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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
41

Fonds souverains : aspects juridiques / Sovereign Wealth Funds : Legal Aspects

Azar, Samar 13 December 2013 (has links)
Les fonds souverains, véhicules d'investissement créés, financés et contrôlés par leur Etat d'origine, échappent à l'heure actuelle à toute qualification juridique. Leur structure et finalité souveraines, conjuguées à la nature privée de leurs activités, suscitent de nombreux débats au sein de la communauté internationale, d'autant plus que certaines de leurs opérations, dont l'opacité est régulièrement relevée, s'effectuent en dehors de leur territoire. Les percevant à la fois chevaliers blancs au secours d'un marché financier en pleine crise, et menaces à la souveraineté des nations, les Etats récepteurs de leurs investissements semblent adopter une position quelque peu ambigüe à leur égard, laquelle oscille entre libéralisme et retour à un protectionnisme latent. Ces craintes plus ou moins fantasmés dont ils font l'objet sont par ailleurs attisées par la nouvelle réalité qu'ils projettent d'un basculement du pouvoir au détriment des pays occidentaux et de l'essor d'un nouveau capitalisme d'Etat. Il importe dès lors de déterminer si les fonds souverains sont des acteurs économiques comme les autres, susceptibles de bénéficier de la protection offerte aux investisseurs étrangers, ou des représentants de l'Etat dont ils émanent. Cette question, pierre angulaire des problématiques posées par les fonds souverains, n'épuise toutefois pas l'ensemble des controverses soulevées à leur sujet, ces dernières étant particulièrement nombreuses en termes de problèmes juridiques relatifs à l'encadrement juridique qui leur serait applicable. / Sovereign wealth funds, investment vehicles created, funded and controlled by nation states, do not adhere to any clear legal status. Their public ownership and ultimate objectives, together with the private nature of their activities, most of which are confidential and international, have created much debate and controversy within the international community. Considered by many to be white knights of a financial market in crisis, sovereign wealth funds are also seen as a threat to the economic sovereignty of their host countries, which seem to adopt an ambiguous position towards them, varying between liberalism and a return to a latent protectionism. These more or less fantasized fears are exacerbated by the new reality they project: a decline in western influence and the rise of a new state capitalism in the global scene. It is therefore imperative to understand whether sovereign wealth funds are ordinary economic players that should benefit from the protection provided to international investors, or whether they represent the objectives of the nation states from which they emanate. This question is at the heart of the debates ranging around sovereign wealth funds in addition to controversies surrounding other legal aspects regarding the legal regime that would apply to them.
42

L’applicabilité des droits de l’Homme aux organisations internationales / Applicability of Human Rights to International Organisations

Beulay, Marjorie 09 December 2015 (has links)
L’obligation de respect des droits de l’Homme s’adresse traditionnellement aux États. Cependant, les organisations internationales se présentent aujourd’hui de plus en plus comme des acteurs incontournables de la scène internationale et leur activité tend de plus en plus à réguler la vie des individus. Face à une telle situation, le « besoin » de voir les droits de l’Homme s’appliquer aux organisations internationales se fait de plus en plus prégnant, notamment au sein de la doctrine. Cela s’explique par les circonstances permettant à ces entités d’influencer la vie des personnes physiques et morales. De par leurs compétences et prérogatives elles se sont progressivement inscrites dans une relation de pouvoir vis-à-vis des individus que ce soit directement ou indirectement. En conséquence, au regard du degré de développement actuel de la protection internationale des droits de l’Homme, un tel comportement nécessite d’être encadré, notamment afin d’être légitime aux yeux de ceux sur lesquels il s’exerce. Toutefois, en dépit des fondements venant étayer cette nécessité de limitation du pouvoir exercé, sa concrétisation juridique n’en est qu’à ses prémices. Si d’un point de vue normatif, l’encadrement ébauché s’avère fragile mais potentiellement mobilisable ; d’un point de vue procédural, il demeure minimal voire inexistant. Dès lors, beaucoup reste encore à faire pour que l’applicabilité des droits de l’Homme aux organisations internationales passe de l’évidence au droit. / The obligation to respect human rights traditionally rests upon the States. However International Organisations have become nowadays key actors on the international scene and their activities tend to have more impact on the life of individuals. In the light of this situation, a ‘need’ emerged, especially amongst the doctrine, to see an effective application of human rights to International Organisations. This is due to the circumstances that allow such organisations to have an influence on the life of legal and physical entities. Because of their jurisdiction and their prerogative, International Organisations have established a relationship of power towards individuals, whether directly or indirectly. Therefore, considering the current degree of development of the International protection of Human Rights, such an activity must be regulated, especially in order to establish its legitimacy in the eyes of the subjects of this activity. Nevertheless despite the grounds supporting the necessity to limit the power of International Organisations, the legal concretisation of such limits is still at its early stages. If from a normative point of view, the sketched framework reveals itself to be fragile yet potentially mobilisable, from a procedural point of view it remains minimal to non-existent. Subsequently there is still much to be done in order to allow the applicability of Human Rights to International Organisations to go from a foregone conclusion to a legal reality.
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As imunidades parlamentares no Brasil após a Emenda Constitucional n. 35/2001 e a atual crise ética do Legislativo

