從選舉研究或是形象研究皆顯示，形象的塑造有助於政治人物從政之路的推動與發展，形象對於選民投票行為有決定性的影響力，在在顯示形象對政治人物的重要性不言可喻。 本研究探討連戰從準備參選2000年總統選舉，至2004年二度參加總統大選期間在《中國時報》、《聯合報》及《自由時報》的形象轉變，藉以探索政治人物形象之形塑與呈現、選舉形塑形象與媒體建構形象之差距、政治人物扭轉媒體形象建構之訊息設計與表現、以及探索政治人物形象轉變之效果。 研究發現：政治人物搶佔媒體重要版面，純新聞形式為訊息傳達利基；政治人物選舉失利亦失去政治舞台，媒體曝光率隨之衰退；政治人物媒體形象不等於選票；連戰在政黨形象上失利；政策政見牛肉可為政治人物形象加分。 觀察政治人物形象轉變的歷程是有價值的，將有助於政治人物與民眾瞭解形象轉變在政治傳播活動中產生的影響力。本研究希望透過個案研究方式，瞭解研究對象在媒體上形象塑造與呈現，以及形象轉變相關問題，嘗試解析政治人物運用形象轉變的傳播效果，增進對於形象領域的理解，建立可供參考的方案。 / It shows from both the research of election or image, image creation can help political figures enter politics. Image is indeed an influential factor of voting behavior. The designers and constructors perceive time as equal and important elements. Therefore, the media (newspaper) has such a big influence on political figures in forming the image of public figures. This study examines the image change of Lien Chan during his campaign for presidency from 2000 to 2004 in China Times, United Daily News and The Liberty Times. In order to understand the construction and the presentation of political figures image, and the gap between construction of election image and media image, the press image change of political figures in message design construct and present changing political figures’ image as well. This research found that the political figures’ media image is a long-lasting process which will affect greatly how the voters perceive the candidates. During the period of elections, such a portrait no doubt will affect the voter’s final choice. To investigate the process of political figures’ image change can make figure change more understandable by both politicians and the public. Through this case study, we can understand some issues about image specifically in the field of image change for political figure thus giving some suggestions.

本論文從十九世紀末以來亞洲民族國家形成的脈絡，探討反攻意識型態在戰後台灣歷史的歷程中所扮演的角色，目的在探求戰爭塑造與國家建構兩者之間的關係。戰後台灣承繼了日本總力戰、中國抗日戰爭與動員戡亂等多重戰爭體制的影響，在「反攻大陸」的訴求下延續與強化戰時措施，作為在台灣建立國家的憑藉，也強烈形塑統治體制的特徵。在體制建構外，鼓吹人民支持的即為反攻意識型態，透過意識型態各面向的發展，中華民國政府賦予這場戰爭各種不同的意義，並逐漸找尋出不懼時間流逝、為何一直無法反攻的回答。伴隨著意識型態逐步完備的是宣傳手法的漸次純熟，藉由不斷地實驗摸索，反攻意識型態化為日常生活中無所不在的訊息與制度性措施，所依靠的是由軍方大幅介入、以戰時措施宣傳戰爭的方式。統治體制的性質與反攻意識型態的訴求與手法，反映了五○年代以戰爭為中心思考的策略，也代表著戰後台灣國家體制建立的特質。 / This dissertation discusses the role of the ideology of "Reconquering the Mainland" in the 1950s Taiwan from the context of the formation of the nation-state in Asia. The aim of this dissertation is to analysis the relation between war-making and state-making. Postwar Taiwan is conbined with several war systems, including the late Japanese colonization, the anti-Japan war system, and the system of Mobilization for Suppressing the Communist Rebellion. By the reason of "Reconquering the Mainland," Taiwan inherited and increased these war systems to build its state and make the type of rule. What the way to maintain the war system and encourage Taiwanese to support the rule is the propaganda on the ideology of "Reconquering the Mainland", and builing the propaganda institution for the ideology. Through the development of the ideology, the KMT government finded the resolution of time pass-by and the reason why the government can't reconquere the Mainland. And through the development of the propaganda, the ideology permeated in the daily life of the "normal" people. This dissertation also argues the role of the military in the propaganda institution. From the ideology, propaganda institution and the propaganda way, we can find the central role of the thinking of war, and the importance of war-making in the state-making in the 1950s Taiwan.

