驅逐黑暗、迎來光明，是變電所最重要的任務，但它往往被歸類為鄰避設施，不為使用者所接受。變電所引發的風險疑慮，無論是環境、健康等，儘管尚無法以科學實證其因果關係，卻深深烙印人心；加上不甚透明且缺乏參與機制的規劃方式，致使變電所選址過程抗爭不斷。 現代社會可說是充滿風險的社會，也就是德國學者貝克所謂的「風險社會」。風險不分階級、貧富，充斥在我們身旁，引發無聲且無形的恐懼。高科技雖然帶來生活便利，但也帶來前所未有的新風險—科技風險。既然風險是現代社會非常重要且切身的課題，如何以風險的視角來解構變電所選址過程，便成為本文的論述主軸。 現行變電所用地之規劃方式，主要是依據都市計畫(土地使用管制)及電力負載預測結果來選擇變電所設置地點；變電所用地的使用項目與內容，則取決於是否辦理多目標使用。然而，土地使用管制之僵固性及電力負載預測結果的不確定性卻造成變電所選址過程必須面臨規劃方式、民眾抗爭、風險分配等三方面困境，使得變電所選址困難重重。 規劃部門、電力公司與民眾能否「共同面對」變電所選址在規劃方式、民眾抗爭、風險分配等三方面的困境，尋求變電所土地使用管制內容再定位並融合民眾參與機制（儘管民眾參與並非萬能），使變電所選址過程掙脫規劃方式的枷鎖，將是降低變電所選址抗爭且形成風險分配共識的必要方向，也才是風險社會中變電所選址的最佳出路。 / The primary function of a substation is to expel the darkness and usher in light. However, it is usually classified as NIMBY facilities and not welcomed by public. People are constantly worried and even feared by nearby substations, although there is neither scientific evidence to prove that substations are harmful nor directly caused any disease. Moreover, substation siting procedure is less transparent and lack of participatory mechanisms during the planning stage, resulting in protests against substation during the siting process. Modern society is full of risks as described by German sociologist Dr. Ulrich Beck in “Risk society.” Risks are around us all the times, regardless of class or wealth. It creates silent and invisible fears. Modern high-tech life style provides convenience but technology also brings unprecedented new risks - technological risks. Since technological risk is an important issue and it can affect anyone in modern society, this article will discuss the risks involved by deconstructing the substation siting procedure. The existing substation siting models are based on the designation of urban plan and the results of power load forecast; the land-use projects of substation are depended on the content of multi-objective land-use. The rigidity of zoning and the uncertainty of power load forecast results plight in substation siting procedure at three situations: approach to planning, public protests and risk allocation, also makes substation siting much difficult. Although public participation is not the magic bullet, substation siting zoning restriction can be unlocked by combining public participation with land use re-position. The best approach to prevent protest against substation siting process and reach consensus in risk distribution is to have planning departments, power companies and the community seeking solution together.

隨著環保運動的推展，環境影響評估制度也應運而生。然而長期以來，環評制度的發展多著重在開發行為的環境影響評估，其進行的時間點太晚、無法整體考量社經環境、缺乏累積性影響評估，也使環評制度難以發揮保護環境的效果。近年來受到重視的政策環評，則是將環評層次提升到政府的政策、計畫與方案，其評估的重點，在於整合的角度、多面向的關心並評估策略對整體國家發展的影響，過程中廣納各種意見，與公共政策緊密相關，以達到環境、經濟及社會永續發展的目標。相較於開發環評，政策環評過程中的民眾參與更加重要。然而，過去國內在政策環評的相關研究中，鮮少針對民眾參與進行研究。 本文以民眾參與為基礎，從規劃理論及審議式民主觀點中所重視的「溝通」為出發，探討各理論的理念，期望能以其為借鏡，爲我國政策環評民眾參與途徑尋得新的啟發。同時，全面檢視我國政策環評制度及實施個案，檢討制度缺失及民眾參與情形，以對我國制度提出建言。 經過檢討後發現，我國政策環評發展已超過十年，相關法令規則雖經過多次檢討修正並與世界先進國家發展趨勢相近，但實務執行案例有限，在民眾參與及社會反應情形上的評估，亦未落實，尚難見民眾參與在政策環評過程中的效果；而政策環評不論在評估時點、範疇、適用範圍或細節程度等，均與開發環評有所差異，兩者適用之民眾參與程序亦不應等同視之。本文借鏡審議式民主的落實方式，及行政程序法所賦予民眾表示意見的權利，嘗試將公民會議及聽證制度與政策環評流程結合，透過制度設計，讓一般民眾也能參與環評程序並實質對環評結果產生影響。實際作法為： 一、在政策、計畫或方案構想提出之際，即舉辦公民會議，提供公眾議題的相關資訊及討論場域。 二、結合行政程序法中「計畫確定程序之聽證」的舉行，使民眾意見透過政策環評程序納於決策之中。 最後，本文建議，未來在制度修正方面，應要能突破政策環評適用的侷限性，擴大其適用範圍，提早其進行的時間點；並且強化民眾參與機制，使其意見能在各階段發聲，納入決策，同時加強重視價值思考及追蹤管理，以使政策環評機制能更加完備。 / With the promotion of the environmental movement, environmental impact assessment (EIA) system also began to develop. However, the EIA system primarily emphasized the development process, and because the EIA was often conducted too late in the project cycle for the socio-economic environment to be considered on a larger scale, the lack of cumulative impact assessment makes it difficult for the EIA system to be effective for environmental protection. Strategic environmental assessment (SEA), which has received much attention in recent years, applies the EIA process to government policies, plans and programs. The focus of its evaluation