Padula, Edgard 14 August 2007 (has links)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edgard Padula.PDF: 1536698 bytes, checksum: dc410cd106bb57ea8fef14f926b3d02b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-08-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Legislative immunities were created to uphold the Legislative from pressures or threats, primarily by the Executive, as a means to provide more autonomy for the lawmakers to exercise their constitutional duties, such as debating and watching over the Administration which is the main reason for the governing system to be divided in three. For this reason we analyzed the most fail-safe doctrine addressing democracy, the General Theory of the State, the Legislative and political parties. We studied the theory of freedom from arrest and procedural immunity, as well as testimonial immunity and from incorporation to the Armed Forces, comparing the current system to the one in force prior to Constitutional Amendment 35/2001. We analyzed the institution at federal, state and municipal levels. We presented and analyzed the system of immunities in comparative law was submitted and analyzed vis-à-vis the laws of more relevant countries and those with greater proximity to Brazil, both in terms of geography as well as culture. We confronted countless laws, doctrine and case law. It is a fact that immunities were not conceived for the personal benefit of the legislative officers; however, corruption is not uncommon to the Legislative and the parties involved are not always punished accordingly. We measured how far immunities can lead to impunity. Amendment 35/2001 reduced the breadth of immunities, primarily of the procedural ones, which was successful in allowing the penal actions to continue against legislative officers. Hence, our investigation as to why corruption in the Legislative has not diminished. To answer this question, sociological study was made to try to grasp the reasons for Brazilians considerable lack of interest in politics and to understand politics twists and turns, despite my two decades of democratic experience. In the 2005/2006 biennium, various scandals of corruption were uncovered and repeatedly covered by the press, but did not result in very substantial sanctions. The average Brazilian citizen s behavior is far from civic, patriotic and gregarious. As a consequence, he/she does not closely watch over the lawmaking process, is not always concerned with strictly abiding by the laws or ensuring that others do the same, both in the public and private spheres. Citizens do not closely inspect the Parliament and the Administration as a whole. This detachment prevents citizens from understanding the nuances of politics and from pressing the government for results or behaviors, and consequently failing to demand punishment whenever it applies. In this scenario, we perceive that there is no Government for the people, and controlled by the people. Owing to considerable mismanagement of public moneys, the population is denied a more prosperous material life. It is noteworthy that legislative immunities are merely an aspect of many circumstances leading some politicians to show insignificant concern for ethics and legality, which defiles the image of the Legislative. The topic covered by this study stands out because it is current, relevant, complex and controversial, besides revealing a people who are needy of trustworthy and objective information, distant from parliament, and clearly inexperienced as to a citizen s duty. / As imunidades parlamentares existem para fortalecer o Legislativo de pressões ou ameaças, especialmente, por parte do Executivo, para que haja maior autonomia no exercício de seu múnus constitucional, como debater e fiscalizar a Administração, que é a principal finalidade do sistema de tripartição dos poderes. Desse modo, a mais avalizada doutrina sobre a democracia, Teoria Geral do Estado, Legislativo e partidos políticos foi analisada. Estudou-se a teoria das imunidades material e formal (freedom from arrest e processual), bem como a imunidade ao testemunho e incorporação às Forças Armadas, comparando o sistema atual ao anterior à Emenda Constitucional 35/2001. O instituto foi avaliado em níveis federal, estadual e municipal. O sistema das imunidades no direito comparado foi apresentado e analisado com a legislação dos países mais relevantes ou mais próximos do Brasil, tanto geográfica como culturalmente. Colacionou-se legislação, doutrina e jurisprudência. As imunidades não foram concebidas para desfrute pessoal dos parlamentares, mas não raro o Legislativo protagoniza casos de corrupção e nem sempre ocorre a punição dos envolvidos. Aferiu-se até que ponto as imunidades ensejam a impunidade. A Emenda 35/2001 reduziu o alcance das imunidades, sobretudo a processual, logrando êxito no sentido de possibilitar o andamento das ações penais contra parlamentares. Daí foi investigado por que a corrupção no Legislativo não foi reduzida. Para responder esta questão, foi realizado um estudo sociológico para tentar entender os motivos do brasileiro ter pouco interesse pela política e não compreender seus meandros, não obstante já possuir vinte anos de experiência democrática. No biênio 2005/2006, vários escândalos de corrupção foram desnudados e insistentemente alardeados pela mídia, mas as punições foram pífias. O cidadão brasileiro tem um comportamento pouco cívico, patriota e associativo. Não acompanha com afinco a feitura das leis, vezes não as observa nem zela para que sejam obedecidas, tanto em âmbito público como privado. Não fiscaliza de perto o parlamento e a Administração como um todo. Não apreende as coisas da política e sequer cobra resultados ou comportamentos, deixando de exigir punições, sempre que cabíveis. Com isso percebe-se que não existe um Governo para o povo, sob controle deste. Em razão do mau uso do dinheiro público, a população deixa de ter um padrão de vida material mais próspero. Observa-se que as imunidades parlamentares são um dos aspectos de toda uma miríade de circunstâncias, que leva alguns políticos a demonstrar pouca preocupação com a ética e a legalidade, o que deturpa a imagem do Legislativo. O tema do estudo destaca-se pela sua atualidade, relevância, complexidade e polêmica; além de mostrar uma população carente de informações confiáveis, objetivas e distante do parlamento, sendo inexperiente nas atribuições da cidadania.
44

