的公益性角色與發展農企業的商業性角色。農民不是皆是弱勢，政府可透過支持企業社會責任與社會企業的發展，將農民由弱勢變強勢，透過產業化的發揮提升產業附加價值，使農民能小兵立大功，轉變社會對農業的認知。 / Sustainable development is a crucial factor when concerning industry development. When all the interests between all interested parties have been met can start to be considered sustainable development. The thesis started with imbalanced status among the government, vine growers and the winery, agribusiness, of wine industry in Taiwan. Wine growers in Taiwan were considered to be the disadvantaged; lots of subsidies came into the group accordingly. The government even asked agribusiness, typically TTL, gave a lot of allowance and promises to those people ”in need” regardless of the ability of the business can deal with those unneeded vine in market. The imbalance exists and the gap increases; the industry totally goes beyond the rule. As a result, the status has to be changed. The thesis suggests CSR and SE idea can heal the gap. By saying that, the thesis starts to prove why CSR and SE work, especially in Taiwan by comparing with wine industry in France. Based on this foundation, the thesis was then followed by looking at how other big businesses do on CSR and how SE helps to solve social problem as it claimed. With above information, the thesis moved on to its main part, suggestion to TTL and the whole industry. Find a solution to balance all the interested groups and to achieve sustainable development for all sectors in the industry. In conclusion, the thesis raised an urgent to reexamine the purpose of social benefit policy for farmers based on imbalance status. Overall, the thesis was written to raise a question and suggest a solution.

本文試圖以鄂豫皖蘇區的例子來說明，共產黨最初必須藉由與地方菁英的合作來深入地方與動員農民，當地方菁英後來成為了共產黨建立群眾政權的阻礙時，張國燾藉由肅反解決了那些桀驁不馴、尾大不掉的地方菁英。但是，這並不意味著共產黨自此之後能夠建立一個真正的群眾政權，由於大多數的群眾對於共產黨仍是缺乏認識與信仰，因此，共產黨依舊必須透過地方菁英來控制群眾與掠奪地方資源。只不過，與前一階段的地方菁英不同，這一批由張國燾所培育的新的地方菁英（有的仍是由舊的地方菁英轉化而來，有的則是自下層群眾提拔上來），較前一階段的地方菁英更為馴服。這就說明了，事實上，共產黨政權與國民黨政權最大的不同，並不在於前者是群眾政權，而後者不是；相反的，兩者其實都必須藉由地方菁英來進行統治，只不過，共產黨比國民黨更懂得如何去控制地方菁英罷了！整個說來，這是一個從合作到控制的過程。

各章要旨如下： 第一章是緒論：主要在說明研究的動機與目的：探討政令宣導的理論基礎，並依據前 人的文獻研究，提出本文的假設，以為研究的方向。 第二章是研究方法：採用社會調查法設計問卷抽樣選定嘉義縣梅山、義竹、太保、民 雄等鄉鎮三○二位農民訪問，並採卡方檢定、相關係數之簡單統計方法來分析。 第三章是調查結果：依分析資料來說明嘉義地區農民使用傳播媒介的習慣，出席村里 民大會的情形及對村里民大會的評價；接觸村里幹事的情形，及實例訪問結果得知農 民消息最先來源及與個人基本因素的關聯性。 第四章是結論：就本文資料調查結果予以檢討並提出各項建議事項，以供基層單位從 事政令宣導工作人員之參考。

本文以國家行動為研究目標，意欲探究的是中共政治行動對農民抗議產生的影響以及遭遇農民抗議時中共政治行動的回應。其中，主要探討的是中共中央與地方行動上的差異性。兩者行動上的差異在本文中一方面認定為導致農民抗議產生的外部環境因素（即政治機會），一方面據以探究面對農民抗議時中共中央與地方在回應時所採取的政治行動分別為何。 本文以政治機會結構理論及國家與社會互動理論作為研究理論，並在「中央—地方—農民」三分的分析框架下，提出中央與地方的差異作為研究面向。整理農民抗議的定義、特點、方式、類型及成因時，並討論與之相關的農民權益。在探究行動上的差異對農民抗議的影響以及面對農民抗議時中央與地方的各自行動時，本文從稅費問題及土地徵用來看行動差異對農民抗議的影響，而中央政府的回應行動包括國家重建、事件定調、策略防範以及守住底線。基層政權的回應行動則分別就「官方論調」、「力量對比」、「對上訪時幹部行動的參酌」、「秩序共識下的行動劇碼」，以及「角色扮演」等予以解讀。 / State action is regarded as the research target, intending for the influence on peasant protest by PRC’s action and the response to peasant protest by PRC. Focusing on these two topics, action discrepancy in central-local relations is what I’d like to discuss in this research. For one thing, action discrepancy is seen as the outer environmental factor that brings about the begin of peasant protest. For another, based on action discrepancy,while responding to peasant protest, what the central do and what the local do can be explored. Based on the political opportunity structure theory and the state-society interaction theory, and analyzed on the framework of “central-local–peasant” tripartition, this research presents the discrepancy in central-local relations as main dimension. While definitions, characters, measures, types, and reasons concerning peasant protest are organized, peasant rights and interests are also discussed. The influence on peasant protest by action discrepancy and the actions separately by the central and the local when encountering peasant protest are then explored. This research examines the influence through tax-fee problem and land expropriation, and then concludes that the central actions include state-rebuilding, affair-identifying, strategy-guarding, and deadline-defending, and moreover, interprets the local regime’s actions in such ways like “official-like statement”, “power contrast”, “reference to local cadres’action toward peasant appealings to higher levels(shangfang)”, “act performance on the consensus of order”, and “role play”.

近年來全球在生物科技上發展迅速，尤其是其中農業科技部分之基因改造作物的發展，更對於消費者、農民和農業發展造成不小衝擊。且就我國生技產業而言，由於國外生物科技產業之發展已遠遠超過我國現今之發展，為提高產業之競爭力，實有必要選擇具備競爭優勢的項目，將研發、生產、資金能力集中於這些項目上。而在生物科技之眾多領域中，我國在生物科技各產業中最具發展潛力的即為農業生物科技下之基改作物產業，因此就此方面之相關法規建構應加以重視。 基因改造作物之快速發展一方面雖帶給人類社會許多創新的福祉與商機，但也同時引發了許多不同型態的社會議題與科技風險。而在基因改造作物之所有相關爭議問題中，最重要的即集中在「相關智慧財產權之保護」與「安全之管理」兩者上，而這也是本論文主要之重心所在。對於農民來說，影響最深之為基改作物相關技術的智慧財產權化，相關重要案例如本論文第四章第二節中所探討之Monsanto Co. v. McFarling案與Schemeiser v. Monsanto案。對於消費者而言，由本論文第三章可知基因改造作物所帶來之利益與潛藏危機並存，因此在發展基因改造作物，享受其優點之同時，對於基因改造作物之管理則更突顯出其重要性。而對於基因改造作物之管理制度，各國採取不同之立場，尤其是美國與歐盟更可說是採取相對立之立場態度，而經由分析可知其採取不同立場係由於歐盟消費者對於基改作物產品之食用接受度較低、社會大眾著重生態環境保護之程度較高，以及基因改造作物在歐、美之個別不同農業生產環境下所擁有之優勢不同，而因此所帶來之經濟效益有所落差所致。因此透過對於歐、美制度之檢討，本論文在我國制度之制訂上，即針對我國消費者對於基改作物產品之食用接受度、我國社會大眾對於生態環境保護之關心程度，以及基因改造作物在我國農業生產環境下所擁有之優勢等因素加以探討。

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(農学) / 甲第20441号 / 農博第2226号 / 新制||農||1049(附属図書館) / 学位論文||H29||N5062(農学部図書室) / 京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻 / (主査)教授 福井 清一, 教授 伊藤 順一, 准教授 浅見 淳之 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Agricultural Science / Kyoto University / DFAM

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(経済学) / 甲第20864号 / 経博第559号 / 新制||経||283(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院経済学研究科経済学専攻 / (主査)教授 劉 徳強, 教授 久野 秀二, 教授 IALNAZOV Dimiter Savov / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Economics / Kyoto University / DGAM