本文將中央研究院院士杜正勝所提出之「同心圓史觀」，視作一種以建構「民族歷史意識」與「民族認同」為目的之「新官方史觀」。而本文亟欲解答三個重要的問題：第一、同心圓史觀的內容為何？第二、同心圓史觀背後的歷史學發展脈絡與政治史脈絡為何？第三、同心圓史觀對學生的歷史知識與民族認同，可能構成何種影響？ 在後進民族主義的學術發展脈絡上，呈現了後殖民理論家Partha Chatterjee所提出的「現代」與「傳統」並存又衝突的現象。因此，本文以Chatterjee「傳統」與「現代」的民族主義雙面性架構，來探討官方的中國民族（史）與官方的台灣民族（史）之中，史學者在史學方法論、史學理論上的引入與使用過程，如何再現「民族形象」與「民族疆界」在歷史知識生產上的框構作用。兩群懷抱不同民族主義的歷史學者，他們所主張的方法與理論是科學的，但研究的內容卻又是傳統的。而這樣的概念史移植過程，正反應了後進民族主義的知識發展模式。在學術發展的脈絡上，本文並從民族主義脈絡內的知識分子灌注「認同」與「意志」於「行動」的特殊現象，來探討杜正勝個人逐漸涉入政治之動機與涉入歷程。 在政治史的脈絡上，中國民族史觀與台灣民族史觀的發展歷程，皆呈現了後進民族國家同時並進的「國家建制」與「民族建構」任務。筆者以「後進民族國家」所欲達成的雙重計畫—「國家建制」與「民族建構」，來分析兩個時段的政治敘事。在這兩個時段之中，政治領袖如何以重要概念（如「復國」、「台灣人性」）作為支點，來撐起各種政策論述的正當性。並討論在國家建制與民族建構並行的長期過程之中，中華民國雖然具有疆域不確定的特性，但其長期治理現實，卻使國家場域足以提供認同劇碼上演的穩定舞台作用。 在同心圓史觀的具體施行成果而言，則針對兩個版本的教科書，以文本分析的方式研究在「民族史時間」當中的「根源性」、「延續性」與「現存性」策略。教科書的編作者如何以文字、圖象、空間與抽象之概念，來述說教科書背後的民族認同型態。即言「民族內涵如何填滿意志中的空洞的時間」。 總結而言，本文希望藉由學術與政治脈絡的分析當中，探求同心圓理論出現的時代意義：在疆界不確定的共同體上，新的民族成員、新的民族記憶是否可能？同心圓史觀即是這種多重脈絡交錯下的嘗試。

本文旨在檢視並反思國家中心論之相關觀點與命題，概括而言，即對國家在國際關係理論構成體系中呈現必然性及優越性進行理論檢視及意義探索，國家中心論內涵包括：國家係國際政治關鍵行為者？國家係國際事務核心決策者？等強勢論述。許多檢視國家中心論文獻雖可清楚指出其在解釋國際政治之不足與限制，或從批判觀點根本性否定國家中心論真實性與正當性，惟專就國家這個概念主體進行討論，其研究成果往往流於空泛言談，並無法明確地指出國家中心論核心論述受到檢驗的面向，因而流於道德勸說式的規範論述，亦無法建立明確分析架構。鑒此，本論文盼建立具解釋效益之分析架構，首先將檢視關於國家中心論涉及基本命題，續將透過檢視主權、安全及國際體系等論述之變遷，探討國家中心論如何受到檢驗過程，亦可呈現社會科學後實證主義對理論基本命題所致論述轉移（discourse shift）

運用科學知識在當代環境管制政策幾乎已屬常態。然而，科學卻不一定能有效解決環境污染問題。本研究探討雲林六輕石化廠區的揮發性有機物（VOCs）空氣污染問題，發現運作二十多年的六輕，其排放之VOCs數值，至今尚未釐清，但企業仍不斷擴廠，引發當地健康風險問題；同時，國光石化的環評中，PM2.5（細懸浮微粒）引發重大政治爭議，民間提出對抗性科學論述影響決策方向，後續，更促成相關管制法規通過。 在上述管制科學爭議中，本文採用新政治科學社會學所提供的制度、網絡與權力，與環境決策知識建構的途徑觀點，探討雲林石化廠區所排放的揮發性有機物（VOCs）、懸浮微粒（PM2.5）相關之管制科學爭議。運用次級資料分析法、田野調查以及深入訪談法，嘗試分析強調科學循證作為基礎的管制政策，何以仍落入管制失靈的窘境？本文探討兩個個案，其不同調的科學數字如何依循管制制度生產、傳遞及運用？其中，VOCs排放數字如何被各個政治行動者賦予政治性意涵，進而延宕政府管制的能力？甚而導致府際間嚴重衝突？而PM2.5的對抗性科學論述是如何被生產、傳遞乃至公共化？相關之政策網絡如何有效地將PM2.5的管制政策推入政治議程中，成為正式法規的一環？ 本研究發現，在VOCs個案中，基於污染物的特性、石化廠區的龐大營運複雜度、以及企業為管制資訊之主要來源等因素，使VOCs排放具有相當大的科學不確定性。不過，現行制度將這些科學不確定性切割成一場又一場對於企業資訊的審查，對於掌握確切污染狀況極其有限。在PM2.5個案中，在幾個重大政策窗事件出現之前，民間社會已有一定的知識建構基礎。而重大政策窗事件如六輕工安大火、國光石化興建以及2011年總統選舉等，促成不同社會網絡連結，協助、生產出對抗性論述，並結合公眾媒體的廣泛傳播特性，將相關科技風險知識公共化，終使得PM2.5管制法案成為正式規範之一。 / Scientific knowledge has been commonly employed for making environmental regulatory policies. This thesis aims at analyzing the contamination problems resulted from Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs) released by the Six Naphtha Cracking Complex; it is discovered that the emission of VOCs remains a mystery after two decades of operation. However, the industrial expansion plan continues and has done a severe environmental and health destruction to the local community. Meanwhile, PM2.5, Fine Particulate Matters also triggered political controversies in the Environmental Impact Assessment process of Kuokuang Petrochemical Plant, the Eighth Naphtha Cracking Project(8th naphtha). The civil society has raised the opposing argument on the PM2.5 matter in terms of health impact, thereby influencing the direction of policy making and passing the regulations. In light of the controversies of regulatory science, this thesis adopts the perspective of New Political sociology of Science (NPSS), which substantiates the approach of institution, network and power, and other aspects of knowledge construction to analyze the emission of VOCs and PM2.5 in the petrochemical field. Moreover, secondary data, field research, and in-depth interviews are utilized to analyze these regulatory predicaments. It is discovered in the cases of VOCs, the scientific uncertainty is composed of the characteristics of VOCs, the complexity of petrochemical plant’s operations and the main regulatory information is generated by industries. Nevertheless, the regulatory institution just divided the scientific uncertainty into the tremendous conferences which peer-reviewed the information from industries. Furthermore, this regulatory institution hinders the true conditions of pollution from being known. In the meantime, in terms of PM2.5, the general public has had a solid knowledge pertaining to the critical national matters, such as several fire disasters of 6th naphtha, the policy of 8th naphtha, and the presidential election in 2011. Moreover, these policy windows promote the connection of social network and assistance, and accordingly generate the opposing discourse. The technology risk-related knowledge has also been conveyed by the mass media, thus ultimately enacting the PM2.5.