Diplomatické imunity vs. lidská práva / Diplomatic Immunities vs Human Rights

Olahová, Kateřina January 2008 (has links)
This thesis aims at description and analyses of the position of diplomatic immunities and human rights in international law, focusing on areas where these two sets of international rules clash. One objective of this work is an attempt to establish a hierarchy between norms granting diplomatic immunities and those protecting fundamental human rights, which could possibly resolve the collision. This solution, however, narrows down to one of most general principles of diplomatic relations, the principal of reciprocity. Mentioned are also some alternative approaches suggested for resolution of this conflict together with the obstacles, which prevent them from use. The thesis further looks at possible remedies against abuse of diplomatic immunity.
45

Le statut juridique du fonctionnaire international sous l'angle des fonctionnaires de l'Organisation des Nations Unies et des fonctionnaires des Comunautés européeenes : contribution à l'actualité de la notion de "fonctionnaire international" / A comparative study on the civil servants of the United Nations and the European Union : the concept of the international civil servant in a progressive perspective

Ouedraogo, Bawindsomde Patrick 23 March 2012 (has links)
Conçu dans la période postérieure aux guerres révolutionnaires européennes, renforcé à la veille des relations internationales contemporaines, le fonctionnaire international, plus qu’un concept, témoigne de la dynamique qui est née et qui caractérise les relations interétatiques. Mieux appréhendé par leurs interactions dans de multiples arènes (économie, consultations, études, diplomatie, politique, actions de terrains), les fonctionnaires internationaux sont définis par un nouveau type d’organisations par le biais desquelles ils incarnent et réalisent leurs buts. Ils caractérisent ainsi tant les agents des organisations internationales dites “traditionnelles” (Société des Nations, Organisation des Nations Unies, Organisation du Traité de l’Atlantique Nord, Union Africaine, Conseil de l’Europe) que celles “spécifiques” (Union Européenne, Communauté Economique des Etats d’Afrique de l’Ouest, La Communauté Andine des Nations, le Marché du Cône Sud). De cette situation, le concept unique de fonctionnaire international a évidemment émergé par la systématisation de plusieurs auteurs. Il ne pouvait en être autrement, ce par la convergence des statuts juridiques (en matière de règles relatives au recrutement, de privilèges et d’immunités fonctionnels, droits acquis) de ceux qu’on considère comme les piliers de l’organisation, notamment les agents de l’Union européenne et ceux de l’Organisation des Nations Unies. Toutefois, malgré cette première évidence, il est certain, et l’analyse comparative à laquelle cette étude s’élit en fournit les clefs, que le concept de fonctionnaire international unique ne soit pas approprié pour les agents que nous considérons archétypes de deux types d’organisations mues par des finalités complémentaires certes mais divergentes à plus d’un titre. A ces fins, l’étude de l’insertion institutionnelle des fonctionnaires et la loyauté, somme toute, cardinale qui en découle définitivement écarte toute prétention d’unité des fonctionnaires par l’érection d’un fonctionnaire extraétatique qui serait ce concept unifiant ces agents des gouvernants spéciaux. / Created after the european revolutionary wars and reinforced in the run up of the contemporary international relations, the