本文旨在探討當前中國大陸城鎮職工與農民工等具有勞工性質的群體，其退休養老保險制度發展過程的政治經濟分析。所要回答的問題有三：一、中國大陸退休養老保險的歷史進程為何？有何特徵？二、中國大陸農民工與城鎮職工的退休養老保險制度現今運行情況為何？可能的整合方向是？三、中國大陸退休養老保險基金的財務當前運行情況是？有何隱憂？以上三點構成了本文的問題意識。 文中檢視中國大陸自1950年代所出臺的《中華人民共和國勞動保險條例》至今所有關於農民工與城鎮職工養老保險法規的演變，並比較2011年《社會保險法》出臺後，關於農民工與城鎮職工養老保險的實質發展。此外，本文以北京、上海、廣東、河南各省的「退休養老保險金的收支結餘」做為基礎，使用各省的「歷史債務」、「經濟發展水準」、「勞動力流動」等面向分析養老金區域失衡的原因與長期發展的隱憂，以歸納出當前中國大陸城鎮職工與農民工養老保險制度發展的個案省份分析。 本文發現，中國大陸農民工與城鎮職工養老保險的發展有著明顯的「路徑依賴」特徵，自《中華人民共和國勞動保險條例》出臺以降，關於中國大陸的社會保障歷經了單位保障到社會保險，最後則是具備中國特色的「社會統籌與個人帳戶相結合」制度的建立。關於中國大陸退休養老體制的改革過程是中國社會主義傳統下與改革開放後強調經濟發展相互激盪下的結果。 中共以戶籍制度作為區分城鄉勞工的主要手段，在社會福利制度上形成了差異化的現象。本文認為關於農民工的社會保障制度在過去的社會保險體系發展中乏善可陳，與受到政府保障的城鎮職工形成對比的現象。中共當局開始正視農民工的問題是在改革開放後所形成的龐大民工潮問題，隨著時間的推移，政府也必須替「第二代農民工」建設更公平的社會保障制度進而達成「城鎮化」的目標。 中國大陸的社會保障制度發展有著明顯的地域差異，其財政的制度也高度分權，具體反應在社會保障制度的改革上。北京、廣東與上海享受著改革開放以來的經濟成果，在吸引外來勞動人口上有著先天優勢，相對河南的人口外移有著明顯的對比。背後的意涵代表了富裕省份對於後發省份在社會保障資源上的「榨取」，不利於後發省份養老保險的長期發展。本文認為，2011年《社會保險法》出臺後，對於農民工的社會保障確實有所提昇，也使具有「穩定就業」身分的農民工納入到了城鎮職工養老保險體制內，不過仍然需要觀察其後具體的發展態勢。中國大陸之後的退休養老制度發展，本文認為應該要向實現「全國統籌」的目標邁進，也可以藉由中央分配養老金，使地區養老金收支不均的現象可以有效紓緩。 / This thesis aims to explore the characteristics of labor groups in China, which include urban workers and migrant workers. It also discusses the political economical analysis in the course of development for retirement pensions. There are three important questions that have to be addressed: First, what is the historical course on the Chinese retirement pension? What are the features? Second, how is the retirement pension run for urban workers and migrant workers today? What is the direction for integration? Third, what is the financial situation in running the pensions? Are there any concerns? Above three questions constitute the main issues that will be discussed in this thesis. It is evident that there are changes to today’s law and regulations of endowment insurance for urban and migrant workers. This thesis will use Beijing, Shanghai, Guangdong, and Henan province for “Balance of Revenues and Expenditure in Endowment Pension Insurance” as a basis. Also use each province’s “Debt records”, “Standard Economic Growth” “Labor Mobility”, etc. to analyze. In this thesis it also indicates the development of the endowment insurance for migrant workers and urban workers appears to be having a “path dependency” feature. China’s social security has gone from a unit security to a social security. The social welfare system creates a phenomenon of discrepancy in the system. This thesis deems that in the past, migrant workers’ social security reform development is not effective compared to the government security the urban workers received. The government must help “Second generation migrant workers” create a fair social security system and reach “urbanization” as a goal. China’s social security growth has a noticeable regional difference; there is also a high separation of powers in the finance system, which reacts on the reform for social security. Beijing, Guangdong, Shanghai enjoy the economic gain after the reform, and attract many foreign labors, gives them dominant advantage. In contrast, Henan, there is big difference in number for migrate workers. Behind this, there is an implication that prosperous provinces create an “extortion” of resources to those less prosperous, meaning there is no care for their endowment insurance growth. Overall this system still has potential for improvement.

