Studien handlar om immigration i en landsbygdskommun och syftar till att belysa platsens betydelse för integration och etablering med särskilt fokus på landsbygdsspecifika förhållanden. Studien är gjord i Ragunda kommun i Jämtland, en av Sveriges till befolkningen minsta kommuner. 2017 var Ragunda en av de 10 kommuner som tog emot störst andel nyanlända i förhållande till folkmängd. I studien undersöks hur invandrade personer upplever att anlända och bo på en mindre ort, hur man betraktar platsens möjligheter och hinder och hur man resonerar kring en framtid på orten. Vidare undersöks vilken betydelse de lokala demografiska utmaningarna har i förhållande till hur immigrationen betraktas i kommunen. Studien är kvalitativ och det empiriska materialet består av 15 intervjuer och kompletterande observationer. Fenomenologi är det främsta teoretiska perspektiv som inspirerat analyserna. Flertalet av de invandrade informanterna har tidigare bott i miljonstäder och omställningen till att bo i en landsbygdsmiljö har handlat om att ”omvänja” sig till en ny livsstil i både materiella och immateriella aspekter. Särpräglande för integration i landsbygd tycks vara att det är förhållandevis lätt att bli en del av en ytlig social ortsgemenskap. Man erkänner och bekräftar varandra genom ”hejande” när man möts på orten och håller koll på varandra i ett samhälle där ”alla känner alla”. Däremot tycks avsaknaden av mötesplatser där ytliga sociala kontakter kan omsättas till samtal och sedermera vänskap upplevas som en brist i det lokala samhället. Samhällets etableringsinsatser syftar till att ge nyanlända invånare ett grundläggande språk och orientering i samhället och arbetsmarknaden. Verklig integration är dock relationell och kräver att samhällets invånare möts i sociala relationer. Flera informanter har utvecklat strategier för att skapa interaktioner med den etablerade lokalbefolkningen och på så vis förbättra sina möjligheter att utveckla språk och ett lokalt socialt nätverk. Den lokala arbetsmarknaden upplevs begränsad och betraktas som en utmaning för nya invånare att långsiktigt stanna kvar i kommunen. Flertalet informanter uppger att arbete är den viktigaste förutsättningen för att bo kvar i framtiden. De invandrade informanternas känsla inför platsen varierar mellan att den anses vara ”en plats utan potential” och ”världens bästa by”. De allra flesta lyfter dock fram såväl positiva som negativa aspekter av landsbygdens förutsättningar, vilket påverkar deras trivsel och framtidsförhoppningar på platsen. / The study is about immigration in a rural municipality and aims to highlight the importance of the site for integration and establishment with particular focus on rural-specific conditions. The study was conducted in the small municipality Ragunda in Jämtland. In 2017, Ragunda was one of the 10 municipalities in Sweden that received the largest proportion of refugees with resident permit in relation to population. The study examines how immigrants experience arriving and living in a small, rural site, how they consider the opportunities and obstacles of the place, and how they consider a future in the region. Furthermore, the significance of local demographic challenges in relation to how immigration is considered in the municipality is investigated. The study is qualitative and the empirical material consists of 15 interviews and additional observations. Phenomenology is the main theoretical perspective that inspired the analyzes. Most immigrant informants have previously lived in million cities and the transition to living in a rural environment has also been a "transforming" into a new lifestyle in both material and immaterial aspects. Particular for integration in rural areas seems to be that it is relatively easy to become part of a shallow social community. You acknowledge and confirm each other by greeting when you meet in the streets and keep an eye on each other in a society where "everyone knows everyone". On the other hand, the lack of social meeting spots seems to make shallow social contacts hard to transform into conversation and subsequently friendship and that is perceived as a shortcoming in the local society. The society’s establishment efforts aim at giving immigrants a basic language and orientation in the society and the labor market. Real integration, however, is relational and requires residents to meet in social relations. Several informants have developed strategies to create interactions with the established locals and thus improve their opportunities for developing language ​​and a local social network. The local labor market is perceived to be limited and is considered a challenge for new residents to stay in the municipality for a long time. Most informants state that work is the most important condition for staying in the region in the future. The attitude towards the place varies between being considered "a place without potential" and "the best village in the world". However, most people highlight both positive and negative aspects of rural conditions that affects their well-being and future hopes in the region.

