台灣自1994年起由文建會推動社區營造，有別於中央主導的方式，，試圖以「在地行動」、「由下而上」的核心概念，讓社區發展以在地居民需求為導向，自發性地營造出各具特色的社區。但社造是涉及許多共用資源管理的複雜議題，早期臺灣地區居民缺乏社造經驗，參與公共事務的意願不高，加上未有一套完整的模式進行輔導，導致二十年來實際成功之案例並不多見。近年來隨著公眾議題發燒，臺灣民眾自主意識提升、開始重視公共事務，正是積極發展社造之際。但環顧國內社區對於共用資源的管理，能在期盼有一套良好的制度或模式得以依循。 本研究案例木柵二期重劃區，其自主組織「木柵二期重劃區促進發展協進會」透過社會生態系統(Social-Ecological System；以下簡稱SES)的應用，有效將自主治理理論(Self-governance Theory)運用於社造，用以解決共用資源的問題，甚至曾受邀請至世界衛生組織(WHO)，分享成功經驗。但本研究發現，將自主治理理論應用於社造之研究竟付之闕如，更沒有一套可供社造工作者參考的模型。故本研究試圖以木柵二期重劃區為案例，建立一套社造自主治理之量化模型。 本研究整理自主治理領域的相關文獻後發現，自主治理的研究雖以質化研究為主，但隨著SES的演進與簡化，是有建立量化模型之可能性。故本研究先對本案例「木柵二期重劃區」進行深度訪談及問卷調查，匯整其成功自主治理之社造沿革、社造過程、社造結果的要素，並將其與SES各種核心子系統進行對應，發現有其適用性。據此，再參考2014年的架構，提出資源體系、資源單體、治理體系、參與者四個構面皆顯著影響作用情境之假設，建立本案例之社造社會生態系統模型，於2014年11月對區內20歲以上居民發放問卷。 因素分析的結果顯示，模型整體的建構效度良好；但核心子系統需修正為三個(因本案例之資源體系與資源單體的重疊性較高，故歸納為資源體系稱之)。其次，迴歸分析驗證之結果亦顯示本案例所提出之資源體系、參與者顯著影響作用情境，此兩個假設獲得支持；另外由於當初將治理體系的設定為地方政府，將自主治理組織木柵二期重劃區促進發展協進會歸納為參與者，導致結果顯示治理體系不會顯著影響作用情境。 故本研究的結果顯示，透過SES模型將自主治理理論導入社造是一條可行的方式，然社造的議題涉及層面與考量因素甚廣，且於世界各地亦有許多官方、民間的組織仍不斷的實作以及推廣。唯本研究僅以自主治理理論是否可導入社造為角度切入，與當前主流理論不盡相同，須就其優缺點、以及對現象的解釋力進行比較，然受限於本研究之時間、人力、成本，仍待後續研究者的協助。 研究者本身為協進會理事長，經由近十年之實務操作經驗，並透過本研究之驗證，深知社造之特徵實與自主治理理論概念相近、本研究所建立之社造SES模型，亦有良好的建構效度。故期望能將此實證建構之模型推廣到更多地區，建立社造成功的模式、營造更多桃花源般的社區，使人安住休息，並希望人類從此幸福、和諧、安康。 / Ever since 1994, the Council for Cultural Affairs (CCA) in Taiwan has pro-moted a placemaking movement totally different from the programs previously offered. With the core concepts of “local activities” and “bottom-up” in mind, the movement aims to help develop the communities around the island that could meet the demands of the local residents and automatically display their unique-ness. In the early days, however, the residents in Taiwan did not seem to get very actively involved in public affairs and have access to a good model to follow. Successful cases were rare in the past two decades. In the recent years, public issues have been under heated discussion and autonomous consciousness, raised among the general public. The time has come to develop the placemaking. Considering the management of common-pool resources involved with placemaking and the people’s total lack of the experience, a good system or model is needed to follow. However, the problems faced with the management of common-pool resources, home or abroad, have not been solved, either through the free market or the government centralization, until 1990 when Ostrom proposed his self-governance theory. But no research has been found on the application of self-governance theory to placemaking so far. Taking this into account, this research is intended to apply self-governance theory to the placemaking in “the second phase of re-planning the Mu-zha District” as an example. Through depth interviews and questionnaire survey, this study tries to know how residents themselves have worked on their placemaking, what are the key factors for their success, and, further, have a good grip of how their self-governance organization—The Community Development Association of the Second Phase of Re-planning the Mu-zha District —has applied self-governance theory to the placemaking so successfully. To illustrate, first, through depth interviews with experts, scholars, and local opinion leaders, this researcher collected the data on the evolution of placemaking in the second phase of re-planning the Mu-zha District, its process and outcomes, finding that “community resources in place” and “leaders with strong leadership” are the key factors for residents’ high satisfaction. Then, in the qualitative study, this researcher compared each of the counterparts both in self-governance system and social-ecological system (SES), finding that the self-governance theory has its applicability. Next, to establish a SES framework suited for this study, this researcher adapted the SES set by McGinnis and Ostrom in 2014 and proposed the resource system, the resource unit, the governance system and participants for factor anal-ysis. In November, 2014, questionnaires were handed out to the district residents aged 20 and over. Through factor analysis, it is found that the construct validity of the so-cial-ecological system for this study is good. Since there is a considerable overlap between the resources system in this study and the resources unit, we called them the resources system. The regression analysis also concludes that the resources system and participants proposed in this study are gaining support. Because the hypothesis of governance system in this research is local government, the inhab-itant trusts the Development Association; therefore