本文主要探討蔣中正於1930～1937年之間如何型範其建構現代國家的模式。此期間在完成北伐後對中共展開軍事圍剿，他試圖融合中國傳統社會控制方法與現代西方觀念，展開一連串政治、社會、經濟等層面的改革，從中體現了現代國家的建構過程。江西省作為對中共軍事圍剿的中心，在熊式輝主政下施行一系列地方政治改革措施，其中包含了許多傳統的中國社會控制方式，而正也體現了蔣中正其有關地方政治改革觀念。同時，江西省的農村與同時期中國其他省份農村，均面臨了嚴重的經濟與社會危機，江西農村在當時更成為毛澤東建立革命根據地並成功動員農民的大本營，並且展現了毛澤東建構現代國家的另一種模式。所以分析江西為何能夠成為中共進行武裝革命的重要根據地，以及其能成功動員農民的主要動力何在，成為理解蔣中正據以提出其著名的「三分軍事，七分政治」策略的重要原因。因此，江西省政府於1930年代進行一連串的地方政治改革，分析其方案內容以理解蔣中正對於地方政治改革與建構現代國家之間的關係。對蔣中正而言，進行地方政治改革的主要目的是為了擴張與強化國家對基層社會之基礎控制能力，借以強化對農村社會的控制。但為使改革成功而必須適應中國之國情，因此蔣中正採借了中國傳統帝國時期有關農村社會控制與動員的手段，例如保甲制度、團練與強調恢復傳統道德精神的新生活運動等。其後，蔣中正以江西省的實際作法與成功經驗作為其掌握國家權力後的具體施政參照，例如1939年對日抗戰期間國民政府毅然決定全面革新進行縣政制度，也反映了相同的政治改革邏輯。在蔣中正的政治改革理念中，不僅反映了傳統與現代性之間的掙扎、反抗與妥協，衝突、轉化與融合，並且有意或無意地採取了中國特有的習慣與制度，從而體現了現代性的多元特性。 / This dissertation focuses on the ideas and mode of how Chiang Kai-shek build the modern state in 1930-1937. In this period, he tried to integrate traditional Chinese social control methods and modern Western concepts, and launched a series of political, social, economic and other aspects of the reform. However, in the period of 1930-1937. Which embodies the construction of the modern state process. Jiangxi Province as the center of the Chinese military siege before 1935, Xiong Shi-hui implement a series of local political reform measures which contains many of the traditional Chinese social control, Chiang Kai-shek is the best embodiment of the concept of local political reform. At the same time, rural areas in Jiangxi Province and other provinces in China in the same period were facing serious economic and social crises. At that time, the rural areas in Jiangxi Province became Mao Zedong's revolutionary base areas and the headquarters where successfully mobilized the peasants, moreover, Mao Zedong to show the construction of a modern state of another model. Therefore, the analysis of why Jiangxi could become an important base for the armed revolution in China, its main motivation to mobilize the peasants, became an important reason for Chiang Kai-shek to put forward his famous "three points military, seven political" strategy. Therefore, the Jiangxi provincial government in the 1930s to carry out a series of local political reform, analysis of its program content to understand the Chiang Kai-shek for local political reform and the construction of the relationship between the modern state. For Chiang Kai-shek, the purpose of local political reform is to expand and strengthen the country's basic control of grass-roots level of social control, but to make the success of the reform must adapt to China's national conditions, so he adopted the traditional society of social control and mobilization means, such as the system of “Bar-jia”, “Tuan-Lian”(militia) and the new life movement which that emphasizes the restoration of the traditional moral spirit. The practices and successful experience of Jiangxi become an important reference after Chiang Kai-shek take the political power of nation, for example, he decided to conduct a comprehensive reform of the county system during the Sino-Japanese war in 1939, which that also reflects the same logic of political reform. In Chiang Kai-shek's ideas of political reform, not only reflects the struggle between tradition and modernity, resistance and compromise, bat also conflict, transformation and integration. At the same time, in his ideas had adopted China's unique habits and institutions intentionally or unintentionally, thus reflecting the characteristics of modernity multivariate.

