This thesis deals with changes in conceptions of homosexuality and homosexual subculture as of something basically different, as they developed from the second third of the 19th century to the second half of the 20th century among Czech lawyers and physicians, as well as with changes of self-conceptualization of the Czech homosexual subculture itself, having occurred in the same time interval. It focuses mainly on attitudes and efforts of those who aimed at contributing to social emancipation of this subculture or - in times of increased persecution of homosexuality during the Nazi occupation - on the impossibility to carry on such efforts. The thesis is divided in five parts - in the first one, the legal context which provoked the emancipation efforts in times of the 1852 Penal Code being in force (i.e. until 1950) is explained; the next four parts focus on these efforts separately in four distinct periods. Thus, the second part deals with the expansion of the modern concept of homosexual identity in the Czech lands before WWI, the third part deals with sexual reform efforts by liberal lawyers and physicians as well as on emancipatory and political efforts by the homosexual community itself in the democratic First Czechoslovak Republic (1918-1938), aiming at decriminalization of homosexual acts,...

Les policiers jouent une rôle unique et névralgique dans notre société. Ils détiennent des pouvoirs exorbitants du droit commun, comme celui d’utiliser légalement la force ou de procéder à des arrestations. Ces pouvoirs doivent nécessairement être encadrés compte tenu de leur caractère invasif et de l’effet important qu’ils peuvent avoir sur les personnes visées. Les policiers ont également des devoirs importants : les citoyens attendent d’eux qu’ils luttent contre le crime et qu’ils soient en mesure d’assurer leur protection. Il ne faut donc pas se surprendre que les poursuites en responsabilité civile soient récurrentes contre les forces policières : elles sont le corolaire des pouvoirs et des devoirs majeurs qui leurs sont confiés. Le présent mémoire sur la responsabilité civile des forces policières en droit québécois vise d’abord à cerner l’organisation et l’encadrement des forces policières au Québec afin d’en évaluer l’impact sur la responsabilité civile de celles-ci. Nous verrons ensuite que le procès en responsabilité civile est souvent le dernier acte d’une série de procédures pénales, déontologiques et administratives mettant en scène les mêmes faits et les mêmes policiers impliqués. Puis, nous nous intéresserons à la norme de conduite applicable à la faute civile policière et à son évolution depuis le début du XXe siècle. La fonction policière s’est graduellement « professionnalisée » au cours des dernières décennies et les tribunaux se sont montrés en retour de plus en plus exigeants face aux policiers dans le cadre d’une poursuite en responsabilité civile, écartant notamment la notion d’immunité relative. Nous analyserons comment les tribunaux définissent la norme de conduite applicable, soit le policier raisonnable placé dans les mêmes circonstances, en s’appuyant notamment sur le droit souple (soft law), la déontologie policière, le droit criminel et pénal, les chartes, etc. Finalement, compte tenu que le travail policier est très diversifié, les fautes civiles susceptibles d’être commises sont variées. Le présent mémoire vise donc à « catégoriser » différentes situations qui mettent en cause la responsabilité civile des policiers, par exemple l’usage de la force, le profilage ou l’arrestation, le tout afin de dégager des règles spécifiques à chacune de ces situations. / Police forces play a unique and very sensitive role in our modern society. They hold extensive and singular powers, such as legally using force or restraint against citizen and making an arrest. Considering the great impact and the invasive nature of said powers, their exercise must be regulated and monitored. Police forces also have important duties: citizens rightfully expect police to repress crime and ensure their physical and material security. It is no surprise that civil claims against police forces are recurrent; they simply are the consequence of the high powers and duties vested in them. First, this thesis on civil liability of police forces in Quebec law aims at defining the legal, regulatory, and administrative framework of the Quebec police forces in order to evaluate the various impacts on their civil liability. We will also demonstrate that the civil trial is often the last episode of numerous judicial and administrative proceedings concerning the same events and the same police officers. Second, we will examine the applicable standard of conduct that a reasonable police officer is expected to meet and its evolution since the beginning of the twentieth century: in the last decades, police officers became professionals held to higher standards than before and civil courts now expect more from them, setting aside the notion of relative immunity they once benefited. We will analyze how the civil courts define the standard of a reasonable police officer in the same circumstances, notably building on soft law, charters, criminal and penal legislation, the professional codes of ethics, etc. Finally, considering the variety of tasks that police officers performed on a daily basis, different forms of civil faults can emanate from numerous situations. This thesis seeks to categorize various situations where the police forces can be held liable, such as unreasonable use of force, profiling, or arrest, in order to identify specific rules in each of these situations.