the governance system cannot obviously affect the focal action situation. With one decade’s practical experience in the placemaking and through the verification of this study, this researcher, also the chairman of Community De-velopment Association realizes that the features of placemaking are quite close to the concept of self-governance theory. And the construct validity of the estab-lished SES in this study also proves to be good.It is therefore highly expected that the model of placemaking proposed in this study could be promoted to more re-gions around the whole world in the hope of building more wonderful communi-ties, where people could live peacefully and happily.

近年來，社區林業的推行已然成為國際間林業經營的新趨勢，而我國亦在2002年推動「社區林業－居民參與保育共生計畫」，倡導「林業走出去，民眾走進來」的社區林業理念，該理念之倡導，旨在鼓勵在地居民參與，凝聚共識及培養社區自主能力，並由政府與社區居民及民間組織形成夥伴關係，以協力推動生物多樣性保育、永續森林生態旅遊及相關林業建設，藉以達成社區發展與森林永續之目標。 台大實驗林過去的林業治理多半採由上而下的治理方式，常導致管理單位與當地居民的對立，治理成效未盡理想，故台大實驗林管理處近年來嘗試遴選適當社區，推動社區林業，期望能找到林業資源治理新契機，然而，其成效若何值得深入考察，又因實驗林乃肩負試驗研究、教學實習、示範經營、環境保育等責任，本研究認為若能在此地區為政策示範地區，當能作為全國的林業治理借鏡，故遴選其轄區內執行之社區為個案加以探討，以獲悉施行實況。 森林係屬排他性很低但取用的減損性高的共用資源(Common Pool Resources, CPR)之一，若未能妥善經營管理，則易產生「共用地悲劇」。Elinor Ostrom(1990)曾就此提出由社區自主治理永續制度安排的設計原則，故本研究將藉以援引，並採深入訪談法，評估台大實驗林接受社區林業補助的案例的施行成果，提出自主治理的難題，包含參與者界定困難、參與者投入的成本與獲得效益不相稱、尚無監督參與者的機制、無權進行制裁機制、上級主管單位授權不足，並提出相關解決對策，期望使社區林業政策之推動更臻成熟，亦透過本研究肯認台大實驗林未來發展生態旅遊之潛力，而為改善我國森林資源治理效能之方針。 / In recent years, the implementation of community forestry industry has become a new trend in the international forestry operations , while now is also promoting " Community Forestry - residents to participate in conservation Symbiosis Project " in 2002 , advocated " Forestry go outside , people come inside ," the community forestry concept the idea of the initiative, designed to encourage residents to participate in the ground , build consensus and foster community autonomy , the government formed by residents and non-governmental organizations and community partnerships to promote the conservation of biological diversity in the third , sustainable forest eco-tourism and related forestry construction , in order to achieve the goal of sustainable community development and forest . The Experimental Forest of National Taiwan University (hereafter referred to as the Experimental Forest) past forestry governance mostly adopt a top-down governance , often leading management units and local residents opposing governance performance unsatisfactory , the Experimental Forest in recent years to try the selection of appropriate community , promote community forestry, expect to find new opportunities for forest resource management , however , the effectiveness of how worthy of further investigation, because of the experimental forests are shouldering experimental research, teaching practice , demonstration management, environmental conservation and other responsibilities , this study suggests that if the demonstration in the area of regional policy when a country's forestry governance can learn from , so the selection of its communities in the area to be explored is the case , learned to perform live . Department of Forestry is low but exclusive access to the shared resources with high impairment (Common Pool Resources, CPR) one of , if not the proper management, is easy to produce , " shared the tragedy ." Elinor Ostrom (1990) had been made by the community self- governance and sustainable design principles of institutional arrangements , the purpose of this study will be invoked , and mining depth interviews to assess the implementation of the outcome of Experimental Forest accepted the case of community forestry subsidies , raise self- governance the problem, in order to propose solutions that promote community forestry policies more mature, improve the performance of our forest resources governance .

Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University. Macquarie Graduate School of Management. / Bibliography: p. 286-324. / The contribution of this thesis is to present a framework to analyse firms controlled by more than one board. The literature survey of Chapter 2 revealed that there is little recognition of this phenomenon and no accepted way to investigate firms governed by multiple control centres described as a "compound board". The framework is developed in Chapter 3. The historical emergence of compound boards is outlined in Chapter 4 with examples of their architecture described in Chapters 5 and 6. Chapter 7 shows how the framework provides insights not available from other theories of the firm and how selfyes governance can