international civil servant more than a concept, testifies of dynamics that generated and which characterizes interstates relations. International civil servants are defined through new types of organizations they embody and through which they achieve their purposes. The different arenas in which they interact (economics, consultancies, studies, diplomacy, politics, and field actions) underline their function. They therefore represent both the agents of international organizations known as "traditional" (League of Nations, United Nations Organization, North Atlantic Treaty Organization, African Union, Council of Europe) as well as those of the “specific" ones (European Union, Economic Community of West African States, Andean Community of Nations, Common Market of Southern Cone). From this situation a single concept for the international civil servant as emerged through the systemization of several authors. It could not be any other way, because of the similarities in the legal status (relating to recruitment rules, functional privileges and immunities, acquired rights) of those considered as the pillars of the organizations, in particular between the European Union and the United Nations Organization’s agents. However, despite this first conclusion, the present study obviously shows through a comparative analysis that a single (common) concept of the international civil servant is not appropriated for the agents we considere as archetypes of two types of organizations driven by purposes that are complementary but different for more than one reason. For those purposes, the study of the institutional insertion of the civil servants and the loyalty that derives from it definitely eliminates the theory of a single concept for civil servants through the institution of an extrastate civil servant, a concept meant to unify these special rulers’ agents.
46

Státní imunita na prahu 21. století: Soumrak nebo renesance? / State Immunity at the Dawn of the 21st Century: Twilight or Renaissance?

Kudrna, Jaroslav January 2018 (has links)
1/3 ABSTRACT STATE IMMUNITY AT THE DAWN OF THE 21ST CENTURY: TWILIGHT OR RENAISSANCE? JAROSLAV KUDRNA, ESQ., LL.M. State immunity is a foundation of public international law. Sovereign immunity is based on the fundamental principle of international law, namely the equality of states - par in parem non habet imperium. State immunity is thus a manifestation of state sovereignty and states demonstrate respect for the sovereignty of other states by according immunity to foreign states appearing before their courts. The principle of state immunity is a dynamic area of public international law. State practice is continually evolving through national laws and court rulings. The aim of this thesis is to describe the current development of state immunity and to identify possible future trends. Another objective is to draw from current developments and offer practical recommendations on state immunity for both investors and states. The 20th century can be described as a twilight of state immunity: an absolute theory of state immunity shifted towards a restrictive one. That century witnessed the decline and fragmentation of state immunity. In contrast, if the UN Convention on jurisdictional immunities of states and their property enters into force and is ratified by a large number of states, state immunity might...
47

Naissance de la diplomatie moderne. L'ambassadeur au croisement du droit, de l'éthique et de la politique / The Birth of Modern Diplomacy. the Ambassador between Law, Ethics and Politics

