The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 led to the creation of five new states in Central Asia. These states: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Kyrgyzstan, have become both the object of international rivalries in Central Asia and the sources of new political forces as they act to enlarge their independence in world politics. This paper attempts to show new and old forces in terms of natural gas in Central Asia. This thesis shows conditions and obstacles of Central Asian States (CAS) to develop their own energy sector. The research focuses on those states in Central Asia which possess significant stocks of hydrocarbons and have the potential to export oil and gas: Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Furthermore, this dissertation tries to explain its present situation and perspectives by means of a geopolitical approach. / The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 led to the creation of five new states in Central Asia. These states: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Kyrgyzstan, have become both the object of international rivalries in Central Asia and the sources of new political forces as they act to enlarge their independence in world politics. This paper attempts to show new and old forces in terms of natural gas in Central Asia. This thesis shows conditions and obstacles of Central Asian States (CAS) to develop their own energy sector. The research focuses on those states in Central Asia which possess significant stocks of hydrocarbons and have the potential to export oil and gas: Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Furthermore, this dissertation tries to explain its present situation and perspectives by means of a geopolitical approach.

自從十五大以來人事佈局，中共已形成政治局常委屆齡不尋求連任的慣例，退休年齡也從十五大的70歲降到十七大的68歲，此將對派系政治產生深遠的影響。此外，中共亦透過「梯隊接班」模式來長期培養中青年幹部的方法，避免現任領導人死亡或解職後出現權力真空的狀態，並有效降低派系使用暴力手段解決政治繼承問題，有助於政局穩定。 因此，本文主要目的在探討1990年以後政治局常委之政治繼承，並就其年齡限制、任期制、梯隊接班與集體領導等制度面向觀察，以及分析影響中共政治繼承制度化之因素，來評估中共政治繼承是否進一步深化與制度化，並希望透過本論文的探討，據以窺測中共領導階層之政治繼承未來可能之走向與發展趨勢。 / Since the big 15th personnel arrangement , the CPC has been the formation of the Politburo Standing Committee member age is not seeking re-election practices.In addition, the CPC through the "echelon succession" model to long-term culture method of middle-aged cadres,to avoid death or dismissal of the current leader of the state of the power vacuum, and effectively reduce the factions to use violent means to solve the problem of political succession,contribute to political stability. Therefore, the main purpose of this study in 1990 after the Politburo Standing Committee Political inheritance and the age limit, the tenure system, echelon succession and collective leadership system-oriented observation, and analysis influenced the CPC's political inheritance of the institutional factors, to assess The Chinese Communist political succession whether to further deepen and institutionalize .And hope that through the discussions in this thesis, to look into the depths of the political inheritance of the Chinese Communist leadership possible in the future direction and development of trends.

本論文是關於韓國自1980年至1993年之間進行的民主化之研究，其主要目的為，探討演變過程、推動民主化的聯盟及聯盟之間的互動關係、民主化運動回溯威權政體之原因、各時期民主化性格及意義，最後提出在韓國理想而又實現合適的民主化推動方案。 本研究基本上採用結構研究途徑（Structure Approach)和起源研究途徑（GeneticApproach)，及運用在韓國民主化研究上所需要的整合性研究途徑。本研究各章的安排簡述如下： 第一章：揭示研究動機、目的、相關文獻及理論。並介紹本論文之研究途徑、及研究架構。 第二章：韓國的民主主義與威權政體之歷史回顧。探討韓國的民主主義引進背景、其演變過程以及韓國各威權政體之特性。 第三章︰闡釋1980年「漢城之春」民主化。分析結構因素和行動者因素以及演變過程，且論述回潮威權政體之主要原因。 第四章︰探討1987年6月抗爭期間的民主化。分析社會、經濟以及政治結構因素，剖析各聯盟之間的互動關係，且提出推動民主化的正面因素。 第五章︰分析三黨合併與文人政府產生之背景、演變過程、意義。尤其著重分析演變過程中各行動者採取的理性策略。 第六章︰結論部分。表達該時期的韓國民主化之意義、民主化回潮威權政體之原因、民主化推動正面因素及負面因素，最後提出在韓國實行恰當的民主化方案。

有鑑於我國人民對商業健康保險的需求逐年提升，然伴隨著商業健康保險的新契約保件逐年提升，理賠爭議亦是層出不窮。本藉由介紹商業健康保險對我國國民健康所扮演的腳色及其移轉風險的特色，瞭解到商業健康重要性，及發現因隨醫療技術的進步導致保險人難以估計損失率及有舊有保單條款難以因應的困難之處。 而經由檢索分析我國法院與商業健康保險條款解釋有關的判決，發現因條款文字本身存有疑義之處、醫療技術的演進、醫療機構與保險人間缺乏溝通管道、保戶對複雜的健康保險商品認識不足等因素，致使關於商業健康保險理賠上的條款解釋爭議層出不窮。 因此本文參考美國相關司法判決及英美相關保險監理規範，建議將存有疑義的保險條款文字明確化、增進保單條款的易讀性、增訂銷售文件上的警語、統一商業健康保險資訊提供的格式及強化醫療機構與保險人的溝通，期能促使我國人民可以藉此更加瞭解健康保險商品的內容，拉近保險人與保戶間對商品的認知，並減少關於商業健康保險條款解釋爭議的發生，以提升保險人與被保險人間的信賴感及維持保險機制的對價平衡，進而使我國人民更能有效的利用商業健康保險，全面性的提高國民接受醫療的品質，創造三嬴的局面。

