不單僅祇是回溯威權時期國家機關、反對運動與主流報業的歷史，本文汲取各種相關文獻企圖開展關於「國家認同」問題的研究。國家認同議題的研究同時具有理論與實踐上的目的，它反映了近年台灣政治最重要的轉化情況，值得學界投入更多的努力去探索。 　　與其他文本及論述分析方法相較，框架分析更能揭露深植於媒介正文中的意義，並提供社會主體機制間（如國家、反對運動...）權力關係的深層描述。媒介框架分析同時也加速了傳播研究與其他理論傳統（如建構論取向...）正持續進行中的整合趨勢。 　　這項初探研究鎖定過去四年(1988-1991)有關台獨議題的各種媒介框架之消長浮沈情形。本文嘗試提供這樣的建議：每種框架均包藏了駁雜不一的「框架論點」，而且並非所有的框架都如過去研究文獻所稱是「預先定義好」的。再者，媒介場域存在的框架競爭本身亦起落不定，各種社會力各有擅場。因此，媒介框架的流變與複雜特性，使我們有必要透過接合媒介框架與更寬廣的社會情境，作為詮釋問題的基礎，進而再思國家認同議題本身存在的機會與陷阱。最後本文也提出了若干暫時的結論。 / Rather than simply retracing the history of the state, opposition, and dominant press in the authoritarian decades, I want instead to draw on some relevant literature to open up an investigation about the question of national identity. For both theoretical and practical ends, we necessarily explore 'national identity'. This issue reflects the most important transformation in recent Taiwan politics, and absolutely deserves much more attention than now. 　　Compared with other discourse and textual analysis methods, framing analysis is more capable of unfolding the deep-rooted meanings in media texts and offering a 'thick-description' of power relations between different social agencies, such as the state, opposition, etc. Media framing approach also has accelerated the ongoing convergence of communication research and other theoretical traditions. 　　In this preliminary inquiry, I concentrate on the ebb and flow of media frames that is on the 'independence' issue during past four years (1988-1991). I propose here that a frame has its variants of 'framing arguments,' and not every frame is so 'pre-defined' as some earlier researches suggested. Furthermore, there are many ups and downs in the framing contest. Therefore, its flexible and complex characteristics force my interpretation based on articulating media frames with the larger social context, and reconsidering the possible opportunities and pitfalls of the 'national identity' question. 　　The main findings are: 1. As one of media frame sponsors, the state remains a dominator within media discourses on the 'independence' issue, albeit opposition movement becomes main source of the dominant press. 2. Third party and reporters usually affiliate with the state, rather than political opposition. 3. However, media discourses around this issue gradually paves the way from the 'illegitimate' to the 'impossible,'signaling a structural transformation in identity politics. Especially, It's significant that Localism frame overpowers the long-standing Great China one in frame disputes. We are certain that ethnicity or nationality in post-authoritarian Taiwan has been radically re-constituted.