本研究以非營利組織策略合作為主題，以策略性思維，嘗試探索較能解釋非營利組織策略合作型式選擇決策之合作內涵特性，且以此發現為基礎，從較具解釋效果之合作內涵特性分析，進一步針對非營利組織策略合作之價值共創與關係管理機制，探索較具策略管理意涵之機制變數，以建構本研究所欲探討之非營利組織策略合作型式選擇模式，以及價值共創與關係管理機制之概念模式，並提出規範性之命題。 　　為此，本研究選擇了具有近百年歷史且經營模式獨特之台灣農會（會員導向之擬公法人商業－互益型非營利組織）作為研究對象，結合非營利組織與營利組織之相關理論及文獻，針對實務現象進行分析。由於所欲探討主題屬特定現象之初期探討，本文採質性多重個案研究設計，針對由三家（含）以上農會所參與組成之聯盟機構蒐集資料，並以聯盟機構或策略合作網絡之主導機構為主體之組織間合作關係為分析單位，進行資料蒐集及探索性研究。 　　首先，歸納文獻與實務現象觀察結果，本研究依非營利組織策略合作「是否共組獨立機構」及「是否採非營利性」兩項選擇決策，將聯盟機構歸納分類成四種策略合作型式：非營利性合營機構、營利性合資機構、非營利性聯盟及營利性聯盟，此項分類方式也作為本研究後續進行個案分析之基礎。 　　由於不同策略合作型式傾向採取不同之組織原理與思考邏輯，本研究認為非營利組織(農會)進行策略合作，若要持續共同創造所欲追求之價值並妥善管理組織間關係，應策略性地選擇較能發揮效能之合作型式，再據以設計其價值共創與關係管理機制。因此，本研究之個案分析分成兩個階段進行，第一階段個案研究主要嘗試從實務個案資料分析歸納較能解釋不同策略合作型式之合作內涵特性變數；第二階段個案研究主要聚焦探討「非營利性聯盟」及「非營利性合營機構」兩種非營利性質之合作型式，並以第一階段有關合作內涵特性變數之發現為基礎，進一步探索兩種合作型式之價值共創與關係管理機制變數。 　　本研究第一階段個案分析歸納發現，如果合作內涵涉及高度業務可切割性及高度關係專用資產投入必要性時，較宜採取共組獨立機構之合作型式；反之，如果合作內涵涉及低度業務可切割性或低度關係專用資產投入必要性時，較宜採取不共組獨立機構之合作型式。另外，如果合作內涵涉及高度投入共同性、低度投入可衡量性、高度產出共同性或低度產出可衡量性時，較宜採取非營利性之合作型式；然而，如果合作內涵涉及低度投入共同性、高度投入可衡量性、低度產出共同性或高度產出可衡量性時，較宜採取營利性之合作型式。 　　至於第二階段有關價值共創機制之個案分析發現，如果合作內涵涉及低度業務可切割性時，非營利性聯盟可以採取幾項價值共創機制：合作夥伴專業分工、合作夥伴選擇、任務小組負責人選派制度、合作夥伴創新能力、外部資源有效分配方式，以及外部專家專業諮詢；相對地，合作內涵涉及高度業務可切割性時，非營利性合營機構可以透過專業團隊經營、董(理)監事選聘制度、領導人甄選制度、創新經營模式、組織設計決策管理與控制分離政策，以及設立外部獨立董(理)監事等機制來營造彼此價值共創之氛圍。 　　如果合作內涵涉及低度關係專用資產投入必要性時，要有效利用合作夥伴既有資源及外部取得資源以共同營造合作網絡之綜效價值，非營利性聯盟可以採取幾項價值共創機制：任務小組負責人選派制度、資源有效利用方式、合作夥伴之資源與技術有效整合，以及合作夥伴網絡關係運用；相對地，合作內涵涉及高度關係專用資產投入必要性時，非營利性合營機構可以採取董(理)監事選聘制度、具體資源運用計畫、合營機構領導人組專業團隊之權力，以及有效專業服務平台等價值共創機制。 　　針對關係管理機制之探討，經個案分析發現，如果合作內涵涉及高度投入共同性時，兩種非營利性質之策略合作型式可以透過可接受之合作規範、建立共同標準、資訊對等溝通，以及能力不足補救措施來提升合作夥伴配合共同投入意願。合作內涵涉及低度投入可衡量性時，可以賦予投入較多之合作機構主導資源利用方向之決策權以維持其投入意願；涉及高度產出共同性時，可以透過共同品質控管、不符標準產出配套處理措施及外部誘因來提升合作夥伴配合共同產出要求之意願；至於涉及低度產出可衡量性時，可以透過目標達成度評核措施、外部專家專業認定及可接受之利益分配方式來協調合作夥伴關係。 　　過去文獻對非營利組織之合作關係，較少以策略性思維進行探討，本研究之發現可延伸應用並補強現有合作相關理論與文獻對非營利組織間合作有關實務現象之解釋，對未來有關非營利組織合作關係之研究，也提供另一個思考方向；加上組織間策略合作也是當前政府輔導農民團體因應台灣加入WTO後之政策加強重點，本研究配合組織思索轉型所需，實務上期能提供農會研擬組織間合作策略及政府推動農民團體輔導政策之參考。 / Strategic cooperation is taken as an alternative resort for solving problems facing non-profit organizations (NPO) which suffer a bottleneck in operations resulting from mounting resource scarcity and external threats. It is especially deemed so for farmers’ associations in Taiwan, which were closely associated with the development of agriculture on the island in the past century and have been seriously affected after Taiwan entered the World Trade Organizations（WTO）in 2002. Given this understanding, we conduct a two-phase study to observe the phenomena by studying farmers’ associations in Taiwan. Research 1 attempts to explore the cooperation characteristics which can most explain the decision on strategic cooperation types chosen by at least 3 farmers’ associations in each network. Research 2, based on the findings of Research 1, attempts to explore the value-co-creating and relation-maintaining mechanisms for such relations. As part of the methodology, we apply an exploratory multiple-case-study design and refer to NPO and PO (for-profit organization) literature for analytical induction. Prior to the case study, we first categorize the NPO strategic cooperation relations into four types: Non-profit joint operations, for-profit joint ventures, non-profit alliances and for-profit alliances. This categorization made in accordance with literature review and observed phenomena serves as a basis for our further research. In Research 1, we examine 5 theoretically sampled cases and find out 2 characteristics variables which can most explain the decision on whether to organize an independent institution, and 4 variables which can most explain the decision on whether to keep the cooperation for non-profit purpose or change it into for-profit relations. According to our findings, if cooperation involves high business