The study chronologically maps the argumentations concerning migration and refugee policy made by Stefan Löfvén, chairman of the Swedish Social Democratic Party as of January 27, 2012, and Prime Minister of Sweden as of October 3, 2014. It examines how and why the reasoning coming from Löfvén in the subject has changed during his time as a political leader and that is done with the help of two guiding independent variables. To do so the study answers the following primary research question: - How has the mediated image and reasoning coming from Stefan Löfvén on migration – and refugee policy changed and why? The two independent variables consist of two big happenings for Stefan Löfvén as a political leader. The first variable “from party leader in opposition to prime minister” tells us how his reasoning is affected by becoming prime minster. The second variable “the increasing amount of asylum applications” tells us how his reasoning is affected by an increasing amount of filed asylum applications. These two independent variables create the following two précised research questions: - How has the mediated reasoning, its theses and arguments, coming from Stefan Löfvén been affected by going from being “only” a party leader in opposition to becoming the country’s prime minister? - How has the mediated reasoning, its theses and arguments, coming from Stefan Löfvén been affected by the increasing amount of asylum applications? The result of the study shows that both independent variables and the happenings characterizing them has affected the generally mediated image and reasoning coming from Stefan Löfvén in the subject of migration and refugee policy. The results also shows that the “subject” of migration – and refugee policy is a bit more complex and two sub-categories besides the more general subject were identified and the mediated reasoning in these were in some cases affected in a different way.

This essay is about the asylum and immigration politics within the EU. Due to the heavy criticism the EU has been exposed to from among others different kind of human rights organizations I have become interested to find out what kind of asylum and migration politics right now is being formed by the member states of the union. Thus the purpose is also to see if the EU is creating a policy within this area that intends to live up to the human rights obligations. My overall research question is: Which ideas characterize the asylum and immigration politics within the EU? The theoretical perspectives of universalism and particularism are used as two analytical tools in order to understand the phenomenon I am investigating and to identify its characterizing ideas. In my essay universalism and particularism are used as opposite ideal types. For this purpose a model has been worked out. The model identifies the main characters of each perspective and is used to analyze the empirical data. The following publications from the EU are analyzed: The conclusion from the European Tampere Council 15 and 16 October 1999, a report from the Commission 2 June 2004, The Hague Programme 4 and 5 November 2004 and The Hague Action Plan 5 May 2005. Out of my theoretical framework and methodological approach three specific research questions have been formulated: 1. Which ideas characterize the asylum and immigration politics within the EU concerning “worldview”? 2. Which ideas characterize the asylum and immigration politics within the EU concerning “most important unit”? 3. Which ideas characterize the asylum and immigration politics within the EU concerning “governance”? My conclusion is that the asylum and immigration politics within the EU is characterized by both universal and particularistic ideas. Concerning “worldview” the particularistic ideas are more relevant and the EU also seems to move in a particularistic direction as the union is putting much focus on control of humans and borders. Simultaneously with this development the aim of the EU is to strengthen the level of justice for non-citizens who legally reside on the union’s territory. Therefore the union in regards for this aspect moves in a universal direction. When it comes to “most important unit” ideas from both perspectives are identified. Sometimes it proved to be difficult to determine the primary unit, that is to say the society or the individual. Concerning “governance” the conclusion is that the asylum and immigration politics within the EU is characterized by universal ideas since the politics is bound by international human rights obligations. In any case this is true on a theoretical level and a level of ambition.