日治時期台灣人與日本人的通婚並非如同今日的國際婚姻關係，而是日本帝國國民之間的異民族通婚行為，是謂「內台共婚」。比起一般婚姻，「內台共婚」可說是一跨越多重「邊界」的結合。 所謂的「邊界」，除了意指地理空間中的境界，同樣也包括社會學意義上的文化、價值觀等方面的差異與隔閡；並且由於當時日本人與台灣人之間制度性地存在「支配者─被支配者」的殖民統治位階關係，使得矗立於「大日本帝國」與「殖民地台灣」之間的「邊界」更形巨大而難以跨越。然而，內台共婚者卻以個人之力跨越厚重的界限，並且將「邊界」兩端的差異、矛盾與衝突濃縮於一個家庭的日常生活之中。 本研究試圖回答以下三個問題：(一)、跨界流動如何可能？綜觀日治時期，乃是一內地與殖民地間「距離」縮短的過程。所謂「距離」，不僅意指地理空間上的差距，更包括內台人在「社會距離」與「心理距離」上的接近程度。藉由觀察各種「距離」變化的過程，探究使得跨界流動的日台人通婚由「不可能」至「可能」的社會背景因素。(二)、是「誰」跨界通婚？由共婚者個人背景之分析，進一步探討存在於「內台共婚」的特殊階級性格。此外，影響共婚者決定結婚的關鍵性因素也是一個有趣的議題，其中包括愛國情操、利益追求，以及嚮往愛情這三種理由。(三)、跨界之後：共婚生活之分析。共婚家庭不僅必須面對來自外部的障礙，例如體制上的不友善以及社會輿論壓力等，也必須克服許多經營家庭生活的艱難課題。此外，跨界的流動也為共婚者本身及其混血兒子女的自我認同與定位帶來許多衝擊。 「內台共婚」者跨越多重的社會位置，其認同也依照不同的社會時空、生活處境而有所轉變，本研究基於史料耙梳、文獻蒐集與經驗訪談等資料，試圖理解共婚者跨越邊界而結合的流動與其複雜的認同軌跡。 / During the Japanese colonial period, the marriage between Taiwanese and Japanese was called "Nai-Tai marriage." The "Nai-Tai marriage" could be seen as an integration that crossed the boundaries between Taiwan and Japan. This study attempts to answer the following three questions: (1) Was the "Nai-Tai marriage" possible? The "distance" meant that not only the the distance from Taiwan to Japan, but also including the "social distance" and "psychological distance" between Taiwanese and Japanese. By observing the ways of "distance" changed, this research try to explore the social background factors of the "Nai-Tai marriage". (2) "Who" did it? This research analyzed the personal backgrounds and the social class of the "Nai-Tai marriage." In addition, the key reason of people decided to "Nai-Tai marriage" is also an interesting question. (3) How about their family life? The families of the "Nai-Tai marriage" had to overcome a variety of problems. In addition, for the "Nai-Tai marriage" people and their mixed-blood children, the mobility of cross-boundary also brought many shocks to their self-identity, and made them feel unsure of themselves in social situations. The "Nai-Tai marriage" people crossed multiple social positions, their identity also changed with their different social space, living conditions and social class. This study explained the "Nai-Tai marriage" people how to live their lives, and how their complex identity had changed.

近年來漫畫改編偶像劇蔚為風尚,然而過去迷群研究主要關注迷群外在過度 的生產文本,關於漫畫迷的研究也僅關注於外在過度性明顯的強勢族群。然而, 導致外在行為過度性的原因,即內在的認同與區辨機制卻顯少討論。因此,本研 究將焦點放在迷群的內在過度性,希冀透過少女漫畫迷互文解讀漫畫改編偶像劇 的過程,了解少女漫畫迷內在的認同及區辨機制。 本研究透過媒介形式轉換之跨媒體互文性,依據John Fiske的互文性概念及 迷群內在認同及區辨之循環機制作為理論架構。透過質化取徑的深度訪談法,訪 談十二位少女漫畫迷,本研究發現少女漫畫迷在接觸漫畫改編偶像劇時,水平式 互文漫畫文本作為參考架構,其中以角色的關係連結最緊密。而垂直性互文的發 生基於區辨而非認同。由於少女漫畫迷對漫畫文本特別在乎而投入對此認同的區 辨與維護,與漫畫改編偶像劇之文本、角色、媒介與他人產生區辨,並藉由區辨 的過程建立自我認同。 / Previously, the researches focused on the external behaviors of fans but neglected the main cause of them: the internal excessiveness. Therefore, this research focuses on the internal process of identification and distinction of girl comic fans intertexting trendy drama adapted from original girl comics. Based on John Fiske’s intertextuality and fan theory, this research finds out the relationship between girl comic fans and comics was built by imagination, which gave the original text ‘aura’. While the horizontal intertexality linked two texts by genre, content, and character, the adapted drama bursted the imagination of girl comic fans. In order to protect their imagination, they became anti trendy drama fan and produced vertical intertextuality by distinguishing the text, character, and media between the two. Thus, the aura of the original comics was preserved and the identity of girl comic fans was constructed.