separability and high necessity for relation-specific asset input, we suggest a choice for organizing another new independent institution (i.e. non-profit joint operations or for-profit joint ventures). If cooperation involves low business separability and low necessity for relation-specific asset input, we suggest a choice for not organizing an independent institution (i.e. non-profit alliances or for-profit alliances). In terms of the “non-profit or for-profit” decision, if cooperation involves high input commonality, low input measurability, high output commonality and low output measurability, we suggest a non-profit choice (i.e. non-profit joint operations or non-profit alliances). If cooperation involves low input commonality, high input measurability, low output commonality and high output measurability, we suggest a for-profit choice (i.e. for-profit joint ventures or for-profit alliances). For the second research, we focus our study on the two non-profit cooperation types and examine 8 theoretically sampled cases including 5 non-profit alliances and 3 non-profit joint operations. We explore the value-co-creating mechanisms by analyzing case data from the two characteristics variables which can most explain the “organizing an independent institution or not” decision in consideration that the two studied types take different cooperation forms and may apply different mechanisms for co-creating synergetic value in the network. Meanwhile, we explore the relation-maintaining mechanisms from the four characteristics variables which can most explain the “non-profit or for-profit” decision because the two studied types is of non-profit nature and involve high input commonality, low input measurability, high output commonality and low output measurability. It is of strategic significance to heighten partners’ will for continued cooperation in such non-profit relations. Our findings of the value co-creating mechanisms suggest 6 mechanism variables for the non-profit alliances and non-profit joint operations, respectively, depending on their levels of business separability. Analysis from the characteristics of necessity for relation-specific asset input, in similar manner, suggests 4 variables for the two studied types, respectively. In the exploration of relation-maintaining mechanisms, results suggest 4 mechanism variables for the non-profit types if cooperation involves high input commonality, 1 variable for relations involving low input measurability, 3 variables for relations involving high output commonality, and 3 variables for relations involving low output measurability. Although there may be many mechanisms which can help partners to co-create value and maintain relations in their cooperation, this research attempts to explore only the variables which can be of more strategic significance for the two focus types. Following our findings in Research 1 and 2, we provide normative propositions and build a decision-making model for the choice of strategic cooperation types and another integrative conceptual model of the value-co-creating and relation-maintaining mechanisms for non-profit alliances and joint operations. Farmers’ associations, which boast of a history of nearly 100 years in Taiwan, are unique in their business models as compared to other non-profit organizations. On top of that, NPO inter-organizational cooperation relations are seldom examined from strategic perspective. Theoretically speaking, findings of this dissertation can further extend and supplement the explanation and the application of present theories and literature to the phenomena in this regard. Implications and recommendations for managerial practices of inter-organizational cooperation among farmers’ associations are also discussed.

