在複數選區的選舉制度以及講求「恩庇依隨」與「回報」的人情關係下，常見台灣的民意代表以服務選民的方式來建立自己的「個人選票」（personal vote），提供服務的民意代表期待接受服務的選民在未來的選舉中，以選票回饋來增加當選的機會。本研究以台灣選民為主要分析單元，輔以對立委的調查資料與投開票記錄，探討民意代表的「選區服務」是否誘發選民投票支持的回饋行為。 研究發現，台灣選民傾向將選票投給他們認為著重服務工作的政黨。另外，曾經接受過民意代表「個案服務」（case work）的選民也傾向將選票回饋給提供服務的民代，而且不受選民自身政黨認同的影響。本研究也發現，第三屆區域立委普遍認為選民服務的工作對他們爭取選票是最有幫助的，其次才是在立法院的問政表現。研究發現立委若是愈重視「選區服務」，則他們連任當選的機率也就愈高，選票也就愈集中在某些村里。整體而言，本研究發現民代的服務工作確實產生了「個人選票」的現象。

無論是沙皇政權或是蘇維埃政權，都會在侵略併吞而來的土地上實行俄化或是蘇維埃化的政策，希望能建立一個大一統的國家，創造一個享有共同文化、共同語言、甚至是有共同認同的民族。但是，1991年蘇聯的解體，不只打破了蘇共創造「蘇維埃民族」的美夢，還證明了蘇聯民族政策的嚴重錯誤。 19世紀以前，進入波海地區的俄羅斯人數量並不多。19世紀之後，沙皇政府開始在此區實行大規模的俄化，並開始將大批的俄羅斯人遷移至此。從第一次世界大戰以後到第二次世界大戰這段期間，波海三國享有了一段短暫的獨立國家時期。這個時期，基本上，波海三國對其境內的俄羅斯人是採取尊重的態度。第二次世界大戰爆發，因為德蘇密約的簽訂，使波海三國再次地被蘇聯併吞。史達林佔領波海三國之後，立刻大規模地流放波海三國的人民，並將大批的俄羅斯人引進，使愛沙尼亞與拉脫維亞兩國在人口統計學上的俄化情形十分嚴重。 1985年戈巴契夫上台以後，波海三國利用改革的機會，追求獨立，最後，以非暴力的方式獲得成功，重建獨立國家。波海三國獨立以後，俄羅斯人的地位有了很大的改變，一下子從優勢的統治地位變成弱勢的少數民族。愛沙尼亞與拉脫維亞因為懷疑俄羅斯人的忠誠度以及擔心會被滅族，所以採取了排外的公民權法，使大部分的俄羅斯人都無法獲得公民權。另外，因為大部分的俄羅斯人都不會說愛沙尼亞語或拉脫維亞語，所以不僅在取得公民權上有困難，在經濟與社會處境上也變得比較差。至於俄羅斯人的認同，可以說是複雜的。大多數的俄羅斯人在政治上是對所居住的共和國忠誠，在文化上還是認為自己是屬於俄羅斯文化的一部份。至於立陶宛，賦予境內大部分的俄羅斯人公民權，因此，立陶宛的族群關係較緩和。 俄羅斯政府自認為是境外俄羅斯人權益的捍衛者，但是，對於波海三國的少數民族政策所能造成的影響並不大。相反地，西方政府的批評與建議常常能成功地影響波海三國的決策。主要的原因在於波海三國急切地想回歸歐洲、西方政府與組織能提供援助、滿足國家安全需求與歐安組織派遣使節到愛、拉兩國。 / No matter what it was the Czar’s regime or the Soviet government, it would always implement a policy of Russification or Sovietization on invaded lands, in order to establish a united nation with common culture, shared the same language and national identity. However, since the breaking down of the Soviet Union in 1991, not only the dream of the ‘Soviet People’ broke down, but it also suggested a misleading of ethnic-national policy. Before the 19th century, there were not many Russians in the Baltic area. After the 19th century, the Czar’s regime started to implement the policy of Russification on a large scale, and it also moved many Russians to settle there. During the period of the First World War and the Second World War, the Baltic States had enjoyed a short period as independent nations. In this period, the Baltic States basically treated the Russians within their states with respect. Because Germany and Russia had signed a treaty before the Second World War, therefore, when the war erupted, the Baltic States were once again occupied by the Russia. After Stalin took over the Baltic States, he exiles people from the Baltic States on a large scale, while moving many Russians into these countries. As a result, Estonia and Latvia were seriously Russificated demogranphically. In 1985, Gorbachev gained the power. While the Russia government was reforming its political entity, the Baltic States seized the opportunity to go independent. They successfully gained their independence through non-violent method and rebuild themselves as independent states. Ever since the Baltic States became independent, the status of the Russians within their regions had changed rapidly. The Russians were once the dominant ruling class and suddenly became the ruled minority. Estonia and Latvia are concerned with the issues of royalty of the Russian people, also they were worried that they would become extinct as an ethnic group, therefore, they adopted an exclusive citizenship laws. Because most of the Russians could not speak Estonian and Latvian languages, therefore, they had difficulties to acquire the citizenship and they also did poorly financially and politically within these two nations. As for the notion of the Russian identity, it