台灣和美國的關係自冷戰以來即維持密切的互動，從1950年代中期的反共軍事同盟至冷戰結束後台灣的民主化，台灣不論在政治、社會、經濟乃至國家安全的發展變遷上，都深受美國的影響。雖然台灣與美國於1979年經歷斷交的陰影，但台灣與美國至今仍保有相當友好的關係。 目前學界對台美關係的觀察多由主流國際關係理論的觀點為途徑，例如由新現實主義及新自由主義，僅探討台美關係在亞太地區軍事戰略的物質結構，缺乏對身分認同及戰略利益的連結關係，因此在解釋台美關係動態變化時，有其無法涵蓋之處。為彌補新現實主義及新自由主義解釋台美關係的缺失，本文由國際關係中社會建構主義的觀點出發，以民進黨陳水扁政府執政時期同時具備外交、兩岸與塑造台灣主體意識效果的兩次總統大選公民投票政策為例，詮釋台灣與美國如何透過身分認同及因身分所衍生的戰略利益兩項主要變數，進而影響雙方的政策產出與關係變動，作為對現有台美關係研究途徑的補充。 由國際關係理論中社會建構理論的奠基者溫特的身分概念，分析台美關係，其中具有可以合作協調的部分，亦有美國因霸權角色身分所衍生的戰略利益與一中政策，是台灣在爭取美國支持我國主權國家地位時，最艱鉅的挑戰。陳水扁執政時期，台美在台灣兩次總統大選公民投票議題所形成的戰略利益分歧，即是由台美雙方參照國際政治體系的角色身分所衍生的戰略利益不協調所導致。 / Taiwan and the United States have maintained close interaction and relationship since the Cold War era. The cooperation between the U.S. and Taiwan from the mid-1950s to now, Taiwan was deeply influenced by the U.S. in many aspects, including political, social, economic, democratization and even national security. Although the diplomatic relation between the U.S. and Taiwan was terminated in 1979, but they still maintain strong bilateral ties. The popular approaches in academic area for the analysis concerning Taiwan-U.S. bilateral relationship depend on the mainstream international relations theories, including Neo-realism and Neo-liberalism. These two theories emphasize on power structure and material interest, but ignore the causality of identity and strategic interest of states. This thesis takes the perspective of Identity in Social Constructivism as a complementary approach in order to interpret the dynamic changes and identity factors in Taiwan-U.S. relations. The research takes the twice national referendums held together with presidential election in 2004 and 2008 during the Chen Shui-bian Administration period as case studies. Chen’s referendum policies presented the effects of Taiwanese national identity and the strategy of foreign and Cross-Strait policies, those effects can help us interpret the identity and strategic interest variables in Taiwan –U.S. relationship. When using the conception of identity from the social constructivism to observe Taiwan-U.S. relations, we can figure that cooperation and coordination persist in some issue areas, but we also can find there are some divergences of strategic interests between U.S. and Taiwan driven by the role identity factors. The hegemonic role identity of the United States drive the insistence on the “One China policy” as her national interest, it is the most difficult part for Taiwan to seek the U.S.’s support for Taiwan’s sovereignty. The strategic divergence between the U.S. and Taiwan in Taiwan’s sovereignty and the referendum policies caused by the differences of their strategic interest come from the role identities.