本論文以歐盟防制人口販運之實踐做為實例，驗證全球治理下聯合國及歐盟等領導性的國際行為者，對於國際人權發展與人權保障除正面的發展外，亦可能造成負面之影響，國際人權規範擴散面臨一定之侷限性與挑戰。全球治理下之國際人權規範擴散，對於人權的保障有時是種助力也是種阻力。 歐盟雖然倡導針對防制人口販運議題之合作應當採取一個包括查緝起訴、保護以及預防三大面向的全面性解決途徑，但實際上，歐盟防制人口販運之合作制度架構初期仍是以維持境內安全的安全途徑為主軸，而非關注受害者人權之保障；幸而歐盟於2011年通過「預防及打擊人口販運與保護受害者指令」後，防制人口販運的政策更加強調必須以人口販運受害者為核心。然而，在將以受害者為核心的人權規範擴散至成員國方面，卻仍受到極大的挑戰，蓋歐盟成員國多將人口販運視為非法移民議題，故其防制人口販運之作為實仍環繞著以打擊犯罪為主的思維，人口販運受害者時常被視為非法移民而使其人權遭到侵害。 全球治理下，歐盟等人權法律規範相對完備之國際行為者，其人權規範與建制的推廣與擴散，確實有其值得肯定的正面意義。然而，當歐盟等全球治理行為者不能有效地實現其宗旨，或是其行為違背其理當服膺之價值而削弱其公正、客觀及道德性角色時，其規範性權威亦會受到挑戰。

本文設定出三個研究目的 1.觀點建構：為了重新評估新聞敘事的生產與接受過程，我們基於社會真實建構論與James Carey所說的「溝通之儀式觀點」，進而提出敘事表演論，即敘事正是儀式表演。這裡，本文基於「社會空間一劇場空間－文本空間」的類比，進而主張敘事表演的背後程式和社會結構的運作邏輯密切有關。 2.理論建構：為了有系統性的探討整場敘事表演所展現的意義，同時提高閱聽眾的「批判的語言警覺性」，本文按照四個表演構成因素之間的關係網，區分了三種意義場域：「人際意義」(言者一聽者)、「理念意義」(故事主角)、「文本意義」 (舞臺場景工程)。據此，本文分別建構具體的理論工具箱，以期不但識別出文本上的微觀物理線索，即語法證據一如「語態」、「詞彙語域」、「社會行動詞」、「言說標誌詞」等；且進而尋繹出敘事所努力完成的意義網路和意象建構，即語用途徑－如「直示中心轉換模式」、「敘事轉換模式」、「引語文體」等。 3.實際應用：使用該語言工具箱來實際分析新聞範例－ 「97年台電核廢料案」，探討台/韓新聞媒體針對同一個社會事件，運用怎樣的象徵資源，如何再現言者對該議題的觀點位置，如何設定故事主角的形象與理念，又如何實現其報導內容的連貫性與事實性。對此，本文再細分成底下主要問題：(1)言者的觀點立場透過怎樣的語言用法和策略裝置展現在敘事新聞中？；(2)針對同一個故事，台/韓兩方的新聞版本所再現的理念圖像有什麼異同？；(3)針對同一個故事，台/韓雙方的新聞版本如何重說以塑造出敘事流程的一致方向？ / Is the press news a mirror of reality or constructed reality? In this debating epistemological approaches, we are based on latter as well as on the perspectives of “narrative as ritual performance” ,which is in the contextual mood of textual-oriented critical discourse analysis. From the view of media function of ‘reality-definition’, and also with socio-cultural anthropological perspectives, we are assumes that news is not reality itself and not information transfer too, but socially constructed multiple realities through social interaction on a ‘stage’ by various social actors as performers, either they are on ‘frontstage’ or ‘backstage’. In other words, in this study we attempt to reintroduce performative model into the discourse-textual analysis in media studies, and therefore propose that news is a mediated collective ritual performance in which we are both a performer and a participant, who have function of the “double subjectivity” in the context of news making and its reading. This study essentially also have a basic concern with the cultivation of what Fairclough called ‘critical language awareness’, in other to reflectively reconsider the problems of ethnocentrism and the webs of power-knowledge which can be inscribed in the form and content of ritual performance. And now, what is “narrative performance”? Based on Victor Turner‘s notion of performance, i.e. the processual sense of ‘bringing to completion’ or ‘accomplishing’, this study further defines narrative performance as those two connotations: generally speaking, it means “ritual performance of telling-stories in everyday life” and then specifically speaking, it means “all written text or printed text displaying dramatic formats ” which not only represents our interpretation of what is social reality, but also continually