be furthered by utilising contrary human attributes of competition/co-operation, trust/suspicion and self-interest/altruism. / The framework is described as transaction byte analysis (TBA) as it is based on the limited and inconsistent ability of humans to transact units of information described as "bytes". TBA identifies cybernetic principles and strategies that can mitigate human limitations in processing bytes. These provide organisational design criteria for firms to obtain operating advantages. As information is a common element in varies theories of the firm, TBA relates and subsumes them while allowing any type of organisation to be analysed. / Propositions are presented in Chapter 7 for illustrating how TBA provides insights into explaining: (i) why non-trivial employee owned industrial firms have more than one board; (ii) why self-regulation and self-governance of non-trivial firms cannot be assured without a compound board; (iii) how compound boards can simplify the role, knowledge, duties and liabilities of directors; (iv) the competitive advantages of appropriate compound boards in relation to unitary control systems; (v) how to compare and evaluate the relative advantages and disadvantages of firms with different ownership and control structures; (vi) how to compare the relative efficacy of hierarchical and non-hierarchical firms be they in the private or public sector. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / x, 324 p. ill

<p>This dissertation argues for a number of theses related to responsibility, norm psychology, and personhood. Although most of the papers argue for “standalone” theses, in the sense that their truth does not depend the truth of the others, the five papers collectively illustrate a broader view of humans as (a) responsible agents who are (b) self-governing and (c) equipped with a capacity for norms, and whose agency (d) centers on dynamic responsiveness to corrective feedback. Drawing on this broader picture, the dissertation sheds light on ethical questions about our social practices and technologies, as well as descriptive questions about the nature of substance use disorder. </p> <p>Most centrally, the dissertation argues that forward-looking considerations are relevant for responsibility, not merely because the consequences of our responsibility practices are desirable, but primarily because of a connection which I argue exists between relationships, norms, and learning. On the view I defend, an agent is a responsible agent only if she can learn from being held responsible, so as to regulate herself according to norms of which she presently falls short. I argue that, if it were not for the capacity of humans to learn from <i>social corrective feedback</i>, such as normative responses like praise and blame, humans would be unable to participate in norm-governed relationships and communities. It is in virtue of their participation in these relationships and communities that humans are subject to interpersonal norms, such that they can fulfill or violate these norms and be praiseworthy or blameworthy for doing so. So, without the kind of learning that makes participation in these relationships a possibility, humans could never be praiseworthy or blameworthy for anything that they do. </p> <p>The dissertation also argues that human norm psychology has implications for how we should relate to “social robots”—artificial agents designed to participate in relationships with humans. I argue that, like humans, social robots should be equipped with a capacity to recognize and respond to normative feedback. Lastly, the dissertation resists a common narrative about addiction as being a form of akrasia in which agents act against their own better judgment. While this is certainly a central aspect of many cases of addiction, I argue that it fails to appreciate the ways in which addiction sometimes interacts with a person’s identity and goals, especially in cases where the agent believes that the things she values would not be feasible if she did not continue to engage in addictive behavior.</p>

