能源問題是當今世界經濟發展中最引人關注的一個重大問題，能源問題的核心是解決能源供求穩定和安全問題，如何保障一個國家的能源安全是今后長時期內各國能源外交工作的重點。在全球化過程中，各國的能源安全問題仍將是一個相互依存、相互促進的體系，沒有一個國家能夠脫離其他國家和地區的能源安全而保証自身的安全，加強雙邊和多邊的能源對話與合作將是開展能源外交的重要議題。俄羅斯是世界能源大國，它的能源戰略對未來國際能源安全和中俄能源合作將具有重要影響。 俄羅斯作為世界能源大國，在國際能源領域具有獨特地位。它使俄羅斯在諸多國際問題上擁有了更多的發言權，特別是在后蘇聯空間和東北亞地區。同時，地緣政治問題是各國的政治和經濟實力生存和發展空間的問題。能源地緣政治的核心問題是各國掌控政治經濟發展所需要的能源資源的能力。世界各國競相發展經濟，各國加強對能源的爭奪，世界能源價格上漲，世界能源市場格局的變動，這些因素極大地提高了俄羅斯的能源國際影響力，促進了俄羅斯經濟增長的能源化趨向。中俄近年來政治關系穩固發展，加之地理位置相鄰，資源互補，按理說雙方的能源合作應卓有成效，但現實表明，雙方進展緩慢，結果不能讓人滿意。本文就是從中國近年來的能源安全局勢、俄羅斯的能源外交、整個東北亞的能源需求困境及近年來世界能源局勢的發展等中俄能源合作的背景因素出發，論述了中俄能源合作的現狀與動力因素接著,即而深入分析了影響中俄能源合作的俄國內因素，外部影響因素以及中國自身的問題。 最后，基於對雙方能源合作的有利條件與不利條件的分析，論文從兩國戰 略關系的高度，雙方民間交往的基礎，兩國能能源外交及構建地區能源合作機制通的可能性等因素出發，初步提出中國為中俄能源合作而採取的對策思路。 筆者認為隻有克服雙邊合作的不利因素，發揮雙方的有利條件，兩國的能源合作就定能邁向一個新的台階。 關鍵詞 : 能源外交, 俄羅斯能源戰略, 俄中能源合作, 能源安全. / Since 1993, China has become an importer of oil; the oil consumption has been growing.At the same time, China couldn’t increase the oil production, as the result, the lack of oil supplying has continuously increased. If we analyze from the point of international resource consumption, China comes to be the key country between those, who will struggle for the energy resources in the future. Since 1993, energy factor has been implemented to the consideration in the Chinese diplomacy. China has started to pay more and more attention to the energy factor while dealing with its international affairs. In 21 century, the oil price has been increasingly rising, that has become a serious danger for Chinese economy. The sudden lack of energy resources will be the great threat for fast developing Chinese economy. Also, been increasing its military power, China needs to create strategic oil stocks in order to move effectively its military forces. If we consider from strategic point of view, China is in the center of Asia, with Pacific Ocean on its East Coast, bordering with Pakistan on the South, China has very favorable geographical strategic advantages. China needs to use its strategic position for early planning strategy in its “non-blood war” for oil resources. Otherwise, China will face containment from the other countries. The purpose of this study is thus to investigate the following issues based upon the date for the influence of energy factor on Chinese foreign policy and intentions during the period of 1993-2003: 1.Understanding the trends for the future growth of energy demand in China. 2.Investigating what kind of measures can be applying by Chinese government in the face of these trends. 3. Figuring out how big the role of energy factor in the Chinese foreign policy implementation. Keywords: Chinese foreign policy, oil, energy security.