performing and reconstructing our collective consensus and affective memories of the historical culture including the context of “here-and-now”. What we want to do in this paper is to articulate and demonstrate the correspondence between social space and textual space which is based upon the analogies of “life-as-theatre” and “symbolic interaction-as-drama performing”. News narrative result of journalist’s convention, their sociocultural context, and the routinalized reporting practice. Through this study, we believe, it would provide a sort of alternative perspective and a set of useful metaphor for searching out new methodological directions in the fields of communication and mass media studies. The main object of this case study is to analyze the narrative structure of the press news on “the issue of Taiwan nuclear waste”, in other to identify the function of reality construction of a ritualized press performance as well as to show the process of image construction which is represented in the textual context of time-space. More specifically four research questions are raised. First, How we should rethink and reevaluate the process and significance of news-making? Second, How does teller‘s position represent in the news narrative by the use of what sorts of language-uses and tactic device? Three sub-questions as follows: a. How dose teller highlight “we-oriented” view points in the news reporting? b. How dose teller dissimulate “they-oriented” view points in the news reporting? c. How dose teller purposefully persuade the audience to be oriented and attached to the story-teller owns attitudinal position? Third, In relation to the given same social events, what is the distinctive differences of ideational pictures re-presented between Taiwan and Korean version of news story? Forth, In relation to a original newspaper article, how Taiwan and Korean press distinctively retelling or re-performing the story to be construct the thematic coherence of narrative flows ? In other to give answers to these practical questions, this study collected articles of Korean newspaper ‘Joongang Ilbo’ and Taiwan’s ‘United Daily’ and ‘China Times’, each dealing with the case of ‘nuclear waste’ which have drawn a firestorm from South Korea after Taiwan and North Korea had made the Jan. 11, 1997 deal of nuclear waste. To analysis these news articles, this study systemically build a set of analysis methods and several types of research-tools focusing on three categories of meaning-field, that is, fields of interpersonal meaning, ideational meaning, and textual meaning. Interpersonal meaning field including two types of tool or cues, that is “modality” and “deixis” by which to explore the process of image constructing of teller-audience nexus on backstage；in the filed of ideational meaning, there are three tools, that is “registers of lexical categorization”, “social-action-verbs”, and “modes of narrative transposition ” by which to investigate the process of