本研究主要目的在探討2008年總統大選，我國南部選民個人社會背景特徵、投票抉擇因素及投票行為，並分析影響南部選民投票抉擇的最重要因素。 本文採用二手資料分析法，資料係採自「2005年至2008年選舉與民主化調查三年期研究規劃(Ⅲ):民國九十七年總統大選民調案」(TEDS2008P)（NSC 96-2420-H-004-017），使用的統計方法主要為次數分配、卡方檢定、t檢定、變異數分析及洛基迴歸模型。 經分析後主要研究發現: 一、 南部選民政黨認同傾向泛綠最多；對民進黨籍候選人謝長廷不論能力或形象評價，皆高於國民黨籍候選人馬英九；在統獨態度上，南部選民較傾向維持現狀；南部選民對過去陳水扁總統整體施政滿意度感到並不滿意。 二、 就全體受訪南部選民而言，本研究所提出的省籍、族群意識、政黨認同、候選人評價、統獨態度及總統施政滿意度等變數，個別單獨地與投票行為進行分析時，均達統計上的顯著關聯性，顯示上列變數都有可能影響南部選民的投票行為。將諸多變數一同納入模型比較其相對影響力時，發現「政黨認同」、「候選人形象」及「統獨態度」等三項變數最具影響力。 三、 南部選民的組成以本省閩南人與台灣人自我認同居多，支持泛綠的選民在南部依舊占了多數，且對民進黨的候選人評價也高於國民黨的候選人，因此南部對於民進黨來說，仍是一個具有相對優勢的區域。 四、 南部選民中，政治傾向較偏中立的選民，包括族群雙重認同者、無特別政黨認同的獨立選民及對於統獨態度主張維持現狀者，約有七成在這次選舉中將票投給在野黨的候選人馬英九。由南部選民對陳水扁過去施政滿意度偏向不太滿意可見，理性抉擇讓中立選民對執政的民進黨無法繼續信任，因而將票轉向在野的國民黨「換人做做看」。 五、 過去統獨態度在南部的分布， 1994年至2002年南部選民的統獨態度，支持統一者約占25%，支持獨立者也是約25%，而維持現狀者則約占50%。時至今日，南部選民支持統一者占10%，支持獨立者則是34%，維持現狀則保持在56%。除維持現狀並無明顯變化外，支持獨立的比率明顯增多，而支持統一者減少，是否為民進黨這八年中央與地方執政的影響，值得深入探討。

企業的營運範圍日趨國際化，媒體更繁複多元，並面臨更多面向的利益群體關注，對外關係的經營已不能只應用傳統的行銷策略，更須以公司層級的無形資產與社會資本建立起公司聲譽，方能保留並持續吸收資源，建立永續的競爭優勢。是故，近年來媒體經常報導的企業社會責任的議題，不但是許多利害關係人關注的焦點，更是公司經營與競爭優勢建立時不可忽視的策略性決策。 本研究透過第一階段調查法以及第二階段實驗法，共計發放536份問卷，並經由回歸分析、變異數分析等得出研究結論如下： 1.將企業社會責任作為歸類為利他型、規範型與平衡需求型，其中如消費者對於法令規範企業該做到的事項如「產品價格與說明標示皆為正確的」、「給予員工之薪資至少為法律規定的最低薪資」、「遵守當地政府的法令與規範」等皆視為規範型。 2.消費者對於有做社會責任之企業，其企業社會責任認知較沒做到企業社會責任的企業來的高，而利他型、規範型與平衡需求型對企業社會責任資訊與認知的調節效果則不存在。 3.消費者對企業社會責任的認知正向影響消費者對公司的認同。 4.消費者－公司認同為企業社會責任認知與購買意願的部份中介因子。 5.消費者對於有做企業社會責任公司的認同感受到對企業社會責任議題支持與個人道德標準的調節。 / The scope of business is going to be international, and the media runs in more complex ways, which makes more stakeholders pay attention to it. Now companies cannot just use the traditional marketing strategies to build up the relationships with outside stakeholders ,which turns out to use the corporate level strategies like intangible assets and social capital to solid the corporate reputation, keep retaining resources and establish sustainable competitive advantages. Therefore, the topic of corporate social responsibility (CSR) is not only what stakeholders care about but also a strategic decision when companies run and build competitive advantages. This research through two stages including survey and experiment and then use regression analysis and ANOVA analysis to the following results: 1.Classifying the corporate social responsibilities to “Altruism”,” Norms”, and “Balancing Needs”, for example, “The products’ price and instructions are both correct” belongs to “Norms”. 2.Consumers’ CSR perception is higher in the companies doing CSR than those not. But the moderate effect of different type (“Altruism”,” Norms”, and “Balancing Needs”) doesn’t exist between CSR information and CSR perception. 3.Consumers’ CSR perception positively affects Consumer-Company Identification. 4.Consumer-Company Identification is a partial mediator between Consumers’ CSR perception and purchase intention. 5.CSR support and ethical ideology moderate the relationship between Consumers’ CSR perception and Consumer-Company Identification.