is integrated perspectives, multi-oriented care, and the impacts of SEA on the overall national development. Integrated consideration of opinions and close association with public policies in the SEA process contribute to continuing environmental, economic, and social sustainable development. Therefore, public participation in SEA is more important than which in EIA. However, few domestic researches on public participation in SEA have been done in the past. This paper is based on public participation and written from the perspective of communication which is valued by planning theories and deliberative democracy. Through exploring the various theories, this paper intends to find a new way for which the public in Taiwan can opt to participate in the SEA. At the same time, the paper does a comprehensive review of the domestic SEA system and the implemented cases and evaluates the shortcomings of the system and the public participation in the cases to offer suggestions for the improvement of the system. Following the review, this paper finds that while the domestic SEA system has been developed for more than a decade and the related laws and regulations have been reviewed and revised numerous times to catch up with the world trend, cases of implementation of the SEA are few, and public participation and assessment of social responses have not yet been fully carried out. Moreover, since the EIA and SEA are different in terms of assessment timing, scope, or detail level, the EIA and the SEA should adopt different procedures of public participation. Referring to the practice of deliberative democracy and the Administrative Procedure Act which gives people the right to express their views, this paper attempts to combine a consensus conference, the hearing policy, and the SEA process to allow the general public to participate in the SEA process and influence decision-making. The implementations are described as the following: First, when a concept of a policy, plan or program is proposed, a consensus conference should be held promptly to provide the public with information and a forum. Second, combine the SEA and hearing with planned procedures to include the public’s feedback in decision-making. Finally, this paper suggests that when the government amends the system in the future, it should break the limitations of the SEA, expand its scope of application, conduct the SEA early in project planning, and strengthen the public participation mechanisms to include the public’s opinions at each stage of the process and in decision-making. Meanwhile, consideration of values and monitoring are strengthened to make the mechanisms more complete.

依據我國促進民間參與公共建設法，民間機構參與公共建設之主要方式有六種，其中又以BOT模式最具代表性，最常為世界各國所採行。 BOT專案融資之償還責任，由傳統的政府機關移轉到民間企業集團承擔，而民間企業集團除有限的自有資金部位之外，大部分資金仍需仰賴金融機構融通，亦即，政府機關移出之風險，到頭來還是會轉嫁到融資機構。因此，融資機構除了審慎評估專案融資風險或尋求其他有效方法轉嫁風險如保險或共同承貸等之外，另需透過契約妥適規範風險分攤，才能有效控制風險承受程度。 鑒於「專案融資」為BOT專案計畫最重要關鍵變數之一，本研究除了深入探討BOT專案計畫之定義、適用之先決條件、法源依據、基本契約架構、民間參與公共建設涉及政府出資樣態，並述及可行性評估、先期規劃、招商作業、甄審及評決、議約及簽約、興建、營運及移轉等作業流程，再就攸關BOT專案計畫成敗之「專案融資」起源、意義、計畫、類型、優缺點、與傳統融資之差異、當事人法律關係、法令規範、風險管理、政府提供融資協助機制等進一步研析；最後援引並評析臺北縣政府刻正辦理之重大BOT「徵求民間參與淡水鎮漁人碼頭休閒專用區觀光旅館暨藝術大街計畫案」，俾結合專案融資理論與實務。 綜上研究，歸納提出5項結論併相關建議，備供學界及實務界人士參考。 一、BOT專案成功關鍵繫於當事人間之風險認知與有效溝通協調。 二、政府融資協助機制相對保守。 三、現行BOT計畫之融資管道仍以間接金融為主。 四、實務上，融資機構評估意見之甄審評分權重比率並不高。 五、促參案件爭訟之實務判決案例仍然不多。 / According to our Act for promotion of private participation in infrastructure projects, the private institution may participate in an infrastructure project by six means but BOT is the typical model that usually be adopted in the world. The responsibilities of the debt of BOT project finance have transferred to private institution from the authority in charge of government. Nevertheless, except limited private capital, lots of capital for BOT still needs to depend on the financing institution. That is, the risk of the debt of BOT project finance will transfer to the financing institution