was a very complicated issue. Most Russians are politically royal to the Republics they reside, but culturally they still considered themselves as part of the Russian culture. In Lithuania, it granted most of the Russians that reside in its nation the citizenship; therefore, the ethnic relationship within the country was less tense comparatively. Russian government always views itself as the protector of the rights of its people that reside in other countries. However, this does not affect the policies regarding the minority in the Baltic States. On the other hand, the criticism and suggestions from the western governments can often affect the process of the policy-making in the Baltic States. The main reason is that the Baltic States are eager to return to Europe, and they can acquire aids from the western governments and organizations, securing their nations. Another reason is Estonia and Latvia hopefully get rid of the representatives from OSCE as soon as possible.

本篇論文主要呈現非裔劇作家奧古斯特˙威爾森在《鋼琴課》劇中，如何藉由書寫黑人經驗來解構被白人扭曲的黑人歷史，從而建構真實的黑人歷史。威爾森在此劇中透過三個重要的議題：黑人的遷徙、奴隸制度、以及藍調，來探究舊有的和新開發的黑人認同。為了進一步說明劇作家在黑人主體上的看法，史都華˙霍爾（Stuart Hall）的後現代認同觀念便可作為此研究的大前提：主體並不是由個別的、單一的認同所組成，而是同時由數個認同所構成。理論部分，史都華˙霍爾對文化認同與漂泊離散（diaspora）的概念、保羅˙吉爾羅伊（Paul Gilroy）對漂泊離散、奴隸制度、與黑人音樂的闡述、米歇˙傅柯（Michel Foucault）的對抗記憶（counter-memory）與歷史的觀念以及法蘭茲˙法農（Frantz Fanon）的後殖民理論均被運用來閱讀《鋼琴課》這一劇。 本論文共分為五個章節。第一章提供劇作家、劇本、以及理論架構的一般介紹。第二章處理黑人漂泊離散認同（diasporic identity）的議題，而此認同展現於黑人的遷徙經驗上。劇中男主角威利男孩（Boy Willie）最後決定要返回南方的家，他的決心使他有別於待在北方的其他黑人。第三章透過審視鋼琴與鬼的意義與功用，著重在黑人種族認同（racial identity）的討論上。威利男孩與白人鬼的爭鬥突顯威爾森對黑人自主權的重視。第四章探索藍調跟文化認同（cultural identity）的關連性。劇中女主角柏妮斯（Berniece）藉由彈奏鋼琴來召喚祖靈，此不僅幫助她與過去作連結，並使她得到一個正面的自我確認形象。第五章是結論，總結威爾森在此劇中所展現的新的黑人認同。 / This thesis attempts to show how August Wilson deconstructs the white distortion of black history and constructs an authentic black history by writing about the black experience in The Piano Lesson. Wilson explores the old and the new black identities from three significant issues of migration, slavery, and the blues respectively in the play. In order to further explicate the playwright’s arguments on the black subject, Stuart Hall’s idea of postmodern identity serves as a major premise: the subject is composed not of a single, unitary, but of several identities at the same time. Stuart Hall’s idea about cultural identity and diaspora, Paul Gilroy’s elaboration on diaspora, slavery, and black music, Michel Foucault’s theory of counter-memory and the concept of history, and Frantz Fanon’s postcolonial argument are applied to the reading of The Piano Lesson. The thesis consists of five chapters. Chapter One provides a general introduction to the playwright, the play, and the theoretical framework. Chapter Two deals with the issue of black diasporic identity, which is demonstrated in black migration. Boy Willie’s final decision to return home in the South distinguishes him from those who stay in the North. Chapter Three centers on the discussion of black racial identity by scrutinizing the meaning and function of the piano and the ghosts. Boy Willie’s fighting with the white ghost foregrounds Wilson’s concern over black autonomy. Chapter Four explores the relationship between the blues and cultural identity. Berniece’s invocation to her ancestors through playing the piano helps her connect with the past and gain a positive image of self-recognition. Chapter Five is the conclusion which sums up the manifestation of Wilson’s construction of new black identities in the play.