早期關於男同志身體意象探索之學術研究大多侷限於西方文化框架。有鑒於此，本研究以東方男同志觀點敘述，希冀引領亞洲男同志健身文化等相關研究發展。研究目的在於探究兩個問題：為何健身在台灣男同志圈中成為主流趨勢以及健身與同志身份認同之間的關係為何。本研究引用現象學概念並採用民族誌研究方法，發展成三篇男同志生命故事。研究結果顯示男同志開始健身大多都是由於生活中出現了危機（例：與男友分手、還怕家人不認同自己的同志身份...等）；而身形逐漸壯碩也加強了他們對自己身材的正面意象並增進了本身對於同志身份的自我認同。此外，新形態的社交媒體（Facebook, Grindr, Jack'd...）加速了男同志對於健身的需求。由於男同志的社交模式改變，本研究亦試圖探索不同的同志族類（狼、熊...）對於健身的需求以及擁有肌肉身形的條件對於不同族類在交友重要程度為何。 / Earlier academic efforts on gay men’s body image were by and large made in a western context. Given that, this study is set out to address the academic gap by answering two questions: why bodybuilding has become a prevailing trend for gay men in Taiwan, and what is the relationship between bodybuilding and the nascent gay identity. With the phenomenology approach in mind, this study employed ethnographic methods to retrieve three gay men's life stories. The results indicate that gay men often started bodybuilding project after their life crises, and being muscular does instantly enhance positive images and self-confidence among the informants. However, the outcome of bodybuilding is mixed in the long run. Another important finding suggests that the demand for bodybuilding is accelerated by the new social media venues ranging from gay parties or other social occasions, to the prevalence of geosocial networking applications on smart phones, and to social networking sites like Facebook. As result of these new venues, this paper examines the new body type labels in the Taiwanese gay scene, indicating that bears and wolves with muscles are seen as more desirable than others in the Taiwanese gay community.

由於全球「華語熱」的風潮，「華語」逐漸躍升為世界前三大強勢語言，因此近年來許多外籍生多選擇至中國大陸或臺灣進行短期或長期的專業中文培訓。然而，外籍生在正式接觸漢字及中華文化之前，首先必須面臨的課題便是中文名字的命名。由於「姓名」承載了各國語言中特定的文化內涵與社會風尚，因此不同國籍的外籍生在面臨中文姓名的命名時，必定也會受到不同程度的文化衝擊(Culture shock)。 本研究屬於質性研究，所採用的研究方法為內容分析法及訪談調查法，樣本資料的蒐集與訪談對象的來源是就讀於國立政治大學的外籍生。本文主要探討的核心問題有三：第一，分析外籍生的中文姓名在形、音、義的語言結構與文化特徵；第二，了解外籍生對中文姓名的偏好及對中華文化的認同程度；第三，釐清華語教師為外籍生命名的過程、所依據之原則以及與學生溝通協調的情形。另外，本文也將一併探討中英姓名文化的歷史源流，並比較其背後所隱含的民族心理與社會價值觀，以作為研究核心問題的基礎架構。 研究結果顯示：外籍生的中文姓名在語言結構上的特徵為筆畫偏少、從原名音譯為主、多選用具有正面意義的用字；在文化特徵上，其中文姓名具有明顯的性別特徵，且選字的自由度較高。此外，外籍生對於中文姓名的字形及字義較為重視，且多偏好漢化程度較高的中文名字。在華語教師的命名原則方面，則是以符合華人命名習慣、中文名字能配合學生母語姓名的發音、讀音和諧、易寫好記為主。 探究外籍生中文命名的課題，對於華語課堂教學本身及中華文化的弘揚都有重要的價值與意義，不僅能強化外籍生對於中華文化的認同感，更能營造良好的教學氛圍，對於提高其跨文化交際的能力也有莫大的裨益。 / Chinese has gradually emerged as the world's top three significant languages because of the hot trend of Chinese learning around the world. Therefore, many international students have been visiting Taiwan or China, where provides the professional teaching quality and learning environment to train their Chinese abilities. Hence, naming becomes the first issue which these international students may confront before they formally explore the Chinese characters and cultures. Chinese name is a complicated language symbol which represents one’s uniqueness and contains specific culture connotations and customs, so the cultural differences may possibly lead “culture shock” to the international students during the naming process. This qualitative research is conducted by content research method(N=1666)and interview survey method(N=18), the data sources was mainly gathered from the international students of NCCU. The main issues of this research are listed as follows: 1.To analyze the language structures and culture connotations associated with the characters, pronunciation and meanings of the students’ Chinese names. 2. To investigate the students’ personal preferences and the intensity for their cultural inclination. 3. To realize the process and basic principles of the naming issues which the Chinese teachers adopt as well as the communication and negotiation between the teachers and students. In addition, the study will investigate the historical origins of the Chinese and English cultures, and compare the ethnic psychology and social norms behind these different cultures to establish a basic structure for the main issues in this research. The result of this research demonstrated that on the structure of the language aspects, the international students prefer the Chinese names which are characterized by simple strokes, transliterated from the original names and