image construction of social actors staged-on；and the textual meaning field mainly based on “discourse marker” and “speech genre(as quotation)” by which to demonstrate the thematic coherence in the semantic and pragmatic levels embodied by the operations of symbolic selection and composition of narrative devices. The above methodological approaches can be illustrated as follows: ┌───────┬──────┬───────┬──────────┬─────────┐ │Meaning-Field │Focus │Relation-Web │Image-Construction │Language-use-Cues │ │ │ │ │ │ │ ├───────┼──────┼───────┼──────────┼─────────┤ │Interpersonal │enonciative │enonciative │teller and listener │modalities deixis │ │ │event │context │ │ │ ├───────┼──────┼───────┼──────────┼─────────┤ │Ideational │episodic │representation│story actor’s │lexical registers │ │ │event │of 'people- │social action │social-action- │ │ │ │world' │ │verbs modes of │ │ │ │relations │ │narrative │ │ │ │ │ │transposition │ ├───────┼──────┼───────┼──────────┼─────────┤ │Textual │symbolic │thematic │selection and │discourse markers │ │ │textualizing│coherence │composition of │speech genres │ │ │ │ │narrative devices │ │ └───────┴──────┴───────┴──────────┴─────────┘ Major conclusion of the study: For the research question 2, we found that teller’s view position was demonstrated in those ‘deictic centers’ as like ‘WHO’, ‘WHEN-WHERE’, and ‘WHAT’ , which served as a sort of mechanism making a tragic spectacle, in other to set up the sympathetic involvement toward “Mr. Yan” as a hero as well as the resentment toward “Taiwan authority” as an antagonist, which is assume to be generated from the imagined domain of Korean audiences. More importantly, we further found that the three types of tactic devices of persuasiveness used by Korean teller which is this: a. to show concrete evidence including critical witness as a vivid symptoms on the could-be-impacts of pollution crisis；b. to evoke universal sense of moral justice；c. to support the technique of punishment. For research question 3, we found that Korean and Taiwan news articles not only shown the differences of representational orders on the ideational picture of the case of Taiwan nuclear waste, but also it supported the fact that, as Mary Douglas argued, ‘ritual of social hygiene’ would be performed when a social communities faced the pollution problems to solves, in order to manages the crisis through mobilizing a sorts of symbolic capitals available to use. we show first that the dominant value of Korean domains on the news issues are standard aggressive patterns of “the program of the witch-hunting” which is based on the ethical politics of environmental protection and the justice of human rights；and second that, compared with the Korean domain’s, Taiwan news narrative demonstrated the distinctive representational order, i.e. “the program of consolation” which is based on lawful and economic ways of thinking. For research question 4, we found that Korean and Taiwan news reporting did not have a distinctive