as English abstract / Oppressed by the severe surveillance of the Japanese police in Taiwan, short-lived Taiwanese Communist Party (TCP) (1928-1931) marked a significant step in the Taiwan’s anti-Japanese movement and social thought. The TCP was the first political organization in Taiwan to put forward the slogan of Taiwan’s independence. Following the Comintern’s activation in the East in 1920s, the first contacts between the Taiwan’s leftists and the Comintern representatives took place in early 1920s. Starting from 1927, the Comintern pursued the policy of activation of the communist movement in the colonies and establishment of communist parties in these countries. Established on the Comintern directive in Shanghai with the help of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and being subordinated to the Japanese Communist Party (JCP), the TCP was developing quite independently under the leadership of Xie Xuehong and in the close alliance with the Taiwan Cultural Association and the Taiwan Peasants Union, until the end of 1930 when the TCP established a contact with the Far Eastern Bureau (FEB) of the Comintern through the TCP Shanghai representative, Weng Zesheng, who served as liaison with the Comintern. As the result, the Comintern activated its work toward Taiwan, started dispatching emissaries to Taiwan who in the framework of the Comintern’s rhetoric of that time promoted the Party’s reform to eliminate the “opportunistic errors”. The activation of the Party’s work followed, the Union for Reorganization was established. The Comintern did not have chance to adjust the activity of the reformed TCP as within few months after the beginning of actual interaction between the Comintern and the TCP, the TCP was destroyed by arrests. The thesis is devoted to the Comintern’s role in the TCP’s establishment, development, reform, establishment of the Union for Reorganization, the Party’s activation and destruction. The research is based on the TCP files deposited in the former archive of the Comintern. The documents include the correspondence of the representative of the TCP, Weng Zesheng, with the Comintern FEB. The correspondence between Weng Zesheng and the FEB sheds light on the inner-party processes in the TCP, clarifies the essence of the inner-party struggle and reform, and explores the role of personal relations in the inner-party struggle which resulted in the UFR establishment without direct involvement of the Comintern. The available now text of the consultations of Weng Zesheng with the CCP representative Qu Qiubai makes it possible to clarify the CCP’s involvement in the TCP’s development and reform and to conclude as to whose directive it was to commence the struggle against Xie Xuehong. The TCP’s history was short but very intensive. Abandoned by its superior, the JCP, and not having relations with the international communist leadership, the TCP suffered lack of the financial and ideological support, and was left for the mercy of unpredictable fate of the exhausting inner factional struggle, still was able to survive under the “white terror” until the Party’s reorganization in 1931. According to the research results, the TCP inner-party struggles during 1928-1931 were in fact the result of resistance to emigrant party groupings who were attempting to take control over the TCP’s Taiwan based Party organization. Neither the JCP and the CCP, nor the Comintern had a real opportunity to influence the activities of the Taiwan-based communists. Taiwan’s communists overseas used the Comintern’s rhetoric and their contacts with the Comintern and the CCP to promote their agenda in the inner-party struggle. The implementation of the plans of Weng Zesheng and the opponents of Xie Xuehong in Taiwan on the Party’s reform and activation led to the Party’s destruction by the Japanese administration.