In 2003, China surpassed Japan to become the world’s second largest oil consumer (behind the United States), and the third largest oil importer (behind the United States and Japan). China’s huge demand for oil and its dependence on oil imports have forced the Chinese government continuously to adopt the energy expansion strategy in order to secure the country’s oil supply. The energy supply and reserves in Southeast Asian region are not the critical core area to supply China’s energy demand, but it is located in the periphery of China where it controls the transportation link of the Strait of Malacca, directly to hold a strategic point of the sea lane of communication for transporting oil to China. Under this scenario, China is proactively to carry out its energy diplomacy with ASEAN’s nations and to ensure completely an overall strategic arrangement in Southeast Asia so as to assure China’s oil security. In this thesis, it is mainly to probe into the following questions: the inquiring into China’s oil security strategy? Why China and how to readjust its relations with the nations in Southeast Asia? What is the driving factor? After China has become the oil importer, China has to face what kinds of challenges in oil transportation security? What is its intention of resolution projection? In terms of geographic shares, about 60% of the China’s oil import comes from the Middle East, passing through the highly insecure the Strait of Malacca in Southeast Asia that has taken the advantages to influence China’s oil sea transportation routes. Those issues will lay stress on the key points of breaking through the “Malacca Dilemma,” meet the China’s oil demand, sustain economic development, even consolidate the legitimacy of the ruling Chinese Communist Party, and conform to the national interests. / In 2003, China surpassed Japan to become the world’s second largest oil consumer (behind the United States), and the third largest oil importer (behind the United States and Japan). China’s huge demand for oil and its dependence on oil imports have forced the Chinese government continuously to adopt the energy expansion strategy in order to secure the country’s oil supply. The energy supply and reserves in Southeast Asian region are not the critical core area to supply China’s energy demand, but it is located in the periphery of China where it controls the transportation link of the Strait of Malacca, directly to hold a strategic point of the sea lane of communication for transporting oil to China. Under this scenario, China is proactively to carry out its energy diplomacy with ASEAN’s nations and to ensure completely an overall strategic arrangement in Southeast Asia so as to assure China’s oil security. In this thesis, it is mainly to probe into the following questions: the inquiring into China’s oil security strategy? Why China and how to readjust its relations with the nations in Southeast Asia? What is the driving factor? After China has become the oil importer, China has to face what kinds of challenges in oil transportation security? What is its intention of resolution projection? In terms of geographic shares, about 60% of the China’s oil import comes from the Middle East, passing through the highly insecure the Strait of Malacca in Southeast Asia that has taken the advantages to influence China’s oil sea transportation routes. Those issues will lay stress on the key points of breaking through the “Malacca Dilemma,” meet the China’s oil demand, sustain economic development, even consolidate the legitimacy of the ruling Chinese Communist Party, and conform to the national interests.