<p>Distansseminarium pga. COVID-19.</p>

Abstract The objective of this artistic research has been to reflect on the conditions forfilmmakers in Sweden and identify expectations, contradictions and subjectpositions available for myself within this discursive field. As a point of departure,I use three letters of rejection that I have received during my two years as astudent at the Stockholm University of the Arts. The first rejection centers what experiences can be imagined for me, as animmigrant filmmaker. It juxtaposes experiences made in Iran and Sweden asopposite and impossible to combine. The second rejection is in relation to contentand story-telling, which raises questions about translation as a dimension of filmproduction. In this section, I argue that while it is my intention to make experiencesof hyper-absurdity in Iran penetrable for an audience in Sweden, too muchconcern over the audience may deteriorate the artistic process. The third rejectionconstructs myself and my fellow director as immigrant others, scrutinizing ourability to make a film in Swedish, about Swedish subjects. In this section, Iexplore the meaning of diaspora and how it shapes the conditions of filmproduction. The artistic research is summarized in the final section where I suggest anumber of strategies forward in order to move away from the taken-for-grantedrole of immigrant filmmaker(s). Key concepts: documentary film, diaspora, translation

The purpose of this study is to examine the hypothesis that Moderaterna has developed its migration policy towards a more restrictive direction with the influence of the populist party Sverigedemokraterna, as a measure to prevent Sverigedemokraterna from winning the election. The international migration has in recent years grown significantly and has resulted in the increased numbers of populist parties. After the narrow victory in the 2022 election of the right-wing conservative party Moderaterna, the populist party Sverigedemokraterna has got its position as a cooperation party outside the government.  ​​The focus of this thesis is to use an idea analysis to investigate whether Sverigedemokraterna have influenced the migration policy of Moderaterna towards a more restrictive direction ahead of the 2022 election. The empirical material of the election manifesto has been analyzed based on the theory of party change where the selected questions have helped to fulfill the purpose.   The final results from the analysis shows that a slightly change in Moderaternas migration policy can be noticed, but that it can not be interpreted as having taken place under the influence of Sverigedemokraterna.

The aim of the research project “The menacing immigration and ideal Swedishness: A semiotic analysis of the Sweden Democrats campaign films” was to highlight how ethnicities are portrayed in five different campaign films produced by the Swedish party the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna). The applied theories are stereotypes, binary oppositions as well as the theory of whiteness and blackness. The method used to analyse the campaign films are semiotics, and the tools denotation, connotation, anchoring, relay, metonymy and myths.   The results show that a person’s skin colour is of minor importance. What does matter, is if you are Swedish or not and how Swedish you are. All of the campaign films concern questions about “Swedishness” and immigration. When immigration and non-Swedes are in focus, the films present a dark theme with a sinister undertone. In contrast, when the issue of Swedishness is presented the films portray harmonious and idyllic images of Sweden. Sweden, Swedes and Swedishness is habitually portrayed as being the ideal, the desirable, and the good. It is the norm for being socially acceptable. Immigration, immigrants and non-Swedes on the other hand are consistently portrayed in a negative light. These extraneous groups of people are labelled as the others; they are the bad, and are portrayed as a threat that we Swedes have to defend ourselves against. A third, but less prominent theme that could be deduced from the films is that the Sweden Democrats are portrayed as martyrs. By presenting themselves as being misunderstood and as being the voice of the people, it can be interpreted that they attempt to detract the stamp they acquired as a racist party.   Although the Sweden Democrats seem to have refined the ways in which they express their opinions of Swedishness and immigration, it’s still a significant part of the message in their commercials. They glorify Swedes and reproduce coarse stereotypes of non-Swedes. With the portrayal and contrasting comparison there is an inherent consequence that immigrants are to be seen as less worthy, and that the Swedes in turn are indirectly attributed to a higher value and as such, being Swedish is set as the norm.