characteristics in the ways of using ‘discourse markers’ to construct local coherence of narrative flow, because both of they are follow basic conventional norms of news writing just as . But, in the other hand, from the aspects of ‘speech genre’, we found that there are differences in the ways of quotation, Korean teller is favor to use ‘free direct speech’ with a discriminating reporting verbs by which highlight the negative aspects of the deal, While on the contrary, Taiwan teller is favored to use ‘indirect speech’ and with a neutral reporting verbs by whichrean teller is favor to use ‘free direct speech’ with a discriminating reporting verbs by which highlight the negative aspects of the deal, while on the contrary, Taiwan teller is favored to use 'indirect speech' and with a neutral reporting verbs by which selecting the good ones and dismilating the negative aspects of the deal.

台灣地區近十年來大型火災死傷頻傳。每逢相關事件發生，大眾媒介總會增加版面或時段擴大報導。而過去研究針對此類災難報導的社會功能評價不一，認為其雖可協助社會大眾了解環境風險，但報導內容有時亦過度強調危險，未來應蒐集更多相關資料以滿足讀者知的權利。本研究之動機與目的，即在觀察災難事件中消息來源與議題類型的關聯性，藉以了解媒介之議題建構過程與特徵。 過去有關消息來源研究多著重與媒介之關係，研究取徑常著重討論哪些消息來源有較多機會接近媒介，或掌握社會權力詮釋社會事象，而議題建構過程之研究則多觀察議題之類別、產生要素和影響機制，以了解不同議題彼此競爭以詮釋媒體或社會真實的機會多寡。本研究認為單從「消息來源」或「議題內容」進行觀察，殊難呈現議題整體建構過程的重要性。根據文獻探討可知，社會議題之建構成功與否，須視媒介是否尋找足夠消息來源詮釋事件因果、進行社會爭論與批評、並提出解決問題以引起大眾之問題意識。社會學家Beck即指出，媒介透過挑選消息來源與議題重點，因而影響了「災難」這類社會問題的定義。由此可知，消息來源和議題兩者似須同時觀察討論，方能了解事件建構的整體過程。 而災難事件正包含豐富之消息來源與議題，適合作為本研究主題。但有關災難報導之研究不多，相關研究曾發現媒介多選擇官方、警方及專家（科學、法律學者）為主要消息來源，而議題內容多以受災反應、受災衝擊情況及檢討責任歸屬為主。 本研究以上述理論推導為基礎，合併「消息來源」和「議題」與「生命週期」三者為研究架構，觀察災難報導之議題建構特徵，並以《中國時報》及《聯合報》有關「衛爾康餐廳大火」（民國84年2月16日至3月15日）之純淨新聞中有關消息來源之引述內容進行文本分析，歸納巨命題並進行編碼與製圖；以下是研究問題及主要研究結果。 1. 在災難新聞報導中，各種消息來源類型主要提供哪些議題？ 研究發現，兩報多偏向找尋「評論／涉入者」作為主要引述之消息來源，「當事人」之頻次則偏低。而議題類型出現頻次以「責任歸屬及調查」與「其他」議題為主，「災禍現場描述與逃生情況」與「災因與傷亡損失等檢討」出現頻次最少。在事件發展過程中，消息來源角色所提出之議題類型多與其採取之行動情節相近。 2. 在新聞報導之事件發展過程中，各類消息來源出現是否有其順序與消長？ 本研究發現，在事件發展過程中之消長順序在兩家報紙中皆以「當事人」為首日主要引述消息來源，但其出現機會隨即快速減少。接棒之消息來源在整體事件中則往往成為主要引述角色。 3. 在新聞報導之事件發展過程中，個別議題出現是否有順序與消長？ 本研究發現，兩報之議題類型長順序皆為「災禍現場描述與逃生情況」→「責任歸屬與調查」及「其他」→各項議題交互出現→「責任歸屬與調查」→「其他」。 4. 不同消息來源所提供的議題是否也有不同消長順序？ 「當事人」所涉及之主要議題類型，依序為「災禍現場描述與逃生狀況」與「救援及善後行動」。「處理者」所涉及之主要議題類型順序，兩報均為「災禍現場描述與逃生狀況」與「救援及善後行動」為主要議題，而以「責任歸屬與調查」及「其他」議題為後續主要議題。「評論／涉入者」皆以「責任歸屬與調查」及「其他」為各階段主要議題，以「責任歸屬與調查」為事件結尾之主要議題。

本研究主要依據建構主義理論基礎，在一般教學和學習理論基礎上建構所謂的「建構主義取向的教學方法」。為探討建構取向教學法在數學學習成效的效果，乃選取國中一年級兩個班為研究對象，進行為期兩個月的教學實驗，以進行實地的建構取向教學與傳統教學之比較，並對學生在教學前後與其間所填答的問卷或資料進行分析，本研究所採的研究工具計有：(一)數學段考考卷；(二)數學學習成就測驗；(三)國中新生數學能力測驗；(四)數學學習經驗量表；(五)學習日記表格；(六)數學學習回饋問卷。使用的資料分析方法有：(一)獨立樣本單因子共變數分析；(二)質的分析。精分析結果如下： 一、建議教學組的學生與傳統教學組的學生在數學段考成績無顯著差異存在。 二、建構教學組的學生與傳統教學組的學生在數學學習成就測驗後測得分有顯著差異存在。且建構教學組顯著優於傳統教學組。 三、建構教學組的學生與傳統教學組的學生在數學焦慮量表後測得分無顯著差異存在。 四、建構教學組的學生與傳統教學組的學生在數學動機信念量表後測得分有顯著差異存在。且建構教學組顯著優於傳統教學組。 五、建構教學組的學生與傳統教學組的學生在班級氣氛量表後測得分有顯著差異存在。且建構教學組顯著優於傳統教學組。 六、建構教學組的學生與傳統教學組的學生在民主溝通態度量表後測得分無顯著差異存在。 七、由接受建議教學法的學生的數學學習回饋問卷與學習日記上可發現多數學生對建議教學持正面肯定的態度。 本研究針對上述發現加以討論，並對數學教學、行政措施與未來研究提出若干建議以供參考。 / The experiment on math achievement of the seventh grade students - the constructvist approach