Spelling suggestions: "subject:"moderate""
91 |
Sverigedemokraternas inverkan på Moderaternas migrationspolitik inför valet 2022 : En jämförande idéanalys med utgångspunkt i Moderaternas migrationspolitik inför valet 2018 och 2022Agovic, Ilma January 2024 (has links)
The purpose of this study is to examine the hypothesis that Moderaterna has developed its migration policy towards a more restrictive direction with the influence of the populist party Sverigedemokraterna, as a measure to prevent Sverigedemokraterna from winning the election. The international migration has in recent years grown significantly and has resulted in the increased numbers of populist parties. After the narrow victory in the 2022 election of the right-wing conservative party Moderaterna, the populist party Sverigedemokraterna has got its position as a cooperation party outside the government. The focus of this thesis is to use an idea analysis to investigate whether Sverigedemokraterna have influenced the migration policy of Moderaterna towards a more restrictive direction ahead of the 2022 election. The empirical material of the election manifesto has been analyzed based on the theory of party change where the selected questions have helped to fulfill the purpose. The final results from the analysis shows that a slightly change in Moderaternas migration policy can be noticed, but that it can not be interpreted as having taken place under the influence of Sverigedemokraterna.
|
92 |
Svensk krisberedskap : En kvalitativ undersökning för att reda ut hur ideologier påverkar partiernas krisberedskapspolitik / Swedish crisis management policy : A qualitative study to find out how ideologies affect the parties crisis management policykoskenkorva, samuel January 2022 (has links)
Crisis management as a concept is newly arrived in Sweden but well researched in other parts of the world. Sweden in recent years has been affected by everything from forest fires to a terrorist attack and now a pandemic. During the ongoing pandemic both crisis management and risk management has undergone a major change in the eyes of the Swedish population. The pandemic has shown an unreliable crisis management from politicians and their parties. This study therefore aims to explore the ideologies behind the two biggest parties, the moderates and their ideology liberal conservatism and the social democrats and their ideology democratic socialism. The purpose is to find out how the ideologies affect the crisis management policy. The case study is limited to liberal conservatism and democratic socialism with the respective party, the social democrats and the moderates. Throughout the analysis of the parties crisis management policy and its connection to the ideologies the results showed that crisis management is highly affected by the different parties ideologies.
|
93 |
"Brott, Kristersson och kvällspressen" : En multimodal kritisk diskursanalys av Ulf Kristersson och kvällspressen inom brott och rättsväsende / "Crime, the evening press & Kristersson" : A multimodal critical discourse analysis of Ulf Kristersson and the evening press in crime and justiceLehto, Fredrik, Olsson, Albin January 2024 (has links)
The thesis ”Crime, the evening press & Kristersson - A multimodal critical discourse analysis of Ulf Kristersson and the evening press within crime and justice” aims to analyze the role the evening press is playing in the portrayal of Kristersson in the field of crime and justice, aswell as analyze Kristersson's use of discursive tools when discussing various events in said field before and after the 2022 election campaign. Applied theories include framing theory and populist rhetoric, in order to explore how media frames Kristersson, as well as studying Kristersson’s populist political style. A multimodal critical discourse analysis is employed in order to analyze quotes, pictures, and the structure of the selected articles. The analysis revealed a broad use of discursive tools, among those a strategic use of transitivity. Kristersson tends to diffuse the distribution of responsibility, either to evade accountability or to protect other actors. Additionally, he tends to avoid mentioning any active subject, highlighting victims of a crime or making his statement cryptic and unclear. Generally, Kristersson was portrayed either in a neutral or positive way, often bolstering a character beneficial to him. The articles often feature pictures portraying Kristersson in a suit, sometimes accompanied with a Swedish flag in the background. These images can create and reinforce an image of him as a patriotic and dependable leader. Furthermore, surrounding articles often contribute to this image and amplify the message he intends to convey by presenting related topics with relevant pictures.
|
94 |
Det borgerliga blocket : Dess tillkomst och orsakerWidell, Anthony January 2016 (has links)
I slutet av femtiotalet var det ingen som kunde tro att de tre icke-socialistiska partierna Centern, Folkpartiet och Högern skulle kunna enas om något politiskt program och än mindre samsas i en regering. Med tiden förstod partierna ett efter ett att det enbart var genom en borgerlig samverkan som de skulle kunna bryta Socialdemokraternas makthegemoni. Några händelser var av yttersta vikt för att borgerligheten skulle kunna enas. Centern gick från att vara ett resultatfokuserat stödparti åt Socialdemokraterna med annat fokus än bara böndernas, vilket ledde till en mer marknadsekonomisk orientering. Folkpartiet däremot behöll sin profil och arbetade i många år för ett närmande till Centern, vilket var källan till både glädje och sorg för partiet. Högern å sin tur, som präglades av starka interna stridigheter, reformerades till ett modernare parti under sextiotalet men det var först under Bohman som partiet enades och därmed blev ett mer trovärdigt regeringsparti. Högern, sedermera Moderaterna, var det parti som under flera år arbetade hårdast för att borgerligheten skulle samla sig i ett gemensamt regeringsalternativ, emedan framförallt Centern under en lång period höll emot. Utöver partiernas egna utveckling kan också nämnas socialdemokratins radikalisering som en en för borgerligheten sammansvetsande faktor. Detta tillsammans med samhällsförändringarna gjorde att sextiotalets förarbete resulterade i en borgerlig regering 1976.