知識分享是實現成功知識管理的關鍵步驟，然而在公共組織中的成員，當他們去分享自己的知識時，不僅需要花額外的時間和努力之外，甚至可能還會減少他們自己在組織中的權力地位和競爭價值，因此將成員個體的知識轉換組合成組織整體的知識，相形之下會更不容易達成。故本研究的目的在於瞭解哪些因素會影響公共組織成員中的知識分享行為，因此本研究模式中的構念係根據社會交換理論、社會資本理論以及計畫行為理論為基礎。 / 本研究根據這些相關理論所提出之構念發展出涵蓋社會心理(例如外在報酬、預期互惠及樂於助人)、組織系絡(例如認同、信任及支持分享的規範)以及資訊科技(例如資訊科技使用)等三組因素層面的整合性研究模式，並認為這三組因素層面下的變數都會影響成員的知識分享行為。而本研究對象為台北市政府所屬之一級行政機關單位的員工，經過叢聚隨機抽樣後，抽出16個市府所屬之一級行政機關單位中850位受訪者，有效問卷數為524份。而本研究採取結構方程模式(SEM)途徑來檢定本研究模式之假設關係與模式配適程度。 / 研究結果除了發現本研究模式配適度良好外，也發現模式內生變數部份中的知識分享意圖與知識分享行為有高度的正面影響關係，而知識分享的態度、主觀規範與行為控制認知對於知識分享意圖也有正面的影響關係。而模式外生變數部份，預期互惠、樂於助人和組織認同感對於知識分享態度有直接的正面影響；此外組織信任和支持分享的規範對於知識分享的主觀規範有直接的正面影響；還有資訊科技使用對於知識分享的行為控制認知有直接的正面影響，而令人訝異的是在本研究中的外在報酬對於知識分享態度卻是直接的負面影響。 / 因此基於這些研究結果的發現，認為增加員工間的知識分享行為和參加知識分享活動是和正面的社會互動文化有所關聯，因此除了型塑出彼此相互信任、認同的組織氣候或文化之外，也必須建構出易於知識分享的組織規範(如創新、團隊合作和尊重多元價值等)。然而知識分享主要是人與人之間的社會交換活動，因此還要強化成員分享知識的內在動機(如樂於助人)。所以鼓勵公共組織中的管理者和員工彼此間能夠保持頻繁的社會互動，以建立彼此間的人際信任與預期互關係，還有對組織整體的認同與信任，以促使成員產生分享知識的意圖。最後給組織中的公共管理者與政策制定者一個啟示，知識分享還是需要有一個知識分享環境或文化，因此管理者應該確保有效地創造出易於知識分享的環境或文化，以促使知識分享行為的產生。 / Knowledge sharing is a critical step for successful knowledge management. However, sharing knowledge not only requires time and effort but also reduces value or power in the public organization. Therefore, individual’s knowledge does not transform easily into organizational knowledge. The purpose of this study is to develop an understanding of the factors affecting the individual’s knowledge sharing behavior in the governmental context. The research model includes various constructs based on social exchange theory, social capital theory , and the theory of planned behavior .Hence, this research developed an integrated theoretical model and unveiled three sets of critical factors: psychological(extrinsic rewards, reciprocal relationships, enjoyment in helping others), organizational (identification ,trust , pro-sharing norm)and technological(information technology usage) that are believed to affect the knowledge sharing behaviors. Data collected from 524 employees in Taipei City Government were conducted to test the research model using the structural equation modeling (SEM) approach. / The results of the study provide empirical support for the overall structure theorized in the research model. Knowledge sharing behavior was predicted by the employees’ intention towards knowledge sharing and perceived behavioral control. Knowledge sharing intention in turn was predicted by employees’ attitude towards knowledge sharing, subjective norm and perceived behavioral control. The employees perceptions of reciprocal relationships, enjoyment in helping others and identification were positively associated with favorable attitude towards knowledge sharing. The perceptions of extrinsic rewards exerted a negative effect on the attitude. Organizational trust and pro-sharing norm positively influenced employees’ subjective norm. Additionally, information technology usage was positively associated with high levels of perceived behavioral control towards knowledge sharing. / Based on the findings, the