Fedele, Dante 05 December 2014 (has links)
S’appuyant sur un corpus de textes que l’on qualifie normalement de « traités sur l’ambassadeur », cette thèse s’attache à reconstruire la naissance de la diplomatie moderne tout au long d’une période qui va du XIIIe au XVIIe siècle, en essayant d’analyser la manière dont la figure de l’ambassadeur à été élaborée à l’intérieur d’un champ de problématisation qui se caractérise par une imbrication réciproque du droit, de l’éthique et de la politique et va constituer une véritable expérience de la diplomatie.Ce travail s’articule en deux parties. Dans la première il s’agit de comprendre comment la figure de l’ambassadeur a été façonnée sous le profil de son statut juridique, à savoir comme une persona publica chargée d’un officium et devant représenter son mandant, avec les conséquences qui en découlent quant à l’établissement de son pouvoir de négociation, à la définition de ses immunités ainsi qu’à la détermination des honneurs qu’il a le droit de recevoir. L’analyse de ces questions permettra d’apprécier la contribution apportée par notre corpus non seulement à la définition du statut juridique de l’ambassadeur, mais aussi à la formation du nouveau droit des gens destiné à régir l’Europe moderne. La seconde partie s’attache à comprendre comment la figure de l’ambassadeur a été façonnée sous le profil de son statut professionnel : on s’interroge alors sur les fonctions qui lui sont attribuées, sur les moyens qui lui sont fournis et les conditions qui lui sont demandées pour s’en acquitter de la manière la plus efficace, ainsi que sur la problématisation éthique à laquelle son action est soumise. Tout en essayant de faire ressortir la spécificité de l’ambassadeur, cette partie se propose aussi de contribuer à l’étude de la professionnalisation du fonctionnaire public. / Using a collection of texts commonly known as the “treatises on the ambassador”, this research examines the birth and the development of the experience of diplomacy from the 13th to the 17th Century. It aims, in particular, to explore the development of the figure of the ambassador within a field of problematization involving ethics, politics and law.After some methodological and historical remarks, the thesis deals with the development of the status of the ambassador from two perspectives, the legal and the professional. Regarding his legal status, the medieval legal conceptualisation of the role of the ambassador as a genuine public “office”, and that of the diplomatic function as “representation”, are examined. The way in which these conceptualisations help to define the negotiating powers conferred on the ambassador, his immunities and the honours to which he is entitled is then considered. This analysis allows for an investigation of the complex links between the exercise of diplomacy and claims to sovereignty during Europe’s transition from the Middle Ages to Modernity. Regarding his professional status, the thesis reconstructs the functions of the ambassador (particularly in relation to information gathering and negotiation), the means provided for the ambassador to undertake his functions (his salary and the assignment of an escort) and the objective, intellectual or moral qualities required of him. As well as illustrating the techniques which have been required for ambassadorial success since the 15th Century, this analysis offers some hints for studying the professionalization of public officials and the emergence of the modern criteria of political analysis.
48

As imunidades tributárias e a livre concorrência / A modulação dos efeitos das decisões e a mudança do entendimento jurisprudencial no Direito Tributário / A modulação dos efeitos das decisões e a mudança do entendimento jurisprudencial no Direito Tributário / Tax immunities and Free Trading