|
95 |
Makt till vilket pris? : En jämförande studie av office-seeking hos partierna inom Allians för Sverige<em></em>Magnusson, Jonas, Nyberg, Jonas January 2009 (has links)
<p>Den 17 september 2006 röstade det svenska folket för ett maktskifte i riksdagen. Den nya regeringsmakten gick under namnet Allians för Sverige och bestod av partierna Moderaterna, Centerpartiet, Folkpartiet och Kristdemokraterna. För skapandet av denna allians utarbetade partierna en tydlig gemensam politik och ett gemensamt valmanifest.</p><p>Detta är en undersökning om vad dessa fyra partier har fått offra av sin egen politik till den gemensamma politikens fördel, samt om något eller några partier har fått åsidosätta större del politik än resterande partier. Den beroende variabeln är därmed graden av office-seeking. För undersökningen har partiernas valmanifest 2002 varit utgångspunkten. På denna grund har partiernas politiska meningsskiljaktigheter noterats. Partiernas respektive ståndpunkter har därefter jämförts mot vad den gemensamma politiken från 2006 och framåt avser. För att visa på eventuella vinnare och förlorare avseende partiernas genomslag av den egna politiken har spelteorin Chicken race används. Chicken race, vars namn härstammar från spelet om att vika undan eller riskera kollision, visar hur partierna har agerat i frågor som karaktäriserats av olika åsikter.</p><p>Resultatet visar att de tre mindre partierna i Allians för Sverige har högre grad av office-seeking än vad det större partiet Moderaterna har.</p><p> </p><p> </p>
|
96 |
Finns det några skillnader mellan Socialdemokraterna och Moderaterna? : en studie om kommunalt självstyre på lokal och nationell nivå / Are there any differences between the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate party? : a study of municipal self-government at local and national levelBjörkman, Emma January 2002 (has links)
The Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are two parties with different ideological background. The parties have different opinions in issues of public and private matters. The Social Democratic Party profiles it self, through the local and national party programs, as a party for solidarity and security. The Moderate Party, on the other hand, profiles it self through their programmes as a party with a possibility for the individual to shape his or her own life. Through a survey on members in the local government, and two key persons at national level, the view of municipal self-government has appeared. The party programmes constitute a platform for the parties´ views on municipal self-government. These views have been put together with the result of the survey. Urban Strandberg has designed an analysis frame related to municipal self-government. His concept, municipalities’ basic character, board of directors and administration, is the theoretical foundation of the thesis. The content of the Party programmes and the results of the survey are thendiscussed within the frame of Strandbergs concept and Demokratiutredningens rapport SOU 2000:1. From the collective perspective of the theory, the content of party programmes and the result of the survey an image of the parties’ views on municipal self-government starts to grow. Within each party respectively, they keep a common strategy in important issues, which the local governments and the parties’ basic characters have raised. There are dividing lines due to the administration of the municipalities. Civic participation unites the parties in ideological issues. The opinions, in the issue of municipal self-government, differs between the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party. The reason for that is because of their fundamental different views in the fields of social order and ideology, as it is described in the party programmes. In reality when the parties shape the politics they cannot profile themselves as much as in the"vision"in their party programmes. The parties have to find a middle course, which is reflected in the answers from some of the respondents.
|
97 |
Moderaternas, Sverigedemokraternas och Socialdemokraternas integrationspolitik : -med fokus på arbetsmarknadsintegration, bostadssegregation och språkkunskapAvdic, Nerdina January 2010 (has links)
Abstract The purpose of this essay is to compare the integration policy between Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna and Sverigedemokraterna with focus on labor-market integration, housing segregation and language knowledge. The international immigration has in recent years increased significantly and this has also enriched the receiving countries and still the numbers of extreme right parties have increased. In Sweden a racist populist party, Sverigedemokraterna, are only a few steps away from entering the parliament. The question in focus is: What differences or similarities are there between the integration politics between Moderaterna, Socialdemokraterna and Sverigedemokraterna with focus on the areas housing, work and language? By applying the theoretical framework to the data, I have been able to present answers and build up an analysis. The study concludes that there are more similarities than differences in the integration policy between Moderaterna and Socialdemokraterna. Sverigedemokraterna on the other hand have very radical integration politics in comparison to the two other parties.