study indicates that an increased effort to encourage employees to participate knowledge sharing activities is associated with a positive social interaction culture. Specifically, reinforcing individual’s intrinsic motivation and creating an organizational context characterized by trust, identification and pro-sharing norm are likely to encourage both management and employees to socialize and interact frequently with each other by means of driving knowledge sharing intention. Finally, the study has implications for public manager and policy maker to formulate policies and appropriately to ensure the effective creation of a knowledge sharing culture.

藉著聆聽教師的敘說，我研究的主要目的在於理解教師專業認同的歷程，及此歷程所彰顯的意義世界。以Mead談論的自我概念作為基礎，我認為教師專業認同的概念是一發展性的歷程，而不將其視為本質、本體或範疇。此外，個人的認同歷程在敘說中展現也是我所強調的另一個重點，也就是說，個人在向聽者敘說裡頭展現其生命經驗，而聽者得以藉著語言的力量理解敘說者的生命經驗。奠基於此，研究者（我）才得以理解教師（受訪者）的敘說。 我採用「教育學傳記研究」作為研究取向，並以德國學者Fritz Schütz發展的「敘述訪談」作為資料採取工具，蒐集而來的資料即是我所謂的「文本」或「故事」。訪談的對象是小卉 -- 一位成為國小教師五年左右、服務兩所學校的初任教師。訪談結果在轉錄成逐字稿後，依據Schütz所提出的文本分析流程進行文本結構描述，並嘗試詮釋以析出故事抽象概念。 經過文本結構描述和分析，逐漸呈現「選擇」、「在比較中了解自己」以及「愛與被愛」的教師故事圖像。然而，我並未只是停留在故事詮釋的階段，而更進一步和其它教師敘說進行對話，其目的在於企圖呈現「我們如何看待教師故事、發聲」的議題。最後，我反思本研究的價值以及教育學傳記研究的意義。 / The purpose of my research is mainly to understand the process of a teacher’s professional identity by listening teacher’s narrative. Also, I attempt to explore the meanings represented by this process. Based on Mead’s concept of self, I argued that the attribute of teacher’s professional identity might be better viewed as a developing process than essences, substances or categories. Furthermore, one’s identity process revealing from narrative is other key point in my study. That is to say, one displays his or her life experiences with a narrative to listener, and then the listener understands the experiences through the power of language. Therefore, according to the above-mentioned methodological basis, I (researcher) could make sense of the teacher’s (interviewee) narrative. I adopt ”Biographic Research in Pedagogy” as my research approach, and collected raw data called “text” or “story” with “Narrative Interview” developed by Fritz Schütz, a Germany sociologist. After interviewing the first teacher, Little-hui, who just has been working about five years in two elementary schools, I followed Schütz’s procedures of text-analysis to describe the structure of the text and attempt to catch abstract concepts in hui’s story. After the process of structure description and interpret, “choosing”,”knowing self by comparing with peers”, and “to love and to be loved” gradually showed up to be images of Little-hui’s story. However, I didn’t stay right in the position of story-interpreting. Moreover, I situated these images a dialogue with another inquires of teachers’ narratives, and attempted to raise the issue of “how have teachers’ stories, voices, or narratives been viewed and treated in the context” for discussion. At the end, I reflected on the value of this research and the meaning of “Biography Research in Pedagogy.”