Brumatti, Flávia Lorena Peixoto Holanda 05 October 2011 (has links)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia Lorena Peixoto Holanda Brumatti.pdf: 745135 bytes, checksum: 49f734af1d6cdb46b982cca7f1f79611 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-05 / This paper is intended to analyze the doctrine of the prospective overruling os the Courts decisions, focused on the principle of the legal certainty. We understand that the Brazilian legal system only has protection mechanisms in cases that there is change of understanding at the administrative or legislative level. However, there is not a way to avoid the changes of understanding in the judiciary level, what may lead to a legal instability in the behavior of citizens. That is because citizens base their behavior according to the positions of the pacified jurisprudence. But, if such positions change abruptly, there is no instrument to facilitate the people have their rights preserved, since the new decision, as a rule, has retroactive effect. In this scenario, we believe that the modulation of the effects of decisions might be used for such cases, so that there is the prospect of the effects of the judgment for all acts performed by citizens, especially in the taxation, preserving, the legal certainty which shall be given by the Government / Este trabalho tem o objetivo de analisar o instituto da modulação dos efeitos das decisões dos Tribunais, voltando a atenção para a segurança jurídica dos cidadãos. Entendemos que o sistema jurídico brasileiro possui somente mecanismos de proteção nas hipóteses em que existe alteração de entendimento na esfera administrativa ou na esfera legislativa. No entanto, não há, atualmente, uma forma de se precaver das alterações de entendimentos do Poder Judiciário, o que pode acarretar uma situação de piora do estado dos jurisdicionados. Isto porque, os cidadãos pautam suas condutas de acordo com os posicionamentos pacificados na jurisprudência. Contudo, se tais posicionamentos são alterados de forma abrupta, a princípio não existe qualquer instrumento que possibilite que os jurisdicionados tenham seus direitos preservados, já que a nova decisão, em regra, possui efeitos retroativos. Neste cenário, entendemos que a modulação dos efeitos das decisões deve ser utilizada justamente nestas hipóteses, fazendo com que haja a prospecção dos efeitos do julgamento, para que todos os atos praticados pelos cidadãos, principalmente na esfera tributária, sejam preservados, garantindo-se, assim, a segurança jurídica que deve ser conferida pelo Poder Público
49

Les conditions de la responsabilité en droit privé : éléments pour une théorie générale de la responsabilité juridique / The conditions of responsibility in private law : elements for a general theory of legal responsibility

Lagoutte, Julien 16 November 2012 (has links)
Alors que l’on enseigne classiquement la distinction radicale du droit pénal et de la responsabilité civile, une étude approfondie du droit positif révèle une tendance générale et profonde à la confusion des deux disciplines. Face à ce paradoxe, le juriste s’interroge : comment articuler le droit civil et le droit pénal de la responsabilité ? Pour y répondre, cette thèse suggère d’abandonner l’approche traditionnelle de la matière, consistant à la tenir pour une simple catégorie de classement des différentes branches, civile et pénale, du droit de la responsabilité. La responsabilité juridique est présentée comme une institution autonome et générale organisant la réaction du système à la perturbation anormale de l’équilibre social. Quant au droit de la responsabilité civile et au droit criminel, ils ne sont plus conçus que comme les applications techniques de cette institution en droit positif.Sur le fondement de cette approche renouvelée et par le prisme de l’étude des conditions de la responsabilité en droit privé, la thèse propose un ordonnancement technique et rationnel du droit pénal et de la responsabilité civile susceptible de fournir les principes directeurs d’une véritable théorie générale de la responsabilité juridique. En tant qu’institution générale, celle-ci engendre à la fois un concept de responsabilité, composé des exigences de dégradation d’un intérêt juridiquement protégé, d’anormalité et de causalité juridique et qui fonde la convergence du droit pénal et du droit civil, et un système de responsabilité, qui en commande les divergences et pousse le premier vers la protection de l’intérêt général et le second vers celle des victimes. / While the radical distinction between criminal law and civil liability is classically taught, a thorough survey of positive law reveals a general and profound trend towards a confusion of these two disciplines. Faced with this paradox, the jurist wonders : how to articulate the civil and criminal laws of responsibility ? To answer this question, the thesis suggests abandoning the traditional approach of the subject, which consists in treating it as a mere category of classification of the different branches, civil and criminal, of responsibility/liability. Legal responsibility is presented as an autonomous and general institution organizing the response from the system to abnormal disturbance of social equilibrium. Civil liability law and criminal law are, as far as they are concerned, henceforth conceived as the mere technical applications of this institution in positive law.On the basis of this new approach and through the prism of the study of liability conditions in private law, the thesis proposes a technical and rational organization of criminal law and civil liability that may provide the guiding principles of a real general theory of legal responsibility. As a general institution, it gives not only a concept of responsibility, requiring degradation of a legally protected interest, abnormality and legal causation, and establishing the convergence of criminal law and civil law, but also a system of responsibility, determining the divergences of them and steering the first towards the protection of general interest and the second towards the protection of victims.

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