Historically, Thai women were excluded from political participation either in national or local levels. The 1997 Constitutional reform led to fundamental changes in Thailand’s political system and strengthened women’s representation in high politics. The proportion of seats occupied by women in the national parliament showed less than 10 percent. Recently, the advancement of Thai women in political participation has extensively inspired through discussions and studies of gender politics. In other words, a number of prominent Thai women in decision making processes –female politicians have been encouraged to access to the political sphere. Meanwhile the male political enactment has still been dominant towards their experiences and background characteristics. Not only did aim to review the role of women’s participation in Thailand, this research also analyzed the factors either supporting or obstructing female political empowerment. So mixed method was designed as the research tool. As the quantitative methodology, 1,500 survey questionnaires were distributed to respondents throughout the country. The Linear Regression (RP2P) was used to analyze the relationship between the dependent variables and independent variables regarding women’s political participation in Thailand. As the qualitative methodology, the data from the interview questions were collected to cover the details of the main research questions. The findings revealed that both Constitution and political processes were the most crucial factors for Thai women’s empowerment. Accordingly, the non-institutional factors were also the major supporting elements for women’s participation and empowerment; those were, personal leadership, the acceptance from citizens, the context of society, family background, motivation, economic development and the cooperation of the related organizations. Although, the gender stereotype and prejudices had remained the most important barriers for Thai women in politics, the religious belief becomes beneficial in those situations. Regarding the quota system, most interviewees strongly agreed that this measure became a major temporary measure to increase a number of Thai women representatives whereas many respondents focused on the potential of the candidates instead of the gender. In conclusion, the promotion of Thai women’s political participation requires determined efforts not only by women themselves, but also governments, political parties, mass media, and NGOs. As a result, all levels of the political participation should be concerned by all parties through cooperative working in appropriate measures.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(文学) / 甲第22866号 / 文博第848号 / 新制||文||696(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院文学研究科思想文化学専攻 / (主査)教授 杉村 靖彦, 教授 芦名 定道, 准教授 伊原木 大祐 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Letters / Kyoto University / DGAM

本論文共壹冊，約七萬餘字，計分立章十六節，分述如次： 第一章：緒論。計分三節，分別說明本文之研究動機與研究目的、研究方法與研究範 圍。 第二章：生平及其政治思想的基礎。計分三節，陳述黃氏個人的經歷，並交代其所處 的時代理境及思想的脈絡。 第三章：政治秩序的建構。計分四節，分別剖析黃氏皂政治基本假設，統治權力之規 範、執行與調整。 第四章：政治秩序的持續。計分四節，分別採究黃氏之教育、土地、社經及國防等公 共政策。 第五章：政治思想的突破與困局。計分二節，分別檢討黃氏在政治思想上的突破及其 所面臨的困境。 第六章：結論。說明其政治思想對後世之影響，並提出研究者的觀點。

第一章、印尼民族主義產生的社會背。景首先敘述荷印政府在印尼實施之殘酷殖民統 治，次則分析回教運動和荷印政府在印尼實施之教育政策，對印尼民族運動所產笪的 催化作用。 第二章、印尼的政黨與民族運動的源起。共以三節分述荷蘭殖民時期，日據時代和獨 立戰爭期間的政黨與民族運動概況。 第三章、議會民主時期的多黨政治。分析議會民主時期（一九四九∼一九五八）印尼 形成多黨政治的原因，並陳述多黨政治的實際運作情形。 第四章、指導民主時鈅政黨的式微。論述指導民主時期（一九五八∼一九六五）印尼 共產黨的崛起，陸軍勢力的擴張，民主政黨力量的陵九和導致蘇卡諾下台的印共「九 、卅」政變經緯。 第五章、軍人理政時期的簡化政黨。臚陳軍人理政時期（一九六五至今）從業集團崛 起的經過，軍人執政的合法化過程，並敘述蘇哈托裁併政黨的行動。 第六章、結論。先評論從業集團所面臨的難題，次以軍人、回教為變項探討印尼政黨 體系未來的發展方向。

本文共一冊，計七萬字。內容分導論、本論與結論。 導論部分將介紹斐路生的生平與研究經歷、思想背景和研究重點及著作。本論分五章 ：第一章為心理、文化研究法與個案研究，乃對斐路生政治理論做方法論層次之分析 ，第二章為政治發展過程中的認同危機，乃以緬甸為個案進行理論層次之探計；第三 章為政治發展過程中的合法性危機，乃以中國為個案進行理論層次之探討；第四章為 過渡社會中民主政治之建立，乃分析過渡社會中的民主政治建立之可能、困難和策略 ；第五章為斐路生政治理論的評估，乃對斐路生政治理論之效用及限制加以評估。最 後為結論，乃對本文各章做扼要之總結。

第一章 簡扼討論近年來有關學者對現代化問題的各種看法之發展過程和理論架構 。 第二章 以馬、恩、列、史、毛、劉等論著說明唯物史觀的現代化理論。從政治、 經濟社會文化等三方面探討其特點、目標與內容。 第三、四兩章 依階段之劃分，從一九四九年到一九七九年看中共三十年來社會主 義現代化運動之過程、結果、與影響。 第五章 從第三章、第四章所討論之結果看中共是否達到第二章所要求之目標，配 合政治發展危機理論對中共三十年之發展過程與結果作一評估與展望。 全文盡力以原始資料為事實與推論之佐證，依目標－手段－結果之架構對中共三十 年之發展作一較客觀之評述。 #2810306 #2810306