finally. Therefore, besides evaluating the risk of project finance deliberately or looking for the effective methods to transfer the risk by insurance or consortium loan, the financing institution needs to plan the appropriate risk distribution via the contract for controlling the risk that can be accepted. Because project finance is one of the most important key factors of BOT, besides fundamental characteristics, suitable conditions, law bases, contract frame, the investment types of government and the process of feasibility study, preliminary plan, announcement by a public notice, evaluation and selection, negotiation and signing of concession agreement, construction, operation and transfer, this research will further study BOT project finance, relevant risk management, law relation between the persons involved, the financing assistance by government . Then, proceeded with the representative case study domestically and laid the special emphasis on both of principal plan terms and important financing conditions. According to the research as above, summarized five conclusions combined with suggestions as following for reference. 1. The key factors of success about BOT depend on the risk understanding and effective communication between the participators. 2. The regulation of financing assistance by government is conservative relatively. 3. Indirect finance is the principle channel for BOT at present. 4. The weight of opinion of financing institution evaluating BOT is not enough. 5. There are still a few cases with regard to the law suit about promotion of private participation in infrastructure projects.

近年來台灣面臨了人口高齡化的現象，有關中高齡人口的議題成為了學者與社會大眾關注的焦點，其中，自1988以來中高齡已婚男性勞動參與率至2008年為止已下降了約十個百分點，這個現象值得我們去深入了解。本篇論文主要在探討中高齡已婚男性勞動參與的決定因素，研究的資料來源為1988至2008年的人力資源及人力運用調查。其中，我選擇了55至64歲的已婚男性為對象，而總樣本數為51,730，本論文先以probit與bivariate probit模型估計每一個變數對中高齡已婚男性勞動決策的邊際影響效果，再以Oaxaca與DiNardo, Fortin, and Lemieux (DFL)分解模式，試著拆解每一個變數對整體中高齡已婚男性勞動參與率的影響性。 此篇論文著重在兩個主要變數對中高齡已婚男性勞動參與的影響:妻子的勞動參與以及地區性的失業率。近年來越來越多已婚婦女投入職場，我想了解婦女勞動參與率的上升，對整體丈夫勞動參與率的影響；另外地區的失業率是表現出地區勞動市場的重要指標之一，過去的文獻提到失業嚴重的地區可能使當地勞工失業後找不到工作，或使想進入職場的勞工卻步。此篇論文研究結果顯示妻子的勞動參與會顯著的影響先生對勞動市場去留的決定，妻子影響個人的勞動參與機率6~18%左右，而1%地區性失業率的上升，則是對個人的勞動參與機率下降的影響約1.5%左右。在1988年至2008年整體中高齡已婚男性勞動參與率的分解中，勞動參與率下降了3.5%（占整體變化40%），可歸咎於地區失業率的升高。而若妻子的勞動參與沒有提升，仍維持1988年的水準，整體丈夫的勞動參與率將會下降1%（占整體變化10%）左右，本論文認為若政府能維持良好的就業市場環境，將有助於提高中高齡已婚男性人口勞動參與的比率，進一步能有效提高勞動生產力及降低社會負擔。 / As the proportion of the old population increases in Taiwan, issues of older individuals’ behavior attract public attention. During 1988 to 2008, labor force participation rate of older married men declined over 10 percent. What can explain this decline? This thesis tries to find out the determinants of older married men’s labor force participation in Taiwan. I use the data from Manpower Survey and Manpower Utilization Survey from 1988 to 2008, conducted by Directorate General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS). The sample comprise 51,730 observations of married men aged 55-64. Older married men’s labor participation decision is treated as a dependent variable and estimates are made with a probit and a bivariate probit model. Decompositions with methodology of DiNardo, Fortin, and Lemieux (1996) and Oaxaca (1973) are conducted for explaining the decline in labor participation rate of older married men between 1988 and 2008. The results indicate that the increase in wives’ labor force participation increases husband’s likelihood of participation and prevents aggregate husbands’ participation rate from declining about 1 percentage point (-8 percent of total decline). However, regional unemployment rate negatively affects husband’s likelihood of participation and can explain at least 3.5 percent (40 percent of total decline) of the decline in husband’s participation rate. This thesis suggests the labor force participation rate could be stopped from declining if the government maintains good labor market condition.