<p>The aim of this study was to examine how the social services could investigate and support children of irregular immigrants within the boundaries of the law. More specifically it aimed to examine the legal possibilities and obstacles for the social services to support irregular immigrants, how the officials at the social services act considering the legal aspects, and how they reason morally and ethically when dealing with irregular immigrants. To answer the aim of the study the theory of positive law was used combined with qualitative interviews with two officials at the social services. Moreover a small quantitative telephone study with officials in the social services and with voluntary organizations was made. The study has used theories of sociology of law, law and ethics, and professional (civil) disobedience. The conclusions were that children of irregular immigrants are included by the Swedish law for social services, but are hindered from getting support by the legal obligation to inform the police authorities when the social services are dealing with foreigners who did not apply for a residence permit. There is a need for the officials to be extra committed in such cases and they break the obligation to inform to be able to support the children.</p>

Har vi svartskallar eller invandrarbarn i Bollnäs kommun? Vi kan se tendenser i vårt samhälle, att ytterlighetsgrupper för främlingsfientlighet ökar, samtidigt som Sveriges ekonomiska läge förändrats. Den lågkonjunktur som drabbat landet sedan ett flertal år, med ökad arbetslöshet som följd, har förvärrat situationen och i vissa fall lett till klart uttalad invandrarfientlighet. Även media har stor betydelse och genomslagskraft, genom att många gånger förstärka det främlingsfientliga budskapet. Skolans nya läroplan, Lpo 94, säger att skolans riktlinjer, bland annat skall vara, att arbetet i skolan aktivt skall motverka trakasserier och förtryck av individer eller grupper. En uppgift som lärare är, att bekämpa destruktiva krafter och skapa ett positivt klimat för våra invandrarelever. Här bör skolan och lärarna aktivt medverka till att främlingsrädsla inte utvecklas till rasism. Vi har valt att göra en lokal undersökning om svenska Bollnäselevers attityder mot barn från andra länder. Vi har även tittat på om attityderna har förändrats under de tio år vi har haft invandrarbarn här i Bollnäs. Tidigare undersökningar visar ingen klar tendens om och hur attityderna har förändrats. Enligt Lange och Westins' ungdomsundersökning, 1993, kan man generellt säga att ungdomars attityder har blivit något lite mer positiva, men till svensk flyktingpolitik har ungdomarna blivit betydligt mer kritiska än tidigare. Attityder lärs in från föräldrar och närstående. Frågan är då om skolan kan påverka negativa attityder till invandrarbarnen? Jo, genom information och en personlig relation till invandrarna kan de negativa attityderna påverkas åt det positiva hållet. Vår slutsats är att invandrarbarnens situation i Bollnäs är bra och att klimatet har blivit bättre sedan 1985. Invandrareleverna är en del av skolans värld idag. De är med och leker på rasterna, okävdesorden har inte ökat under senare år, trots att det allmänna klimatet har hårdnat. Lärarna är medvetna om kulturskillnader mellan eleverna, men betonar likheter istället för olikheter. I vår undersökning säger Bollnäseleverna: ”Här har vi invandrarbarn!” / Examensarbete på Grundskollärarlinjen med inr mot åk 1-7 vt 1995.Råsie Sigvardsson har senare bytt efternamn till "Sigvardsson-Berbres".

The aim of this study was to examine how the social services could investigate and support children of irregular immigrants within the boundaries of the law. More specifically it aimed to examine the legal possibilities and obstacles for the social services to support irregular immigrants, how the officials at the social services act considering the legal aspects, and how they reason morally and ethically when dealing with irregular immigrants. To answer the aim of the study the theory of positive law was used combined with qualitative interviews with two officials at the social services. Moreover a small quantitative telephone study with officials in the social services and with voluntary organizations was made. The study has used theories of sociology of law, law and ethics, and professional (civil) disobedience. The conclusions were that children of irregular immigrants are included by the Swedish law for social services, but are hindered from getting support by the legal obligation to inform the police authorities when the social services are dealing with foreigners who did not apply for a residence permit. There is a need for the officials to be extra committed in such cases and they break the obligation to inform to be able to support the children.