Inledning Skolattacker är ett ovanligt och komplext fenomen som ökar i det svenska samhället. Skolattacker kan ha omfattande implikationer för lokalsamhället, men även för uppfattningen om skolan som en trygg och säker plats. Flera instanser i samhället behöver vara förberedda och samverka för att förebygga och minimera risken för att en skolattack ska ske, och för att minimera skadebilden vid en skolattack. Kommuner har en särställning i det samordnande och förebyggande arbetet mot allvarliga olyckor och skador, samt för skola och utbildning i kommunal regi. Styrningen i Sverige är komplex, och omfattar flera olika lagar, förordningar, direktiv, riktlinjer och råd, varför organiseringen för att förebygga skolattacker kan variera mellan olika kommuner mot bakgrund av det kommunala självstyret. Syfte Syftet med studien är att undersöka skillnader och likheter i de policys, handlings- och åtgärdsplaner som finns för att förebygga och hantera skolattacker i ett urval av kommuner. Metod Datainsamling har skett genom att begära ut offentliga handlingar som rör pågående dödligt våld i skolor/skolattacker från ett urval av kommuner. Studien genomförs genom policyanalys genom kvalitativ innehållsanalys av kommuners handlings- och åtgärdsplaner avseende pågående dödligt våld i skolor/skolattacker. Även den information som framkommit i samband med datainsamlingen har tillförts studien. Resultat I studien framkom det att begäran om utlämnande av handling tolkades mycket olika mellan kommunerna. Det fanns organisatoriska skillnader mellan flera av kommunerna om vem som besvarade frågeställningen, samt vilken roll som ansvarade för upprättandet och uppdaterandet av handlings- och åtgärdsplaner. Både utformning och innehåll i handlings- och åtgärdsplanerna varierade mellan kommunerna. Trots detta fanns det indikationer på att det föreligger ett intresse att arbeta förebyggande mot skolattacker, med särskild tonvikt på en pågående skolattack och det efterföljande arbetet. Samtliga kommuner har åtminstone delvis anpassning till Skolverkets riktlinjer, medan enskilda kommuner även inkorporerade information kopplad till tidigare (huvudsakligen amerikansk) forskning.  Slutsatser Det finns stora skillnader i såväl organisation, ansvarsfördelning och upprättande av handlingsplaner, men samtliga kommuner har inkorporerat viss styrning. Samtliga kommuner hade någon typ av arbete avseende våld i skolan, men inte alla hade enskilda dokument eller delar av dokument tillägnat specifikt fenomenet skolattacker. / Introduction School attacks are a rare and complex phenomena, the occurrence of which is increasing in Sweden. School attacks may have extensive implications for the local community, but also for the perception of school as a safe and secure place. Cooperation between many organisations is necessary to prevent and prepare for a school attack, as well as minimise the effects during and after one occurs. Municipalities have a special role in the coordination and preventative work regarding serious accidents and injuries, along with the responisbility for school and education in the municipality. The governance of Sweden is complex, and encompasses many laws, regulations, directives, guidelines and advice. Due to the municipal self-governance, the organisation surrounding the prevention of school attacks may vary between differing municipalities. Purpose The purpose of the study is to examine the similarities and differences in the policies and action plans that exist to prevent and handle school attacks in a sample of municipalities.  Method Data has been collected through requesting public documents regarding ongoing deadly violence in schools (school attacks) from a sample of municipalities. Policy analysis was performed through use of qualitative content analysis of said documents. The information revealed during the data gathering has also been added to the study.  Result This study shows that the request of documentation was treated very differently by the municipalities. There were organisational differences between the municipalities regarding who answered the request, as well as the title and role of the person responsible for the creation and upkeep of the action plans. Both the design and the contents of the action plans varied between the municipalities. Despite this, there were indications of an interest to work preventative against school attacks, with special attention on the ongoing act and the events following an attack. All municipalities have at least partially conformed to the guidelines of Skolverket, though some municipalities also used previous research, most of which was American.  Conclusions All municipalities had some type of governance and action plan regarding violence in schools, though not all had specified school attacks as a phenomena. At the same time, there were large differences in how the action plans were created, who was responsible for the creation and maintenance thereof, as well as the organisations behind them.