中國大陸從民主國家引進「聽證會」制度，是一種「有組織、有結構」的表達機制。要瞭解中國「聽證會」制度的全貌與意涵，首先掌握民主國家聽證理論，並在「民主政治」、「自然正義」、「正當法律程序」及「公開與公民參與」等立論原則，來加以探索民主國家對聽證之成因與面貌。另在文獻蒐集與探討中，從1993年至今，完整編織中國「聽證會」的發展背景動機和歷史演變，透過聽證理論與「聽證會」發展之比對分析，藉以說明中國與民主國家在「聽證」觀點上之差異。 在現行中國聽證會制度之法制規範上，從「聽證會」在中國大陸司法、行政立法過程之相關會議資料，和中央、地方近年來之施行情形，探求其制度正處於何種地位，瞭解中國「聽證會」之地位後，陸續歸納中國憲法內相關對聽證的立憲基礎，還有全國人大、全國人大常委會、國務院及地方等行政立法機關，在司法、行政立法聽證的法律規章之聽證法源依據，進而分析聽證在大陸的適法範圍及功能。另由司法賠償、行政立法及行政處罰之聽證個案實例，進一步深層瞭解「聽證會」實際操作面向。 文內採用文獻探討法，就已蒐集中國大陸司法、行政立法聽證之意涵、種類、政策基礎、規範原則、運作程序等百篇文獻，對與主題有關的縱向因素之因果關係加以整理、掌握，並藉以分析聽證之本質內涵，在透由探討與發現問題，將有系統對中國聽證會在司法聽證、行政立法聽證及民主政治等方面的問題影響加以整理說明。最後提出結論與建議，以提供問題解決方向。 / Communist China adopts the hearing system, a well organized and structured expression mechanism, from the western democracies in 1993. With this background, understanding the hearing theories of the western democracies becomes the prerequisite to study the full context and implications of China’s hearing system. Those who are interested in the creation of the western hearing system must realize that the system is based on theories such as democracy, natural justice, due process of law, and public civil participation. With thorough researches of documents and analyses, the motivation and history of China’s hearing system shall be studied and the differences between China and the western democracies shall be analyzed by comparing the theories and evolution of the two hearing systems. In order to identify with the role of China’s current hearing system, related materials collected from several important meetings carried out by China’s judicial and administrative-legislative authorities, as well as implementation of hearing at the central and local levels are investigated. When this investigation is concluded, how hearing system functions within the scope of China’s constitution will be induced. Furthermore, how hearings are functioned and supported by China’s existing laws when they are performed at National People Congress (NPC), NPC’s Standing Committee, State Council and local authorities will also be examined. Case studies of hearings regarding to judicial compensation, administrative-legislative and administrative penalties are provided to further help understand the real performance of the hearing activities in China. The literature review methodology is taken on in this thesis . Over one hundred periodicals, papers, and documents on the subject of hearing are collected and studied. These materials include the definition, types, principles, norms and procedures of China’s judicial and administrative-legislative hearings. By studying the literature and identifying the cause and effect, a systematic explanation of the correlation between China’s judicial and administrative-legislative hearing structure and democracy is concluded and possible solutions are recommended.