This thesis deals with changes in conceptions of homosexuality and homosexual subculture as of something basically different, as they developed from the second third of the 19th century to the second half of the 20th century among Czech lawyers and physicians, as well as with changes of self-conceptualization of the Czech homosexual subculture itself, having occurred in the same time interval. It focuses mainly on attitudes and efforts of those who aimed at contributing to social emancipation of this subculture or - in times of increased persecution of homosexuality during the Nazi occupation - on the impossibility to carry on such efforts. The thesis is divided in five parts - in the first one, the legal context which provoked the emancipation efforts in times of the 1852 Penal Code being in force (i.e. until 1950) is explained; the next four parts focus on these efforts separately in four distinct periods. Thus, the second part deals with the expansion of the modern concept of homosexual identity in the Czech lands before WWI, the third part deals with sexual reform efforts by liberal lawyers and physicians as well as on emancipatory and political efforts by the homosexual community itself in the democratic First Czechoslovak Republic (1918-1938), aiming at decriminalization of homosexual acts,...

La Révolution française, « mère de toutes les révolutions » selon l’expression consacrée, est perçue comme une rupture radicale tant socialement que politiquement. Sur le plan juridique, elle ouvre les portes de la justice criminelle à l’humanité des lumières en accord avec les idées de Cesare Beccaria et de nombreux auteurs du XVIIIe siècle. La réforme pénale initiée par l’Assemblée constituante se veut comme une rupture franche avec l’Ancien Régime en repensant entièrement la carte judiciaire et le corpus législatif pour offrir à la cité « idéale » la justice qui lui revient. Pour autant, cette transfiguration aura-t-elle les effets escomptés ? Au-delà des mots, quel est son impact réel sur le rendu de la justice ? Les effets les plus néfastes qui prévalaient sous les conseillers du roi ont-ils disparu sous le règne des jurés de jugement ? Quelles sont les parts de continuité et de rupture avec l’Ancien Régime dans l’exercice de cette justice pénale ordinaire révolutionnaire ? Sur les traces de Tocqueville, cette étude se propose de répondre à ces problématiques en « descendant dans le tombeau de cette France qui n’est plus » au travers des archives du Parlement de Provence pour comprendre cette France qui vient de naître, incarnée par les tribunaux de district jugeant criminellement et le tribunal criminel départemental des Bouches-du-Rhône. Pour nous aider dans cette mise en perspective et naviguer entre ces deux périodes, nous monterons à bord de « Argo », une application que nous avons développée pour traiter et analyser les milliers d’arrêts de ces juridictions antagonistes / The French revolution, “mother of all the revolutions” according to the devoted expression, is perceived like a radical rupture both socially as politically. On the legal level, she opens the doors of criminal justice to the humanity of the lights in agreement with the ideas of Cesare Beccaria and many authors of the 18th century. The penal reform initiated by the Constituent Assembly wants to be like a frank rupture with the Ancien Régime by entirely reconsidering the judicial map and the legislative corpus to offer to the “ideal” city the justice she deserve. However, will this transfiguration have the desired effects? Beyond words, what is its real impact on the rendering of justice? Did the most harmful effects which prevailed under the advisors of the king disappear under the reign of jurors? What are the shares of continuity and rupture with the Ancien Régime in the exercise of this ordinary revolutionary criminal justice? In the footsteps of Tocqueville, this study proposes to answer these problems by "descending into the tomb of this France which is no more" through the archives of the Parliament of Provence to understand this France which has just been born, incarnated by the criminal district courts and the departmental criminal court of Bouches-du-Rhône. To help us in this perspective and navigate between these two periods, we will go up on board "Argo", an application we have developed to process and analyze the thousands of judgments of these antagonistic jurisdictions

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 a eutanasia na visao do garantismo penal.pdf: 543487 bytes, checksum: e4aa602946a78b514d189f5234f8e6d1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-11-09 / Comparing euthanasia procedure and guarantee of the Luigi Ferrajoli, as to penal prohibition, the injury and necessity principles, and minimal penal law, this study does a projection regarding main consequences of this conduct in the penal law, notably its consequences to the human dignity principle, which is the logical correspondent of the modern Democratic Law State. The penalization is not required in the model of the minimal penal law defended for the guarantee, not even in a mitigation form, of the human behavior named euthanasia, which must be revised, due to the fact that its your configuration about a prohibited and juridical guilty