This study examines high school students' experience of a political role play in social studies. The purpose of the thesis is to investigate which abilities role-playing games develop for students and through this contribute to the social studies didactic research of experience-based teaching that reflects reality. The ambition of the thesis is to understand whether the effects of role-playing as a teaching method for the learning of political skills are experienced as useful for their role as citizens. Through a digital survey, the students in this study answer questions about their perceived development of their political self-confidence, their political abilities and whether the role-play motivates effort, which in turn answers the question of whether political role-play in social studies is effective for students' self-governance in society. The result shows that the political role-play has beneficial effects for most of the surveyed students development of their political abilities. The students in the study feel that their political self-confidence has increased and that the teaching has benefited their understanding of dissenting views. The result also shows that large parts of the student group have made an effort, which shows that they experience the effects of the teaching as useful in their future role as citizens. / Denna studie undersöker gymnasieelevers upplevelse av ett politiskt rollspel i samhällskunskap. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka vilka förmågor rollspel utvecklar för elever för att bidra till den samhällskunskapsdidaktiska forskningen av upplevelsebaserad undervisning som speglar verkligheten. Ambitionen för uppsatsen är att förstå om effekterna av rollspel som undervisningsmetod för lärandet av politiskt förmågor upplevs som nyttiga för sin roll som medborgare. Genom en digital enkät svarar eleverna i denna studie på frågor om sin upplevda kunskapsutveckling av sin politiskt självtillit, sina politiska förmågor och om rollspelet motiverar till ansträngning, som i sin tur ger svar på frågan om politiskt rollspel i samhällskunskap är effektfullt för elevers självstyrning i samhället. Resultatet visar att det politiska rollspelet har fördelaktiga effekter för de flesta av de tillfrågade eleverna i sin utveckling av politiska förmågor. Eleverna i studien upplever att deras politiska självtillit har ökat och att undervisningen har gynnat deras förståelse för oliktänkande åsikter. Resultatet visar även att stora delar av elevgruppen har ansträngt sig vilket visar att de upplever effekterna av undervisningen som nyttiga i sin framtida rollsom medborgare.

This project investigated the sustainability of homes within three intentional communities. Semi-structured interview and photographic walkthroughs examined the variability of architectural and technological approaches toward sustainability. These include: passive solar design, green roofs, radiant flooring, composting toilets, ground assist heat pumps, solar water heaters, multiamily units and modular construction. It was hypothesized that variation in sustainable construction is related to socioeconomic status and that economics would be a constraint. This project investigated whether communities were transmitting their practices to wider society, if individuals were copying vernacular architecture and if architectural practices followed individual beliefs regarding sustainability. It was found that the Internet is the main method of conveying these practices; that variability was tied less to individual beliefs than to the communities’ institutional documents; and that copying vernacular architecture was for aesthetics not sustainability. Intentional communities are good models for sustainable development, but knowledge transmission is limited.