自冷戰時期以來，中共的對外戰略乃是依據整體國家安全戰略的需求而制 訂，在歷經了毛、鄧、江、胡等四代領導人的安全思想，以及冷戰、後冷戰、後911等時期的發展和演變，中共的國家安全與對外戰略，逐漸呈現於一種融合於國際社會和區域體系的傾向，這可由冷戰後中共對東南亞戰略的演變過程中一窺全貌。而在1990年代中期中共對外戰略轉型之後，中共的國家安全與東南亞政 策，在軍事、政治和經濟等廣義安全領域中，分別呈現了何種發展與變化？中共安全戰略的變化，對於冷戰後東南亞逐漸興起的區域多邊安全合作，有何政策上的意涵和影響？又此種影響，對於安全合作此一議題領域上，有何理論上的歸納和啟示？上述幾點乃是本文所欲探討的問題意識與核心焦點。 本文經過研究後發現，改革開放後的國家整體發展需求，逐漸引導並改變中共國家安全與對外戰略的目標界定與政策內涵，並導致了中共在東南亞區域內對於多邊機制和多邊安全議題的態度和行為轉變。而中共大國外交和多邊外交於1990年代中期之後的實踐，不但改善了與東協各國的雙邊關係，並使中共逐漸融入且帶動了東南亞多邊安全合作的發展，使其合作範圍擴展至東北亞，合作議題領域亦有深化之趨勢。但這並不代表自由制度主義典範已經主宰了中共的安全政策產出，相反的，中共安全行為仍是以相對利得為主的現實主義邏輯下的產物，而這也適用於區域中的其他國家，權力格局和國家利益考量仍舊主導了國家單元面對結構的下一步行為，就未來安全合作的前景而言，這也是東南亞區域希望在現有合作基礎上走向更高度的安全整合之前，所必須先面臨的關鍵性問題。 關鍵詞：中共安全觀、國家安全、東南亞戰略、多邊機制、安全合作

中共石油安全對外依存度升高，並制約著中共經濟與綜合國力的發展。隨著中國經濟高速成長，石油需求缺口持續擴大，石油供需嚴重失衡，造成中國的不安全感。而中國石油安全困境，具體體現在自給能力不足、進口來源和管道單一、供需不對稱等幾個面向。中亞國家之所以吸引中國，係因中國在中亞具有地緣優勢，且該地區石油是世界第三大石油蘊藏區，對還處在重大轉型期的中亞各國而言，國際力量紛紛介入，石油資源成為其對外發展的條件，也是應對當前全球化衝擊的必要選項。因此，石油安全將成為中國及中亞國家與大國間相互關係發展，最重要的決定因素。 中共在中亞地區的石油安全戰略，主要在彌補石油缺口，確保石油供應安全。本文旨在從「地緣政治學」的視角，分析探討中國及中亞的石油安全形勢、地緣政治、中共的石油安全戰略內涵、佈局與實踐及未來可能面臨的機遇與挑戰等議題。而中國在中亞的石油安全戰略，係以外交為手段，上海合作組織為平臺，輔以敦親睦鄰政策及地緣優勢，建立中國陸路石油供應路徑，期以分散石油供給集中並突破海上運油風險的制約。 中亞因其重要的地緣戰略位置和能源經濟價值以及政經情勢的複雜性，而成為歐亞大陸中心一個敏感地區。因此，中亞諸國採取門戶開放及平衡外交策略，造成世界各主要戰略力量進入，謀求現實的戰略利益。面對中國「走出去」與「多元化」的石油安全戰略，中亞國家與美俄大國競逐態勢，對區域及國際政經情勢的影響，值得關注。 / Beijing’s oil security gradually becomes dependent on foreign sources; this fact also constrains the development of Chinese economy and composite national power. As the Chinese economy grows fast, its need for oil intensifies as well. The oil supplies are unable to satisfy domestic demands, resulting in Beijing’s sense of insecurity. The oil security dilemma is manifested in several dimensions, such as insufficient domestic supplies, single import source and route, and insufficient total oil supplies. The reason why the Middle Asia countries attract China has geographical advantages in Middle Asia, where has the world’s third largest oil deposit. To these Middle-Asia countries which are during their major transformation period, oil resources become the basis of their outward development as well as a necessity to deal with the impact of globalization when international powers intervene. Therefore, oil security will determine the development of mutual relationships between China and Aiddle-Asia countries. Beijing’s oil security strategy on filling the gap in oil supplies and securing the oil supplies security. From "Geopolitions"aspects this thesis analyzes the oil secerity situation of China and Middle-Asia geopolitics, the intertions, deployment, practices future opportunities and challenges of China’s oil security strategy. With diplomacy as manenver Shanghai Cooperation Organization as platform Bejjing’s oil security strategy in Middle-Asia, accompanied by hospitality policies and geographical advantages, untents to establish an oil supply route by land. All of these approaches are to break through the concentration of oil supplies and the constraints and risks of maritime oil route. Due to its critical geostrategic status, energy values, and complication of political and economical situation Middle-Asia becomes a sensitive area in the Eurasian continent. Thus, the Middle-Asia countries adopt open and balance diplomacy, letting major powers enter this area in order to seek for realistic interests, Under the circumstances of Beijing’s "Outward" and "Diverse" oil security strategy, the competition between Middle-Asia counteies, U.S. and Russia, and the impacts of this competition on regional and international political and economical situation, are certainly worthy of attention.