behavior doesn t match with a modern vision of the penal guarantee, not to mention that the penal law must only appeal as a extreme medicine, as a ultima ratio . In the law guarantee vision, which is based on the human essentials rights for fundamental and the limitation of the state punitive power against the arbitrating and the illegality, leads to the conclusion that the dignity of the death process turns into a new right of the citizen, now, raisen up to the fundamental rights category. / Num cotejo entre a eutanásia e o garantismo de Luigi Ferrajoli, quanto à proibição penal, os princípios da lesividade e necessidade, e o direito penal mínimo, este estudo faz uma projeção sobre as principais conseqüências desse comportamento em matéria penal, notadamente quanto à sua repercussão sobre o princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana, que é corolário lógico do Estado Democrático de Direito. Não se justifica, no modelo de direito penal mínimo propugnado pelo garantismo, a penalização, ainda que de forma mitigada, do comportamento humano denominado eutanásia. Deve, pois, ser revista, porque sua configuração como uma conduta penalmente proibida e juridicamente culpável não se coaduna com a visão moderna do garantismo penal, não se deixando esquecer, ainda, que ao direito penal só se deve recorrer como um remédio extremo, como ultima ratio . Na vertente penal garantista, que tem por fundamento primordial a tutela dos direitos fundamentais do homem e a limitação do poder punitivo estatal contra o arbítrio e a ilegalidade, chega-se à conclusão de que a dignidade do processo de morrer assume foros de um novo direito do cidadão, agora elevado à categoria de direito fundamental.

Orientador: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira Costa / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T01:58:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Campos_MarcelodaSilveira_M.pdf: 1640796 bytes, checksum: def943ef6673f053b6e0656187694bdc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: A partir de meados dos anos 90 do século XX até os dias atuais, parte da literatura internacional sobre criminalização, segurança pública e justiça criminal (sobretudo nos EUA e Inglaterra) sinalizou o abandono da política criminal tradicional - chamada de penal welfarism. Esta política, baseada na tradição liberal dos direitos humanos e pautada no ideal de ressocialização do criminoso, teria sido substituída por uma política penal mais dura, abrangente e agora mais voltada para a defesa social. Modificou-se o funcionamento estratégico da justiça penal contemporânea e sua importância. A partir desse enquadramento teórico geral, este trabalho analisa quais foram as políticas criminais adotadas pelo Parlamento brasileiro. Para isso analiso a produção das principais leis aprovadas em segurança pública e justiça criminal no Congresso Nacional brasileiro no período de 1989 a 2006. Divido a pesquisa em dois momentos: i) um mapeamento do material apontando quais são os partidos, estados e casas proponentes; mandatos presidenciais que sancionaram as leis; número de leis aprovadas por ano e o tempo de tramitação das leis de acordo com a casa propositora; ii) os tipos gerais (modelos) de punição propostos pelas normas. Proponho nas considerações finais que é possível pensar: coexistências na política criminal entre criminalização, recrudescimento penal e leis que despenalizaram ou buscaram efetivar direitos dos réus; ii) apesar da coexistência ou (e) sobreposição entre estes domínios na política criminal, o Parlamento e o Executivo 'escolhem' o uso simbólico do Penal como forma fundamental de resolução de conflitos, a partir de demandas estatais (ou da sociedade civil) por maior (ou mais pesada) criminalização de condutas / Abstract: From the mid-90s of the twentieth century until today, part of the international literature on criminality, public safety and criminal justice (primarily in the U.S. and England) signaled the abandonment of traditional criminal policy - called the penal welfarism. The policy, based on the liberal tradition of human rights and on the ideal of social resocialization of criminals, would have been replaced by a tougher criminal justice policy, more comprehensive and now more focused on social defense. The strategic functioning of criminal justice and its contemporary relevance has changed. From this general framework, this research examines the criminal policies which were adopted by the Brazilian Parliament. To that end, I analyze the production of the major laws approved on public safety and criminal justice in the Brazilian Parliament in the period from 1989 to 2006. The research is divided into two different moments: i) a mapping of the material indicating which are the proponent parties, states and houses; presidential mandates, the number of laws adopted per year and the time of the drafting of laws in according to the proponent house ii) the general types (models) of punishment proposed by the laws. I propose in my final considerations that: the coexistence in Brazilian criminal policy of criminalization and the stiffening of criminal laws/expansion of rights in Brazil. Despite this coexistence or (and) overlap between these areas, the Parliament and the Executive 'choose' the symbolic use of the penal laws as a fundamental form of conflict resolution from state (or civil society) demands for more extensive (or heavier) criminalization of conducts / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