Dans cette thèse j’examine la production de l'espace public à Canaan, Haïti. Il s’agit d’un établissement auto-urbanisé ayant émergé à la périphérie de Port-au-Prince suite au séisme de 2010, après la déclaration d’utilité publique de la zone pour l’accueil de sinistrés. La disponibilité de cette terre dite « promise » et la présence d’aide humanitaire y ont provoqué l’installation de plus de 250 000 personnes en seulement cinq ans. Alors qu’on le taxe localement de nouveau bidonville, Canaan se présente plutôt comme un vaste morceau de ville en construction. Les habitants y ont construit maisons, commerces, écoles, églises, routes et infrastructures de base, conférant à la localité un visible dynamisme socio-économique. Aussi, de nombreux espaces publics y ont été créés. Il s’agit d’un phénomène étonnant selon la littérature qui signale plutôt sa rareté dans ce type d’établissement humain, pression foncière et contexte de survie y prévalant. Les espaces publics à Canaan offrent donc une opportunité unique de comprendre plusieurs dynamiques spatiales et sociales à l’œuvre dans les établissements populaires/précaires/auto-urbanisés. Optant pour une approche exploratoire et inductive, la méthodologie adoptée est celle de l'étude de cas en raison de la nature révélatrice de Canaan en matière d’espaces publics. J’examine en détail trente d’entre eux à l’aide d’outils variés, incluant : observations, entretiens semi-dirigés, focus groups, parcours commentés, collecte d’artefacts et analyse de plus de 90 documents et rapports techniques. Les résultats démontrent qu’à Canaan les espaces publics sont des ressources plutôt que des lieux récréatifs. Instrumentalisés dans la poursuite des intérêts des acteurs, ils revêtent une valeur utilitaire plutôt que d’usage. Ils servent notamment au combat pour la citoyenneté urbaine que mènent plusieurs leaders locaux, visant la construction d’une ville complète, décente et légitime. Conçues comme « chambres d’invités pour l’État », il s’agit de réserves foncières destinées à l’accueil d’équipements, infrastructures et services publics. Or, d'autres acteurs instrumentalisent ces espaces publics à des fins différentes, créant ainsi un contexte de tensions et de violence. Ces résultats confirment que Canaan représente un territoire en consolidation plutôt qu'un bidonville en déclin. D’un angle théorique, ils signalent qu’à un stade émergent, l’espace public peut y être « autre » que le traditionnel objet matériel à valeur d’usage tel que largement considéré par les architectes et urbanistes. Ceci appelle à un élargissement tant de sa définition que des outils pour le lire. La notion de l’instrumentalisation de l’espace retenue comme lentille à ce titre se révèle fort utile pour comprendre les dynamiques socio-spatiales des établissements populaires/précaires/auto-urbanisés. En outre, la production d’espaces publics se loge à même ce que certains auteurs ont qualifié de « stratégies d’engagement de l’État » dans les luttes à la citoyenneté urbaine. En termes pratiques, les résultats suggèrent qu’il ne faille présumer de la nature de l’espace public dans ces formations urbaines, pouvant revêtir d’autres sens. Les acteurs de l’aide, urbanistes, architectes et autres professionnels de l’aménagement intervenant dans ces habitats gagneraient à s’affranchir du « biais spatial » pour proposer des solutions mieux adaptées à leurs dynamiques propres. / In this thesis I examine the production of public space in Canaan, Haiti. This is a self-urbanized settlement that emerged on the outskirts of Port-au-Prince following the 2010 earthquake, after the area was declared to be for public use to accommodate disaster victims. The availability of this so-called 'promised land' and the presence of humanitarian aid prompted its invasion by over 250,000 people in just five years. While being locally dubbed as a new slum, Canaan is more like a vast piece of city under construction. Residents have built houses, shops, schools, churches, roads and basic infrastructure, giving the locality a visible socio-economic dynamism. Many public spaces have also been created. This is a surprising phenomenon in the light of the literature which points to its rarity and neglect in this type of urban formation, where land pressure and survival agendas prevail. The public spaces in Canaan therefore offer a unique opportunity to understand a number of spatial and social dynamics at work in popular/precarious/self-urbanized settlements. Opting for an exploratory and inductive approach, the methodology adopted is that of a case study because of the revealing nature of Canaan's public spaces. I examined thirty of them in detail using a variety of tools, including