本篇論文探討的是，台灣「五○年代白色恐怖」政治案件的「集體記憶」（collective memory）保存、復甦和建構的社會過程。 自1949至1987年，我國在戒嚴體制的控制下，「五○年代白色恐怖」的集體記憶曾經長期受到抹黑及消音，當時受難者及其團體在此一記憶的保存上，扮演了關鍵的角色，透過他們私下的集結與聯絡，在團體的脈絡中鞏固了此一記憶。 解嚴前後，過去被壓抑的許多記憶浮上檯面，透過紀念儀式、平反活動、修改法令、保存歷史地標等活動，各方主體重新召喚、組織、競爭詮釋集體記憶，端賴資源不同，決定了競爭結果。但是由於五○年代白色恐怖蘊含的意識型態和國族認同，不完全符合當時社會的需要，因此並未馬上進入國家論述。 隨著舊政權逐漸退出執政集團，新的國民黨政權有「建構新國家」認同的需要，同時遭受地方反對黨政府的強烈挑戰；配合社會控制鬆綁，文化媒介的傳播，民間記憶更加浮現。最後在「朝野大和解」等現實環境的配合之下，受難者團體採取迴避意識型態的論述策略，發揮了臨門一腳的功效，終於讓此一集體記憶進入正式論述，新的「人權論述」的建構和認同也在這個過程中悄悄的重構、凝塑。 但是目前呈現的集體記憶仍是經過篩選、組合後的結果，紀念碑的概念如「人權」、「民主」等，已獲得這一波國族建構的認可；但是相對的，由於兩岸的僵局未解，左翼思潮和運動仍然被排除在外；少數族群、弱勢性別的詮釋權也相對被忽略。目前各種不同主體，仍在互動中持續移動建構，或許下一次大規模的記憶召喚，隨時可能在適當的時機，再度出現在公共論域。

本研究以1997年台灣縣市長選舉為標的，彙整政治學有關投票行為的相關理論，包含社會學研究途徑、社會心理學研究途徑與理性抉擇途徑的研究成果，整合該年度之總體與個體資料而設計出「特質調整模型」。特質調整模型是透過兩階段的操作模式進行預測，首先以基礎模型反應全國一致的因素，使之適用於台灣所有縣市，這些因素包括政黨認同、候選人取向與社會人口學變項。但由於各縣市狀況仍有不同，因此再進一步用延伸模型來考量各縣市的特殊選舉因素。延伸模型在基礎模型的規模上，以描述性統計來觀察選區情形後，再加入各地特質於模型之中，使其預測結果能反映各地特殊狀況。在延伸模型中，考量的因素包括議題取向、環境系絡因素、策略性投票、在位者表現、派系取向與賄選問題等。 在特質調整模型中，本研究嘗試以對數迴歸模型對各地區進行模擬計算，並用機率論的方式呈現每一位受訪者的投票可能，以反應政治學理論中的不確定性。研究結果發現基礎模型確能相當地反應出台灣各縣市的選舉狀況，描繪各地的一般狀況，而延伸模型又能更精確地貼近各地的選舉結果，反映各地的特殊選情。在資料完整的狀況下，最後各縣市的預測誤差均不超過抽樣誤差。 第一章 緒論 1 壹、研究動機與目的 1 貳、文獻檢閱 3 第二章 研究方法 25 壹、研究範圍與資料來源 25 貳、模型建構 28 參、研究架構 33 肆、模型評估 35 第三章 基礎模型 38 壹、 變數建構 38 貳、 基礎模型的探討 42 參、 討論 84 第四章 延伸模型：基礎模型的應用 87 壹、延伸模型的設計 87 貳、基隆市的延伸模型 89 參、台北縣的延伸模型 98 肆、桃園縣的延伸模型 115 伍、新竹市的延伸模型 123 陸、台中市的延伸模型 129 柒、彰化縣的延伸模型 140 捌、台南市的延伸模型 153 玖、台南縣的延伸模型 166 拾、小結 172 第五章 結論 174 壹、研究回顧 174 貳、研究效果評估 178 參、研究限制與未來研究建議 179 參考文獻 184 / This research is focused on Taiwanese county magistrates election in 1997, and based on the aggregate and individual data to design a forecasting model, named "Joined Idiosyncrasies Adjusted Model" (JIA Model). This model is operated by two stages. First, I compute a basic model, which reflects some general factors in every county. Second, I design extended models to adjust the output of basic models. Those extended models can precisely show the situation of every single county. In this model, I try to use logistic regression to compute the candidate's votes, and present the final forecast output in probability. This model made the county magistrates election more predictable, and the model errors are less than the sampling errors.