Au Chili, la délinquance est le problème public par excellence. Objet privilégié de l’attention des médias, sujet des débats électoraux et des recherches en sciences sociales, enjeu de politiques publiques, thème des sondages comme des conversations domestiques, la délinquance envahit la vie quotidienne. Ce surgissement constant dans la vie de tous les jours ne se fait pas nécessairement en tant que l’ensemble des délits qui a effectivement lieu dans le pays. C’est plutôt comme phénomène encadrant de multiples façons la vie quotidienne qu’elle se manifeste aux personnes et aux institutions. Si la délinquance est avant tout une question de vivre-ensemble, je propose dans cette thèse de l’aborder à travers une perspective de sociologie générale qui s’éloigne des approches criminologiques. Je mobilise un regard inspiré des littératures pragmatistes et portant sur la performativité du droit afin d’explorer la manière dont un type spécifique de délits – les flagrants délits – permet de comprendre ce qu’est la délinquance au Chili, la façon dont on en parle, ce qui se fait en son nom et les interactions qu’elle rend possibles. Mobilisant une approche ethnographique, la thèse analyse des données hétéroclites produites grâce à l’observation de conversations informelles, la lecture de documents officiels, de statistiques et d’articles de presse, entre autres. Elle inclut deux récits ethnographiques décrivant ce qui arrive dans les salles d’audience des tribunaux pénaux de première instance et dans une unité du ministère public, deux instances directement chargées du traitement judicaire des flagrants délits à Santiago. La thèse présente également trois articles scientifiques portant sur différents aspects de ce type de délits : leur traitement de la part des institutions en charge d’appliquer le droit pénal; la manière dont, dans des contextes judiciaires et autres, les personnes y font référence; la mise en place d’un permis de mobilité durant la pandémie de la covid-19, dont le résultat est la constitution d’un délit pouvant seulement être commis « en flagrance ». La thèse revient enfin sur le rôle de l’État dans la gestion de la délinquance, suggérant que dans le cas des flagrants délits s’opère un travail constant de production de la distance entre l’administration, les justiciables et leurs drames. / In Chile, crime is central to public discourse. As the focus of media coverage, the subject of electoral debates and social science research, a public policy issue, and the topic of polling and domestic conversation, crime invades daily life. This quotidian assertion of presence is not necessarily reflective of the ensemble of criminal acts that are committed in the country, but rather acts as a framework that structures daily life for both individuals and institutions. If crime is above all then a collective, social question, I propose in this thesis to examine it from a general sociological perspective that distances itself from criminological approaches. Drawing inspiration from pragmatist scholarship, my work focuses on the performativity of law in order to explore the ways in which a specific form of infraction – those caught in the act, or in flagrante delicto – allows us to understand crime in Chile, how it is talked about, what is done in its name, and the interactions it makes possible. The thesis takes an ethnographic approach, analyzing heterogeneous data produced through observation of informal conversations and research in official documents, statistics, and newspaper articles, amongst other sources. It includes two ethnographic accounts describing what happens in the courtrooms of the penal tribunal and in a unit of the public ministry, two institutions directly responsible for flagrante delicto cases in Santiago. The dissertation also contains three scientific studies dealing with different aspects of these types of infractions: their treatment by the institutions that apply penal law; the ways in which, in legal contexts or otherwise, people make reference to them; the creation of a pass system during the COVID-19 pandemic, the result of which was the constitution of an offence that could only be committed “in flagrante.” Finally, the thesis returns to the role of the State in the management of crime, suggesting that behind its treatment of flagrante delicto cases operates a constant production of distance between the legal apparatus, the accused, and their personal dramas. / En Chile, la delincuencia es el problema público por excelencia. Tema de común medios, de debates electorales, de investigaciones en ciencias sociales, de políticas públicas, de encuestas y de conversaciones domésticas, la delincuencia invade la vida cotidiana. Su aparición constante en la vida de todos los días no se da necesariamente en la forma del conjunto de delitos que tiene efectivamente lugar en el país, sino que más bien como fenómeno que enmarca de múltiples maneras la vida cotidiana de personas y de instituciones. Como la delincuencia es sobre todo una cuestión de convivencia, en esta tesis