自 1955 年，中國與印度和緬甸簽署「和平共處五項原則」之後，又在改革開放時期，提出了「和平與發展」是當今時代的兩大主題起，「和諧世界」理念便開啟了國際的視窗，至 1999 年代初期，中國學者基於「國際觀」的理念，提出未來「中國崛起」對國際權力平衡結構將造成影響的討論，此時國際間便興起「中國威脅論」及「中國即將崩潰」的論點研究。 有鑑於此，鄭必堅於 2004 年 4 月 22 日在北京人民大會堂繼續舉行第三單元主題報告會，在最後一場報告會上發表題為「中國和平崛起的發展道路」的演講中，曾提到「和平怎麼會威脅？崛起又怎麼會崩潰？和平崛起是對中國威脅論和中國崩潰論最有利的回擊」。因此提出「和平崛起」理念，來企圖推翻「中國威脅論」及「中國即將崩潰」的論點，因為中國認為唯有藉創造「和諧環境」與「善意的回應」，才能轉移國際焦點，把國際經濟重點引向中國大陸。 中國談「和平崛起」，在政治上「無非是想建立一個對他有利的區域國際環境」，在經濟上「主要在加強與東亞各國的經濟合作，營造中國經濟崛起所需要的周邊環境」，在軍事上「主要在增加東亞地區國家對中國的依賴，成為區域大國」；美國雖然不願意看到「中國的崛起」，影響其美國在東亞地區的主導地位，但自發生「九一一恐怖攻擊」事件後，基於地緣戰略需要，為確保亞洲地區的安全，反而依賴中國在亞洲區的優勢戰略條件，使中國佔有舉足輕重的地位，美國欲藉中國在亞太地區的影響力，牽制「資恐國家」的軍事力量擴張與恐怖組織力量的蔓延，所以此舉也替中國帶來「和平崛起」的契機與國際環境，但是必須克服「東亞各國政治理念分歧」、「歷史宿怨與政治相悖」等主要限制因素，中國才能達到主導東亞事務的目的。 中國向以「強勢國家」自居，從近年來國防武器發展來看，在東亞地區已影響區域軍事均衡，日本也已警覺到「中國」所帶來的威脅，所以也積極尋求國家支持日本軍力的擴展，今後，東亞地區的和平與否，「中、日」兩國是關鍵，兩國若無建立合作機制，求得共同利益的環境，必會導致軍事競賽的情形發生，那麼「東亞地區」真的就如同亞洲的彈藥庫一般，實不得不注意。 / Since 1955, after signing the Treaty of “Five Principles concerning Peaceful Co-existence”with India and Burma, and after proposing that “Peace and Development”were two major issues of contemporary times during the period of reformation and opening, China has promoted the idea of “Harmonious World”to open the international view. At the beginning of 1990s, Chinese scholars launched the discussion about how “The Rising of China”will influence the structure of balance between international powers, on the basis of the idea of “International View”, there arose the study of theses of “China is a threat” and “China is going to collapse”among international scholars. According to this fact, in the conference held in April, 22nd, 2004, in Peking People’s Hall, Chen Pi-Gen presented a speech entitled “The Developing Way of Peaceful Rising of China ”in the final session of the third topic, and mentioned that “How does peace become a threat? How does rising become collapse? Peaceful rising is the most useful response for the theses of “Chinese threat” and “Chinese collapse”. He proposed the idea of “Peaceful Rising”, therefore, in order to overthrow the theses of “Chinese Threat” and “Chinese Collapse”. He argued that China can shift international focus and introduce important international economy into mainland China only by inventing “Harmonious Environment” and “Friendly Responses”. For China, to talk about “Peaceful Rising”, is to “build a regional international environment good for herself”on the political ground, to “strengthen mainly economic cooperation with South-east Asian countries, to construct the circumstance necessary for the economic rising of China” on the economic ground, and to “increase the dependence of East Asian countries on China, in order to become a regional great country”. The United States is not willing to see “The Rising of China”which affects the leading role of U. S. A. in the region of East Asia. However, after the event of “911 Terrorist Attack ”, the United States relys on the dominant role of China in Asian strategic situation in order to protect the peace of Asia. The United States wishes to use Chinese influence on Asian countries to prevent the military expansion of conntries which support terriorism as well as the increase of the power of terriorist organizations. This measure has brougnt the opportunity and international environment of “Peaceful Rising”for