observations, semi-directed interviews, focus groups, commented itineraries, artefact collection and analysis of over 90 documents and technical reports. The results show that public spaces in Canaan are resources rather than places for recreation. Instrumentalized in the pursuit of the interests of the actors they federate, they have a utilitarian rather than a use value. In particular, they are used in the struggle for urban citizenship being waged by a number of local leaders, with the aim of building a complete, decent and legitimate city. Conceived as "guest rooms for the State", these are land reserves intended to accommodate public facilities, infrastructure and services. However, other players use these public spaces for different purposes, creating a context of tension and violence. These results confirm that Canaan represents a territory in consolidation rather than a slum in decline. From a theoretical point of view, they indicate that, at an emerging stage, public space can be 'other' than the traditional material object with use value as widely considered by architects and urban planners. This calls for a broadening of both its definition and the tools for reading it. The notion of the instrumentalization of space used as a lens for this purpose is proving extremely useful for understanding the socio-spatial dynamics of popular/precarious/self-urbanized settlements. Moreover, the production of public spaces is embedded in what some authors have described as 'strategies of state engagement' in the struggle for urban citizenship. In practical terms, the results suggest that we should not assume the nature of public space in these urban formations, which may take on other meanings. Aid agencies, urban planners, architects and other planning professionals working in these habitats would do well to free themselves from the 'spatial bias' in order to propose solutions that are better adapted to their own dynamics.

Wie sollen Rechtssysteme auf Regeln reagieren, die Provider von Netzgemeinschaften wie Facebook oder World of Warcraft Nutzenden auferlegen? Das positive Recht gibt hierauf keine verlässliche Antwort. Erst ein Verständnis der Legitimität der Regeln ermöglicht ein Austarieren des Verhältnisses zwischen den Regelwerken von Netzgemeinschaften und Rechtssystemen. Nach Literaturstimmen sollen die Regeln durch außerrechtliche Mechanismen (z.B. direktdemokratische Verfahren), eine gerichtliche Kontrolle nach verfassungsrechtlichen Kriterien oder Zivilverfassungen legitimiert werden. Es ist aber zweifelhaft, ob Netzgemeinschaften legitime außerrechtliche Mechanismen schaffen können, ob sie wie Staaten behandelt werden sollten und ob Zivilverfassungen entstehen werden. Die Arbeit schlägt ein alternatives Modell vor: Im deutschen Zivilrecht zeichnet sich ein Legitimitätsmodell für private Regeln ab, das auf Regeln von Netzgemeinschaften anwendbar ist und als transnationale Schablone dienen kann. Danach werden die Regeln durch die Zustimmung und das Wohl der Nutzenden legitimiert. Letzteres gewährleistet ein Ausbeutungsschutz der Nutzenden in Form einer gerichtlichen Kontrolle. Die Anwendung des Modells führt zu folgenden Erkenntnissen: 1. Geschriebene Regeln sind schwach durch Zustimmung legitimiert. Eine gerichtliche Kontrolle nach vertragsrechtlichen Kriterien (bei Regelungen des Austauschverhältnisses zwischen Providern und Nutzenden) oder grundrechtlichen Kriterien (bei Verhaltensregeln) verleiht ihnen zusätzliche Legitimität. Die Kontrollintensität hängt von der Höhe des Ausbeutungsrisikos und der Existenz von legitimen außerrechtlichen Mechanismen ab. 2. Code-Regeln (z.B. Newsfeed- Algorithmen) sind auch nur schwach durch Zustimmung legitimiert. Gerichtliche Kontrollmöglichkeiten, die sie gegenüber Nutzenden legitimieren, müssen noch geschaffen werden. 3. Geschriebene und Code-Regeln sind illegitim gegenüber Nichtnutzenden, weil sie nicht auf deren Zustimmung beruhen. / How should legal systems respond to rules that virtual community providers such as Facebook or World of Warcraft impose on users? To answer this question, we must look beyond black letter law. Only an understanding of the legitimacy of these rules allows us to balance out their relationship with legal systems. Current scholarship theorizes their legitimacy as follows: Non-legal mechanisms (e.g. direct voting systems), judicial review according to constitutional principles, or digital civil constitutions may legitimize the rules. Yet, three points remain doubtful: whether virtual communities can develop legitimate self-governance mechanisms, whether they should be treated like states, and whether digital civil constitutions will effectively emerge. This work proposes an alternative