propongo abordarla a través de una perspectiva de sociología general que se aleja de enfoques criminológicos. Utilizo una mirada inspirada de literaturas pragmatistas y que tratan sobre la performatividad del derecho con el fin de explorar la manera en que un tipo específico de delitos – los delitos flagrantes – permite comprender lo que es la delincuencia en Chile, la manera en que se habla de ella, lo que se hace en su nombre y las interacciones que vuelve posibles. Basándose en un enfoque etnográfico, la tesis analiza datos heteróclitos producidos gracias a la observación de conversaciones informales, la lectura de documentos oficiales, de estadísticas y de artículos de prensa, entre otros. Ella incluye dos relatos etnográficos que describen lo que ocurre en las salas de audiencia de tribunales de primera instancia y en una unidad del ministerio público, dos instancias directamente encargadas del tratamiento judicial de los delitos flagrantes en Santiago. La tesis presenta igualmente tres artículos científicos que tratan diferentes aspectos de este tipo de delitos: su tratamiento por parte de las instituciones encargadas de aplicar el derecho penal, la manera en que, en contexto judiciales y otros, las personas se refieren a éstos, y la implementación de un permiso de movilidad durante la pandemia del covid-19, cuyo resultado fue la creación de un delito que sólo puede ser cometido “en flagrancia”. La tesis se refiere finalmente al rol del Estado en la gestión de la delincuencia, sugiriendo que en el caso de los delitos flagrantes opera un trabajo de constante producción de la distancia entre la administración, los justiciables y sus dramas.

Le principe d'impartialité est essentiellement traité par les juristes français sous l'angle de l'imposante jurisprudence de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. Néanmoins, l'origine internationale de ce principe restait inexplorée. Cette étude montre que l'impartialité est une exigence récurrente dans les discours sur la justice, et ce depuis l'Antiquité. Malgré son évidence philosophique, la juridicisation du principe d'impartialité s'est révélée sinueuse et inégale à travers l'histoire et les cultures juridiques (Common law/Civil law). Les particularités du régime politique du Royaume-Uni expliquent ainsi l'applicabilité directe du principe dans le trial dès les origines de la Common law. En revanche, en droit français, sa consécration explicite fut tardive et provoquée par l'article 6 CEDH, même si le juge national avait su contourner le silence des textes pour lui procurer une protection indirecte. À coté de ces décalages entre les États, une brève analyse de l'histoire du droit international suffit à constater la présence du principe dans l'ordre juridique international dès le début du XXe siècle. L'étude du principe d'impartialité de la justice illustre alors parfaitement la problématique des rapports de systèmes. Plusieurs interactions importantes peuvent être signalées. Dans un premier temps, le droit international a eu besoin du principe d'impartialité afin de légitimer la construction de son propre ordre, qui passait inévitablement par la juridictionnalisation. Dans un deuxième temps, après avoir accompli sa fonction structurante, il est devenu partie intégrante du droit international substantiel tout en voyant son objet modifié / The principle of impartiality is essentially treate by the French jurists under the angle of the impressive jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights. Nevertheless, the international origin of this principle remained unexplored. This study shows that the impartiality is a recurring requirement in the speeches on the justice, and it since the Antiquit. In spite of its philosophic obvious fact, the juridicisation of the principle of impartiality showed itself sinuous and uneven through the history and the legal cultures (Civilian /Common law). The peculiarities of the political system of the United Kingdom so explain the direct applicability of the principle in the motocross from the origins of Common law. On the other hand, in French law, its explicit consecration was late and provoked by the article 6 EHCR

Constitutionalizaton of Law’s different areas is a phenomenon gradually more ingrained in our cultural and legal framework. Maybe the best demonstration is the increasingly prominent role of the Constitutional Court (TC) – Constitution’s Supreme Interpreter – in defining and redefining concepts, rights and legal principles touching a range of subjects, from TaxLaw to Human Rights. This is relevant to understand the Law and its current effects whether it is valued positively or negatively. / La constitucionalización de las distintas áreas del Derecho es un fenómeno cada vez más arraigado en nuestra cultura y contexto jurídicos. Tal vez la forma más evidente en que se haya manifestado sea el creciente protagonismo del Tribunal Constitucional (TC), supremo intérprete de la Constitución, en la significación y resignificación de conceptos, derechos y principios jurídicos que, a través de sus sentencias, han afectado desde el derecho tributario hasta los derechos humanos. Sea que esto se valore positiva o negativamente, su relevancia para comprender el derecho y sus efectos en la actualidad es innegable.