including positive meanings. Furthermore, on the cultural aspects, it showed obvious gender characteristics and greater extensive selectivity of characters of the Chinese names. In addition, the international students attach more importance to the characters and the meanings of the Chinese names and showed more preferences to the names which are corresponded with the naming convention of the Chinese community. As for the Chinese teachers, their main naming strategies are: Sticking to the Chinese naming convention, transliterating from the original names, easy pronouncing, writing and memorizing. It is undeniable that this research represents essential values for upgrading the teaching achievement for the Chinese teachers and enhances the cultural inclination for the international students. The last but not least, it is also helpful for the students to promote their ability of intercultural communication with proper Chinese names.

This thesis examines the politics of history education, collective memory and identity in contemporary Taiwan through a qualitative case study of the high-school history curriculum reform and controversy from 2002 to 2012. Through eight elite interviews, the evaluation of an extensive amount of primary sources, and the quantitative and qualitative analysis of the relevant history curricula and other official documents, I find that the most visible part of the controversy is a conflict between advocates of a “China-centered historical perspective” and the representatives of a “Taiwan-centered historical perspective”, who both try to reclaim the territory of national history to have their collective memory represented in it. Furthermore, my analysis of the relevant history curricula indicates that all of them are representative of the collective memory of more than one group. This demonstrates that the influence political parties can exert on history education is constrained by competing versions of collective memory. The thesis also shows how the strong tendency towards Taiwan-centered view on history within society has been translated into the history curriculum after the DPP created conducive conditions for meaningful change. Subsequently, the KMT tried to exert influence on the revision process, but continuous attention from the public prevented major changes. In the final analysis, it is very difficult for any political party or powerful group within contemporary Taiwan to impose one exclusive version of the past as national master narrative on the whole society. Competing collective memories of sub-national groups continue to co-exist within civil society, which demands for a more pluralist history curriculum that incorporates smaller “memory communities” in the national narrative to forestall social disunity and further controversy.

論文的目的是想要了解羅馬尼亞自2007年成為歐盟成員後，在公共外交面對的主要挑戰。作者試圖從2007年以後，找出羅馬尼亞公共外交元素，理解該國在建立國家品牌的努力。 　　共產主義解體之後，羅馬尼亞不能夠建立自己的認同，無力面對歐洲聯盟的高期望。這兩個情況共同導致羅馬尼亞2007年之前的困境，加入歐盟之後這個困境更甚。看歐洲的環境及挑戰，羅馬尼亞爲克服挑戰努力以赴，但步履艱辛。 本論文參考資料主要是二手資料（例如：參考書，研究論文，報告，期刊文章等），但作者自信這些資料價值不容懷疑。 / The purpose of this thesis is to gain understanding of the main challenges of public diplomacy in the case of Romania after the 2007 European Union membership acceptance. The situation that presents itself after 2007 was only looked at in correlation to the country’s past attempts to create a national brand that includes elements of public diplomacy. Not being able to create an identity after the fall of communism and high expectations from the European community, together create the situation in which Romania finds itself not only before 2007 but more visible after the European Union membership. Looking at the European context and examples of the connectivity between challenges a set of possible recommendations are constructed to overcome the challenges. Both challenges are present before and after 2007 but once the European Union membership was granted they became even more visible. The information is based on secondary sources (e.g. reference books, research papers, reports, journals’ articles, etc.) from organizations, publishers, universities, research institutes, media outlets, individuals, etc.