China. Nevertheless, for the purpose of leading international affairs in East Asia, China has to overcome the limiting factors of “divergence of political ideas among East Asian countries”and “the contradictin of historical hatred and politics”. China has long been proud of being a “Strong Country”. From the evidence of Chinese development of defense weapons, we can find China has influenced regional military balance in East Asia. Japan has awared the threat from China, and trys eagerly to look for national support for expanding military power. From now on, China and Japan will play key roles in peace-keeping in East Asia. If there is no cooperation mechanism constructed between two countries for their mutual benefits, there will arise for sure military competition between two countries, and East Asia will become the bomb storage of Asia. This situation deserves our close and constant attention.

本文主要從戰略援助分析角度論述日越關係與日本對越南實施之政府開發援助(ODA)政策的動機、利弊、具體案例與未來展望；並以日本政府官方文件、國會議事紀錄等檢討日本對越南之ODA政策的評價，試圖分析日本援助越南的意義。 本文首先論述日本的國家利益與戰略援助的關係，以及如何透過戰略援助達成其國家利益；其次，從日本隊東南亞國家的ODA政策的歷史脈絡中，深入研究日本與越南的關係，也就是本文主要研究動機：日本為何選擇越南為ODA政策實施對象?如何援助?這些援助的項目是否符合日本ODA大綱原則以及國別援助方針中所提到的目標?最後從戰略援助角度分析日本對越南ODA政策有無達成強化雙邊關係、維持區域安全等政治性意圖與效果?本文試圖釐清發展脈絡，做出至今為止發展的成果結論，並展望未來的發展。

設立防空識別區的根本目的是為了維護國家空防安全，基本理念是｢禦敵於國門之外｣，是國家行使自保權的需要，是一個主權國家的重要防禦手段。空軍軍事法院院長刑洪波曾說：作為一個預警概念，防空識別區制度具有國家性、單方性、穩定性、防禦性、強制性五個方面的特性。防空識別區的劃設與國家安全的關係是緊密不分的，雖然防空識別區是由自身國家所劃設，在國際上是不具有國際法效力，但是此區可以說是一個國家空防能夠及早預警的延伸範圍，所以它的劃設是具有其必要性的。而如何劃設本身國家的防空識別區便與國際政治上國家與國家之間的影響力有密切關係。 近年來中共經濟發展迅速，在國際事務上已成關鍵，有發展成強權國家之勢，在2012年發生了日本收購釣魚島事件，對於東海戰略平衡上，破壞了中、日、台在東海上的平衡，也影響了中共防空識別區的劃定及周邊航道安全的維護。而2013年中共設立東海防空識別區，對於國際造成嚴重影響，尤其是東海地區局勢更加動盪。中共在2015年1月15日發布飛航公告，擬在台灣海峽劃設一條南北向新航路，與東西向三條新航路，此舉動造成台灣海峽及附近區域安全上的強烈衝擊。而美國為了圍堵、威攝和遏制中國大陸的崛起，近年來不斷的和日、韓等國家在黃海、東海、南海地區頻繁進行大規模軍演，並決定｢亞太再平衡政策｣，推動戰略東移目標，要在2020年內將60%的軍事力量轉移至亞太地區，擴大其在該地區的軍事基地建設，進駐先進武器在關島及其他基地。而對中華民國而言，中共劃設東海防空識別區對東海地區安全的衝擊，是非常重要的，中華民國應強化在東海的話語權，並從多邊面向思考對外發展戰略思維的調整。 / Established air defense identification zone's fundamental purpose is to safeguard national aviation security, the basic idea is the "enemy out," is the need to exercise the right of national self-protection is an important means of defense of a sovereign state. President of the Air Force Military Court Criminal Hongbo said: As an early warning concept, air defense identification zone system has national characteristics unilateral, stability, defense, mandatory five aspects. Designation of the relationship between national security and air defense identification zone are closely regardless, although the air defense identification zone is the designation of the country itself, it is in the international community does not have the force of international law, but this area can be said to be a country capable of air defense extending the scope of immediate early warning, so it is a designation of its necessity. And how the designation of their national air defense identification zone will be closely related to the international political influence on the state and between countries. In recent years, the CCP's rapid economic development, has become critical in international affairs, has developed into a potential power countries, Japan, the acquisition of the Diaoyu Island incident occurred in 2012, the strategic balance on the East China Sea, destroyed, Japan and