En réponse aux cycles de violences de masse et à la guerre civile qui ont jalonné son histoire douloureuse, le Burundi s’est engagé dans un processus de justice transitionnelle, officiellement depuis la signature des Accords de paix d’Arusha en 2000. Malgré la mobilisation des énergies internationales et l’omniprésence de la problématique au sein du débat public depuis douze ans, seules des consultations nationales destinées à recueillir l’avis de la population burundaise sur le sujet ont été organisées en 2009. Á l’aube de la mise en place d’une Commission Nationale de Vérité et de Réconciliation, à laquelle devrait être associé un tribunal spécial, le constat de la nature globale de la justice transitionnelle s’impose. Cette globalité s’exprime à travers le recours à des instruments à la fois judiciaires et extra-judiciaires mais également à des outils ayant vocation à s’appliquer de façon immédiate (ou conjoncturelle) et durable (ou structurelle). D’une part, dans une perspective normative et légaliste, le processus global de justice transitionnelle semble être cause d’inerties et de blocages comme peut a priori l’illustrer le cas du Burundi. D’autre part, à la lumière d’une approche systémique et inclusive, la globalité est au contraire source d’évolutions et d’émulations qui stimulent la créativité de la justice transitionnelle comme le démontre également le Burundi. Cette justice elle-même en transition est en réalité une justice réconciliatrice porteuse de doutes mais aussi d’espoirs. Elle est une justice complexe qui s’invente chaque jour, qui ne peut être efficace et efficiente qu’à condition d’être adaptée, légitime et appropriée par ceux à qui elle est destinée. Elle implique que soient trouvées des réponses satisfaisantes aux souffrances et aux besoins indissociables des victimes et des auteurs des violences de masse d’hier et des injustices sociales d’aujourd’hui. Elle a aussi pour ambition de prévenir la commission des crimes du futur en participant au renforcement de l’État de droit et, de façon plus globale, de rompre avec l’histoire de violences symboliques et actives subies et perpétrées au Burundi. / As an answer to cycles of mass violence in Burundi, a transitional justice process has been opened. The Burundian case study presents some particularities among this kind of process. Whereas the Arusha peace and reconciliation agreement for Burundi in 2000 decided setting up two transitional justice instruments, a special court and a Truth Reconciliation Commission, the transitional justice process has not begun yet. Only National Consultations were organized in 2009. The negotiations and the mediation occurred during the ongoing war. There were no winners and no losers but just armed men who decided to discuss in order to conquer the power and then to keep it. That may explain why negotiations were so longer and staggered. A sort of consociativisme system was set up in Burundi as the model organization of power-sharing. Inside the politic game of power-sharing the peace-justice dilemma appears through instrumentalization of retributive justice which is assimilated to justice and the truth and pardon which claim referring to peace. Another particularity is found regarding numerous judicial and legal reforms relatively to children rights, lands conflict, electoral law or Criminal Code. On the eve of the implementation of the Truth Reconciliation Commission, the global nature of the transitional justice process is obvious. The Burundian context appears as an illustration of the extensive meaning of transitional justice which represents a justice in transition. The global nature of the matter is emerging through its temporal and disciplinary versatility. On one hand, transitional justice seems to be past justice, currently justice and future justice at the same time and on the other hand it may take several forms out of the official one, initially predicted. In a legalist and normative view, global nature of justice in transition might cause deadlock regarding the case of Burundi. In a systemic and multidisciplinary perspective, global nature of justice in transition reveals change capacities according to the case of Burundi. What really matter in such transitional justice process is relieving victims and perpetrators’sufferings which are undeniably linked and bringing answers to each protagonist of the crime as to the society with the permanent and ambitious aim of reconciliation.