本研究是一個非營利組織管理研究的嘗試，筆者提出一個「以組織的認同管理為本位」的理解架構，來作為對基督教教會和非營利組織的管理模式的探索。筆者的研究出發點是，非營利組織有許多的組織特性，是和營利組織相當不同的，而且，這些差異性都與組織對「認同的管理」密切相關。整個研究的論述是由二大部份所組成︰ 第一部份，又包含3個重點︰(1)先是從「組成要素、營運循環、交換的不對稱性、事業功能與組織架構」等4方面，來對照地分析出非營利組織的組織特性，並得出「組織的認同管理」作為非營利組織的管理重心；(2)接著，再從對「組織承諾」和「團體動力」的分析中，對「組織認同」和「團體認同」有了更深入的了解；(3)然後，再從細胞小組教會的組織認同管理作法，而分析出「對內凝聚」和「向外擴張」二個主要的原則方向。 第二部份，則包含2個重點︰(1)採用個案研究的方法，並依照教會「是否採用細胞小組的模式，以及會友人數是否持續增加或減少」等二方面，來選擇4大類型的基督教教會作為個案研究的對象；(2)再以「參與觀察法」來建立教會活動的個案報告；最後以「紮根理論法」對前述的個案報告，進行進一步的具體譯碼分析，內容大致如下︰ 像教會這類非營利組織的組織認同管理，可以分為二大類型，即「教導式」和「互動式」的認同管理策略；而其各自達成認同的組織學習方式，則分別是「知識性認同」和「感受性認同」的學習方式，而共同的關鍵在於組織如管理「系統性的組織學習」的方式。 就「知識性認同」與教會管理模式的成效而言，以知識性認同來達成教導式認同管理的教會，常會把「教義的教導」視為是對成員的重點工作。因此，進一步再將「知識性認同」這個副範疇，分析出「教導的頻率」等7個性質及其構面範圍。在這7個性質以及其構面範圍上，條件、規劃和實行都很好的教會組織，會友人數容易持續增加。 就「感受性認同」與教會管理模式的成效而言，以感受性認同來達成互動式認同管理的教會，常會把「人際互動和肢體生活」視為是對成員的重點工作。因此，筆者進一步再將「感受性認同」這個副範疇，分析出「互動的頻率」等7個性質及其構面範圍。因此，採取「互動式」認同管理的教會組織，若在這7個性質以及其構面範圍上，條件、規劃和實行都很好，則其會友的人數比較容易持續增加。 於是，就獲得一個非營利組織的「組織的認同管理」的初步理論。

勞資關係中雙方存在合作與對立的態勢，主要的原因在於雙方利益具有衝突與一致之可能性。如何避免勞資間的衝突對立、強化勞資合作，是極為重要的課題。而另一方面，勞工意識抬頭，各種強調勞工權益之社會運動蓬勃發展，促成勞動者力量之提升，企業─私人之經濟體，已不再是僅由資方專制之組織。故，在企業內，勞工參與制度已獲得相當之重視與實施，不僅在決策方面、經營方面有參與之權利外，在企業經營報酬與成果方面，更應讓全體勞工加以分享─亦即經濟民主之概念。 因此，本文乃以經濟民主之概念出發，探討勞工財務參與制度之本質與內涵。蓋勞工財務參與制度早在歐美等先進國家實施已久，其功能、類型、目的、法令規範等等之間，皆因各國之社會、歷史、文化、勞資關係等影響因素下出現相當分歧之現象，頗值得進一步研究與了解。故，本文主要分析英、法、德、美等四國之勞工財務參與制度，包含現況、類型、法令、勞資立場、功能等方面，並將四國之情況作一比較分析，以獲知該制度之演變與目前實務上之運作情形。此外，將國內之勞工財務參與計畫(包含年終獎金、現金分紅、員工分紅配股等)與先進國家作一比較後，可以發現目前我國在法令上缺乏完善之規範外，普遍對於勞工財務參與概念尚停留在員工分紅配股之層級上，並用來作為圖利特定人員之工具。因此，我國如要解決現行制度之缺失，並達成財務參與制度之潛在功能，需從下列三點著手：一、法令規定排除高階經理人員(包含董監事)領取員工分紅配股權利，並限制不合理之領取條件(如差別待遇、不得賣出持有股份期限過長等)；二、加強企業內之勞工參與；三、制定完善之儲蓄投資薪資理財管道，讓勞工可依照本身情況，將薪資或分紅作為長期儲蓄投資之用，以促進勞動者財產形成與經濟生活保障。

This research uses the 2010-post election survey by Pew Internet and American Life project and traces the direct and indirect paths of online political information use, Facebook political information use, and mobile phones political information use to political participation to online and offline political participation. Indirect paths are traced through the paths of wider view exposure and the credibility to online and offline political participation. The theoretical framework of the O-S-O-R model is used to guide the path analyses for this research. This research finds that both online political information use and Facebook political information use expose respondents to a wider diversity of views, but that it does not lead to political participation. Furthermore, all three mediums are found to be credible sources of information leading to online political participation with different strengths, while Facebook political information use also leads to offline political participation. Thus, credibility is an important factor and even suggests the possible need for an opinion leader. This is especially so for the use of Facebook, which has the best balanced information dissemination structure its friend network of identifiable people, organisations, and institutions. Facebook also provides the best platform for critical debate and engaging potential voters. Mobile phone political use is also supportive of political participation, but is more questioned in terms of whether the participation it brings is able to lead to critical debate. Keywords: Political participation, Facebook, social media, mobile phones, online political information, wider view exposure, credibility.