Taiwan in the East China Sea balance, also affected the delineation and the surrounding seaways CCP air defense identification zone maintenance. And in 2013 the CPC established the East China Sea air defense identification zone for international severely affected, especially the situation in the East China Sea region more volatile. CCP released January 15, 2015 flight announcement, to be in the Taiwan Strait designation of a new north-south route, with three new east-west route, this move will have a strong impact on the vicinity of the Taiwan Strait and regional security. And the United States to containment, deterrence and curb the rise of mainland China, in recent years, and Japan, Korea and other countries frequently conduct large-scale military exercises in the Yellow Sea, East China Sea, South China Sea, and decided to "rebalance Asia policy" to promote the strategic eastward target to 60% in 2020 year will be transferred to the Asia-Pacific region's military to expand its construction of military bases in the region, advanced weapons stationed in Guam and other bases. The Republic of China, the CPC designation of the impact of the East China Sea air defense identification zone of the East China Sea regional security, it is very important to the Republic of China should strengthen the right to speak in the East China Sea, and think to adjust its foreign strategic thinking from multilateral development-oriented.

從七０年代到現在，學生軍訓總是在許多教育問題中成為備受爭論的議題，它給予部分人士黨國不分、意識形態包袱的主觀成見，即使在台灣已邁向民主鞏固的此刻，仍未能還其文武合一的真實面貌！ 國家安全的重要性、急迫性，特別在台灣地區完成政黨輪替的民主化進程中，格外顯著。國防通識教育（國防教育）在協助青少年認清局勢，瞭解軍事武備的國防共識上有正面積極的作用。民主化的可貴讓我們得以重新檢視文武關係的發展趨勢，以因應未來可能的武力威脅。 本文以東西方文武關係理論－－文武合一為架構,闡明學生軍訓的演變歷程，並探究其所遭遇的挑戰，包括意識形態、法令不明確以及中共強化學生軍訓等因素。作者嘗試將蛻變後的學生軍訓定位為「國家安全與學生校園安全」經世致用科學（廣義的軍事社會學），也提出一些革新、精進的建言，讓國家安全的重要課題真正落實在普及化的國防通識教育之中。 / Since 1970, military education for students has been a controversial issue among education problems. It gives an objective point of view in ideology so that the reality that it’s the combination of civil and military can’t be revealed, even at this moment when Taiwan is right on the way to the consolidated democracy. National security are most important and urgent, especially during the process of the take-over of political parties here in Taiwan. Therefore, education of national defense plays an active and positive role in helping teenagers make out the situation and understand armaments and military provisions. In addition, the value of democratization enables us to re-examine the trend in the development of Civil-Military relations so that we are able to deal with the possible menace by force. This thesis is based on the worldwide theory of Civil-Military relations – the combination of civil and military, clarifying the processes of changes in military education for students and exploring the elements in challenges it encounters, including ideology, vague regulations and the strengthening of military education for students by Mainland China. Also, it is the first article that names military education for students as military sociology for national and campus security, after its transformation. What’s more, it offers advice and suggestions for reform and progress, making it possible for national security to be really carried out in universal education of national defense.