legitimacy model: German private law reflects a legitimacy model for private rule-making applicable to rules of virtual communities which can serve as a transnational template. This model suggests that the rules can derive legitimacy from two sources: user consent and the common good of users, the latter ensured by judicial review protecting users against exploitation. This leads to the following key findings: 1. Written rules of virtual communities are weakly legitimized by user consent but derive additional legitimacy from judicial review. Contract law standard applies to rules that govern the bilateral exchange relationship between providers and users. General rules of conduct for users are checked against fundamental rights. The required intensity of review depends on the risk of user exploitation and the presence of legitimate self-governance mechanisms. 2. Rules embedded in computer code (e.g. newsfeed algorithms) are poorly legitimized by user consent. Judicial review procedures legitimizing them towards users still need to be established. 3. Both written rules and rules embedded in computer code are not legitimate towards non-users since non-users have not consented to them.

The original purpose of this thesis is to explore the possibility of setting up a school in Aotearoa (New Zealand) that operates according to the principles and philosophies of Summerhill School in Suffolk, England. An examination of Summerhill School is therefore the purpose of this study, particularly because of its commitment to self-regulation and direct democracy for children. My argument within this study is that Summerhill presents precisely the type of model Māori as Tangata Whenua (Indigenous people of Aotearoa) need in our design of an alternative schooling programme, given that self-regulation and direct democracy are traits conducive to achieving Tino Rangitiratanga (Self-government, autonomy and control). In claiming this however, not only would Tangata Whenua benefit from this model of schooling; indeed it has the potential to serve the purpose of all people regardless of age race or gender. At present, no school in Aotearoa has replicated Summerhill's principles and philosophies in their entirety. Given the constraints of a Master's thesis, this piece of work is therefore only intended as a theoretical background study for a much larger kaupapa (purpose). It is my intention to produce a further and more comprehensive study in the future using Summerhill as a vehicle to initiate a model school in Aotearoa that is completely antithetical to the dominant neo-liberal philosophy of our age. To this end, my study intends to demonstrate how neo-liberal schooling is universally dictated by global money market trends, and how it is an ideology fueled by the indifferent acceptance of the general population. In other words, neo-liberal theory is a theory of capitalist colonisation. In order to address the long term vision, this project will be comprised of two major components. The first will be a study of the principal philosophies that govern Summerhill School. As I will argue, Summerhill creates an environment that is uniquely successful and fulfilling for the children who attend. At the same time, it will also be shown how it is a philosophy that is entirely contrary to a neo-liberal 3 mindset; an antidote, to a certain extent, to the ills of contemporary schooling. The second component will address the historical movement of schooling in Aotearoa since the Labour Party's landslide victory in 1984, and how the New Zealand Curriculum has been affected by these changes. I intend to trace the importation of neo-liberal methodologies into Aotearoa such as the 'Picot Taskforce,' 'Tomorrows Schools' and 'Bulk Funding,' to name but a few. The neo-liberal ideologies that have swept through this country in the last two decades have relentlessly metamorphosised departments into businesses and forced ministries into the marketplace, hence causing the 'ideological reduction of education' and confining it to the parameters of schooling. The purpose of this research project is to act as a catalyst for the ultimate materialization of an original vision; the implementation of a school like Summerhill in Aotearoa. A study of the neo-liberal ideologies that currently dominate this country is imperative in order to understand the current schooling situation in Aotearoa and create an informed comparison between the 'learning for freedom' style of Summerhill and the 'learning to earn' style of our status quo schools. It is my hope to strengthen the argument in favour of Summerhill philosophy by offering an understanding of the difference between the two completely opposing methods of learning.