太陽花學運期間藉由善加操作數位平台，激起一股臺灣人民的民主力量，更彰顯公民團體及公民監督的卓越成效。太陽花學運後，臺灣社會在這場公民運動結束後產生諸多變遷，這場震撼全世界的學運，甚至被譽為外媒譽為「臺灣之春」。 本研究透過文獻檢閱，探討太陽花學運對臺灣政治參與之影響，亦透過質性的深度訪談，篩選實際參與太陽花學運的公民社團成員、學運社團成員進行與本研究各章節主題相關的深度訪談。 這次抗爭顯示出臺灣公民的政治覺醒，觸發起臺灣青年的政治意識，也打擊政府的威望，甚至打亂北京政府的佈署，更激勵其他地方民眾今後爭取民主自由權利的抗爭。本文從政治參與觀點出發，來探討太陽花學運後公民積極採取反對權和相關參政行為。盼藉此研究深入了解太陽花學運對臺灣政治參與之影響，也提供公民運動及公民運動團體相關研究之參考。

臺灣社會隨著新移民的逐年增加，根據內政部移民署統計，截至2016年2月以婚姻來台之東南亞新移民，女性約12萬人，這些新移民女性及新移民二代，是近年臺灣政府積極關心的對象。根據調查，多數新移民來台後生活會有許多考驗與不便，例如語言與生活適應，過去研究也顯示新移民嫁入的家庭多數較為貧窮或屬於農漁養殖業，新移民女性來台後的生活適應因此有許多困境，女性主義學者認為，「賦權」為一種改變弱勢、提升自我地位的手段與過程。 賦權過程有許多方式，本文透過實際訪談新移民女性，瞭解政治賦權對新移民女性有何影響，觀察實際的參與有何行動？本文主要探討問題有三；第一，新移民女性政治賦權之現況與類型為何？第二，比較不同政治參與程度的新移民女性，其參與行為的差異與影響參與的條件為何？第三，目前政治賦權可能扮演何種角色？與教育賦權、經濟賦權相互間的重要性為何？ 本研究經過與12位新移民以及1位非政府組織幹部進行訪談，發現政治參與確實可以改善新移民在社會上的弱勢地位或改善其生活困境，但非每個新移民皆認為其地位為弱勢，因此她們政治參與的類型會有所不同，而經濟與教育程度的差異並非影響政治參與的關鍵因素，所以本文認為新移民在台的政治社會化與自身經驗、個人特質，可能才是影響政治參與的關鍵。 / The number of New Female Immigrants is gradually increasing in Taiwan; according to the statistics of Taiwan Immigration Department indicates, the population of the New Female Immigrant is 120,000 as of February 2016. Previous research indicates these female immigrants had lots of difficulties, such as learning foreign language and adaptation to different culture. Past research also confirms these New Female Immigrants' tough situations because most of them married to those who live in poor villages or engage in agriculture and fishery industry. Some feminist scholars suggest that empowerment is a mean way to enable New Female Immigrant to take control of her own life and improve her social status. Empowerment consists of different dimensions, such as economic, education and political empowerment; this thesis will focus on the political empowerment and discuss its effect on the New Female Immigrant by observing their participation in politics practically. There are three main inquiries in this thesis: First, what are the present situation and type of the New Female Immigration's political empowerment in Taiwan? Second, what is the condition that influences the New Female immigrant's political participation? Last but not least, what kind of role that political empowerment features in the present, and what is the interaction among economic, education and political empowerment? Through the in-depth interview with 12 New Female Immigrants in Taiwan and a Non-Government Organization (NGO) supervisor, this thesis figures out that New Female Immigrants can overcome their difficulties in daily life and weak status by participating in politics. These New Female Immigrants’ different cognitions of their social status lead to various types of political participation. In other words, their economic and educational background are not the key factors in their political participation. To sum up, the core of the New Female Immigrant’s political participation is their personality, experience, and political socialization in Taiwan, regardless of their economic or educational background.