|
98 |
Ideologiska likheter eller olikheter? : En analys av de borgerliga partiernas möjligheter för sammanslagningar / Similarities or differences within the centre-right? : A study of the potential for party fusions within in the Swedish centre-rightWeimers, Charlie January 2006 (has links)
Title: Similarities or differences within the centre-right? A study of the potential for party fusions within in the Swedish centre-right Author: Charlie Weimers Aim: The thesis seeks to find the potential for party fusions within the Swedish centre-right by analyzing the ideological similarities and differences between the parties. Method/Material: In the thesis, four dimensions of the parties’ ideologies are analyzed: view of man, theory for societal structures, fiscal theory and moral values. The results of the study of the ideologies are then compared. The investigation is done with the party manifestos as starting point and with the analysis of ideas as theoretical tool. Main Results: The comparative analysis, based on the parties’ ideological views, shows specific party constellations are more probable than others. The biggest ideological similarities are to be found between the Liberal People’s Party and the Centre Party, out of which I conclude that these two parties have the best potential for a fusion. The Moderate Party and the Christian Democratic Party also have clear similarities, thus there is a potential for fusion to a certain degree. The Moderate Party also shows some similarities with the Liberal People’s Party and the Centre Party, hence the possibility for a merger can not be excluded. My conclusion is based upon social liberalism and neo-conservatism as ideal types, which gives the Christian Democratic Party a position to the right. Thus, it would possible to claim that this party has the least options regarding fusion partners. The Moderate Party has the most alternatives, since the party is in a kind of “middle ground” between social liberalism and neo-conservatism. Number of pages: 49 Course: Political Science C University: Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, Karlstad University Period: Fall, 2006 Tutor: Anders Broman Keywords: centre-right, Sweden, party fusion, ideology, Moderate Party, Liberal People’s Party, Christian Democratic Party, Centre Party
|
99 |
Kvinnor och barn först? : En diskursanalys av riksdagspartiernas förhållande till Sveriges förlossningskrisBoxström Le Guillarme, Kristin January 2019 (has links)
There is an ongoing crisis within the natal care in Sweden. Hospitals closing down, not enough beds in the maternity wards and nowhere near enough staff to handle the situation. For the past couple of years, Swedish women have had to travel far to get help during their labours, they’ve been flown to Finland because there are simply no more beds available. During this time some people had enough and for the past year 2018 demonstrations were organised and one maternity ward occupied by the towns inhabitants to revolt against its closure. The problem within the Swedish natal care was no longer in the shadows but had been brought to light with these new efforts from women all over the country. Though fairly recently discovered by the mainstream this is not a new crisis, it’s been going on for a long time yet seemingly nothing is done to change its ongoing trajectory. From the year 2000 until know nine hospitals have closed down their maternity wards with only one opening in Stockholm. We have eight political parties making up our government in Sweden, what are their thoughts on this matter? What are they doing to actively combat the reality that women are forced to give birth on the side of the road in a country that have always boasted an excellent welfare? By viewing this problem through a radical feministic theory and using a discourse analysis this essay delves into the eight major political parties in Sweden to find out what the situation looks like from the ruling side.
|
100 |
Liberalkonservatister och socialister genom allt? : En ideologianalys av Socialdemokraternas och Moderaternas partimanifest mellan 1948–2014 utifrån Sveriges utrikespolitiska rollJohansson Hammarlund, Johanna, Larsson, Fanny January 2020 (has links)
Syftet med denna studie är att bidra till främjad politisk medvetenhet genom en analys av hur Socialdemokraterna och Moderaterna förhåller sig till sina respektive ideologier. Uppsatsen fokuserar på hur partierna i sina partimanifest redogör för Sveriges utrikespolitiska roll, samt om de utvalda partierna bibehåller sin ideologi eller om de frångår denna vid utrikespolitiska frågor. Metoden som används är Göran Bergströms och Kristina Boréus definition av ideologianalys. Analysen tillämpas genom ett analysverktyg utvecklat av Jan Hylén för att analysera förhållandet mellan ideologi och partimanifest utifrån definitioner av teorierna socialism och liberalkonservatism. Resultatet av studien visar att Moderaterna varierar i ideologiska utgångspunkter medan Socialdemokraterna behåller sin ideologi i partimanifesten utifrån den valda tidsperioden. Genom analysen framställs orsaker till att Moderaterna varit ett konservativt parti som senare kommit att bli mer och mer liberalt. Slutligen följer en ämnesdidaktisk implikation där studiens syfte ställs inför undervisning i samhällskunskapsämnet på gymnasieskolan.
|
Page generated in 0.0711 seconds