自1993年起，中國從石油淨出口國成為石油淨進口國，1996年成為原油淨進口國，2003年中國超過日本成為世界第二大石油消費國，目前中國是世界第三大石油進口國。中國對於石油這項戰略物資具有高度敏感性，繼1993年撤銷能源部後，於2008年成立國家能源局由國家發展和改革委員會管理，足見中國對於能源事務的再度重視。隨著世界經濟實力與軍事勢力的變化，新的世界能源地緣政治正在逐漸形成。美國感受到中國因經濟發展帶動對石油的龐大需求後，在美國國內出現「中國石油威脅論」的說法，認為以中國的經濟發展程度而言，其石油需求量在將來可能跟一個美國一樣或是超越美國所需的量，而目前世界石油儲量及開採速度已不能承受另一個美國的出現。中國的石油安全戰略不只與中國國內事務相關，更與國際間各個石油生產國、進口國有莫大的關係。其中，因為美國早已在世界擁有許多油田並與世界主要產油國建設良好關係等因素，以美國為中心的世界形勢對中國積極推行的石油外交不利，可能成為中國「走出去」戰略的阻礙。本論文將對中國的石油安全戰略的落實問題進行檢驗，觀察中國與各國在石油方面的探勘、投資及技術合作等，其中以美國的參與作為主要研究重點，檢視中美在石油領域的競爭行為是否影響中國國家利益，並評估兩國在獲取石油或尋找替代能源上的合作可能性。

冷戰結束前的美日安保條約與美國的台海政策，都隨著國際情勢的變化而不斷的調整，尤其是美國的台海政策更是圍繞著中共因素，這中間牽連著整個美國亞太安全戰略。台海安全戰略變化中的中共因素，主要是為了因應美國在全球戰略上與蘇聯對抗所需；美日安保體系調整主要著眼，在於美國亞太戰略中對蘇聯與中共的防範。1950年2月，中蘇共間簽訂了「中蘇友好條約」後，美國放棄了對中共的幻想，並改而積極的思考如何將日本納入其亞太安全戰略體系，以防範國際共產主義在亞洲的彌漫，但在台海安全上所採取的是放任的放手政策。 　　韓戰爆發後，美國感受到共產主義在亞洲擴張的潛在軍事壓力，對其亞太戰略態勢極為不利後，即積極著手建構美日安保體系，並組建日本保安部隊以彌補美軍為因應韓戰在日本所留下來的防衛空缺及確保駐日美軍基地安全等。在台海安全方面，美國認為倘此刻中共攻佔台灣，則美國的西太平洋第一島鏈防線，從阿留申－日本至菲律賓一線將面臨瓦解，並嚴重的威脅到美國的亞洲安全支柱－日本，對美國介入中的韓戰及爾後的亞太戰略形勢發展非常不利。故以確保台海安全為第一要務，乃積極派遣第七艦隊協防台灣，而使其對台政策從原先的放手政策調整為以軍事積極介入台海安全，並與台灣簽訂中美協防條約以確保台海安全。之後，在1950年代的台海第一、二次危機中，美國也從日本基地派遣部隊增援台海等。美國對台政策的這種調整，主要是為了鞏固美國的西太平洋第一島鏈戰略防線的安全，以實現美國的亞太安全戰略構想。 　　1960年代末期起中蘇共決裂，美國鑑於全球戰略結構的鬆動有利於美國對蘇聯的圍堵，乃在全球戰略需求上積極拉攏中共，使美國、蘇聯、中共之間，在冷戰時期從自由與共產主義壁壘分明的對抗，發展到美中（共）聯合對抗蘇聯的戰略態勢。