本篇論文的研究目的在探討美國選民的分裂投票行為, 以一九九二年的選舉為研究對象. 資料來源是1992年ＮＥＳ的資料. 本文所指的--分裂投票, 是指選民在該年的總統與眾議員選舉中, 分別投給不同政黨的候選人. 茲分成以下章節一一探討. 第一章包含研究動機, 文獻檢閱, 與研究方法. 在本章中, 我們將美國有關分 裂投票的研究, 做了全面性的探討, 並配合一九九二年特殊的選舉環境, 建構屬於本文的假設. 第二章是在探討分裂投票選民的特質. 第三章則是探討政黨認同對選民分裂投票行為的影響. 當選民的政黨認同越弱時, 選民越傾向分裂投票,合乎我們的假設. 在政黨認同的方向上, 在一九九二年民主黨的認同者比較傾向一致 投票. 第四章在探討候選人因素對分裂投票的影響. 在1980年代的文獻中,相當強調候選人因素的影響, 特別是國會的現任者, 常常是造成選民分裂投票的誘因. 但是在1992年的選舉中, 無論是總統或眾議員候選人都不強. 因此我們認為1992年選民分裂投票的誘因, 應該是議題因素. 在第五章中,我們藉由經濟性投票模式及政策中和模式, 來解釋1992年選民的分裂投票行為.

本研究主要探討商標符碼消費行為的影響變數,試圖了解消費者進行商標符碼消費之動機及意圖,研究發現:消費者自我表達消費動機.消費者自我認同達成度.消費者社會化學習程度.品牌偏好度...對商標符碼消費行為有顯著影響.

本論文係從多元文化主義之觀點來探討國民教育階段中的宗教自由。我國憲法第159條規定：「國民受教育之機會一律平等」。然而學生在教育過程中實質的平等受教育機會卻與其文化認同有密切的關係。如果學生的獨特文化認同不能在主流教育體制中受到尊重與接納，連帶的也會影響其學習上的成功機會。而透過對於法律「兼顧容納宗教自由」之案例的反省與分析，本論文引出了「宗教也是一深刻文化認同」之看法。筆者根據此一看法來重新思索宗教與國民教育之關係，並認為在憲法基本權利的層次，為了兼顧容納信徒基於宗教認同所產生之需求，我們必須承認「宗教學生平等受教育的權利」與「父母宗教教育之自由」。然而國家在國民教育階段中兼顧容納宗教自由，除了不應違背「政教分離」原則之外，也應以「民主教育」作為兼顧容納之重要界限。以上述想法為基礎，本論文也於最後具體探討我國的教育規範與教育實踐應如何作出調整，以建構一個兼顧信仰與學習的教育環境。 / This dissertation discussed religious freedom in mandated education context from a multiculturalism perspective. Article 159 of ROC Constitution provides, “The educational opportunities of citizens are equal.” Understood in a subjective sense, equal educational opportunities of students have much to do with their cultural identities. If a student’s unique cultural identity cannot be respected and accommodated in mainstream education system, his or her opportunities to success in the education process will be limited seriously. Through the discussion of cases of “accommodation of religious freedom”, this dissertation tried to propose the view that religion is also a profound cultural identity. Accordingly, the author indicated that in order to accommodate believers religious identity, “the equal educational rights of religious students” and “the freedom of religious education of parents” should be recognized in mandated education context. However, the efforts to accommodate religious freedom should also be balanced by the principles of democratic education, in addition to the requirements of secularism in public schools. Based on the ideas mentioned above, this dissertation reviewed educational regulations and practices in Taiwan in the final section, and proposed the ways to construct a education environment in which both the believers’ needs to learn and to develop religious identity can be respected and attended properly.