在對台政策方面，美國為了在全球戰略上創造美蘇對抗的有利態勢，除了與中共積極交往、拉攏、建交及建立戰略關係外，同時也不惜犧牲中華民國的利益，而於1979年採取斷交、終止官方關係、廢止中美協防條約等。雖然如此，但在亞太安全戰略考量上，美國面對中共的不確定未來，仍需要保持其西太平洋第一島鏈戰略防線的完整與安全，因此美國在台海安全防衛缺口上，乃以微妙的「台灣關係法」來維繫之；對日本則於1978年11月，透過《美日安保條約》的第二次修訂，來強化了美日安保體系的亞太應戰整備及遠東區域的防衛合作事宜，以涵蓋並彌補美國在亞太第一島鏈所失去的中美協防軍事同盟，以鞏固美國的亞太安全戰略基礎。 　　冷戰結束蘇聯瓦解後，亞太安全環境主要的是面對中共的積極向外擴張，尤其是台海安全議題，可能會引爆美中軍事衝突。因此，美國的亞太戰略除了保持亞太10萬兵力前進部署及強化美日安保軍事聯盟外，更積極的尋求交往中共與亞太安全多邊對話等。美國除了在亞太保持兵力部署外，更積極的與亞太各國建立雙邊關係，其中以美日、美韓、美澳為最主要，餘美菲、美泰、美新亦保持戰略關係。在台海安全上，過去美國對於兩岸關係中的台灣問題主張，一直是強調「和平解決」，從三報一法均強調應該以和平方式解決看，「兩岸問題和平解決」應該是最符合美國的亞太安全與經濟利益。因此，冷戰後美國柯林頓政府一直在尋找可以降低兩岸軍事衝突的外交作為，只是他所採取的是一些以中共為主軸的作為，如較寬鬆的「一國三制」及接受中共的合平統一等，尤其在1996年台海危機後，更進一步提出對台「三不」政策，壓縮台灣在兩岸關係上的生存與迴旋的空間，削弱台灣在兩岸事務中與中共討價還價的能力，而間接的表示出美國在對華政策上傾向支持中共的統一方式。但在兩國論危機之後，美國總統柯林頓，即不再提對台「三不」政策，而改以「三大支柱」來延續美國一貫的三公報一法的精神。繼之，小布希在2001年10月的上海亞太經合會上亦表示，美國的中國政策不變；一個中國、兩岸對話及和平解決，同時強調美國在兩岸關係上將遵守「三報一法」，並重視對台軍售等。此外，美國也在亞太地區積極的戰略部署，並尋求與亞太國家的雙邊關係，以建構有利的美國亞太安全戰略環境。在戰略部署上除繼續強化美日安保基礎外，亦積極的和菲律賓簽訂部隊到訪協定，以利在台海方面建立較佳的戰略態勢。 　　1996年4月「美日安保共同宣言」發表以來，中共便一直對美日安保適用範圍擴大表示憂慮與抗議，尤其對新指針適用範圍涵蓋台海安全部分。故，冷戰後美日安保「新指針」的修訂，乃應亞太安全戰略環境變遷所產生，尤其是針對中共在冷戰後的一系列向外擴張行動。因此，冷戰後的美國的亞太安全戰略主要是透過美日安保軍事聯盟，來強化亞太地區的威脅平衡，以確保亞太地區的穩定與安全。美國與中華民國斷交後，長期以來的台海安全政策，就是將美日安保體制適用範圍與《台灣關係法》相結合。故冷戰後之美日安保軍事聯盟，除可確保美國在亞太的軍事存在外，亦可透過該條款中「日本周邊有事」的事態之說來介入台海安全，美國的此一亞太安全戰略在台海安全作用上，可達到嚇阻中共武力犯台的戰略目標，進而確保台海安全。