本研究的目的在於分析國家認同(身分)，對於中國和臺灣之間所謂「國與國」關係的影響。兩岸關係的和暖始於１９７０及１９８０年代末期開始的「自由化」與「民主化」過程，這提供了雙方交流的機會，特別是在１９８７年中華民國政府開放經貿和民間交流，如一般民眾赴大陸探親。更重要的是，當臺灣的一黨專政消逝後，臺灣人民以民主改革重塑了政治環境，而這種民主改革也使臺灣政治產生了新的變化。 本研究認為，就「自由化」與「民主化」的過程而言，不僅是甚於政權的移轉，而且也包括某些政治之外的因素改變了意識形態，最明顯的因素即是經濟。自從１９７９年兩岸的軍事衝突結束後，雖然雙方並未建立有效且特久的和平機制，但在此時期，兩岸都經歷了一些社會自由化及著重經濟發展的政策變化。本文將透過三個焦點問題以理解「自由化」、「民主化」與兩岸之間的關係： i.兩岸於１９７０年代後期及１９８０年代，在個別強人領導之下，國家認同（身分）的影響為何？ ii.這些發展在兩個中國實體的內部如何影響兩岸關係？ iii.未來兩岸如何調整政策以促進和暖的局勢？ 本文將採用溫特的社會建構論做為研究的理論框架，亦即建構主義中的三個Ｉ：認同（身分）、利益和制度。以社會建構論應用在兩岸關係上是有其意義的，同時也顧及了國際關係理論做為一種積累式學科的特殊性。根據社會建構論指出，國家認同（身分）是透過文化規則以塑造，如１９８０年代臺灣人民對於民主的認知，及１９７０年代之後中國自由化的過程，都是其政治文化的一部分。因此，國家認同（身分）在以利益為驅動的國際關係下，必須以「國與國」的關係所取代。本文將以１９７０－８０年代兩岸關係做為案列，解釋國家認同（身分）在「國與國」的關係中的使用。 / The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations of mainland China and Taiwan. Following the ‘liberalization’ process on the mainland in the late 1970s and Taiwan’s ‘democratization’ of the 1980s, a thawing of relations between the PRC and the ROC was effected. The subsequent exchange between both sides of the Taiwan Strait has included such important changes as the ROC government’s lifting of travel and trade-related restrictions to mainland China in 1987. More importantly, when one-party rule was lifted the people of Taiwan were given the chance to shape the political landscape with the help of democratic reforms which gave a new substance to the political nature of the exchange. The focal point of this study will be the argument that the ‘democratization’ and the ‘liberalization’ processes on both sides is not only because of the regime change but also the ideological shift caused by a number of extra-political factors, most notably economic factors. Although no effective mechanism for long-lasting peace has been established in Cross-Strait Relations since the end of the militarized disputes between the PRC and the ROC in 1979, this period also witnessed a shift in policy towards social liberalization along with an increased emphasis on economic development on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. I will approach the relationship between ‘democratization’ or ‘liberalization’ and Cross-Strait Relations through three focal questions: i.How has it been the effect of state identity in the late 1970s and 1980s in China and in Taiwan under their respective leaderships? ii.How did these developments within the two Chinese entities affect relations across the Taiwan Strait? iii.How will both sides modify their policies in the future to create circumstances more conducive to reconciliation with the other side? I intend to use Wendt's Social Constructivist theory as the theoretical framework of the research on the basis of “3 I’s of Social Constructivism”, namely ‘Identity, Interest and Institution’. The application of Social Constructivism as an International Relations theory to Cross-Strait Relations aims to be relevant and persuasive considering the ad hoc –event driven– characteristic of International Relations as a discipline being accumulative. In Social Constructivism, state identities shape through the cultural norms, such as the Taiwanese perception of democracy as part of its own political culture in the early 1980s and the liberalization process of China from the late 1970s onwards. The state identity, therefore, makes room for the state-to-state relations under the International Relations driven by the national interest. The effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations in the case study of Cross-Strait Relations, in the late 1970s and in the late 1980s respectively, will be comprehensively subjected to examination in my research.

本研究旨在探討年輕女性工作者的生涯阻隔、生涯動機和因應策略之關係。以台北地區25至34歲的年輕女性工作者為研究對象，以立意方式取樣，正式施測後共得326份有效問卷，使用的研究工具為「生涯阻隔因素量表」、「生涯動機量表」和「因應策略量表」，所得資料以描述統計、獨立樣本t考驗、單因子變異數分析、二因子多變量變異數分析及典型相關分析等統計方法進行處理。 本研究的主要發現為：第一，年輕女性工作者的生涯阻隔偏低，生涯動機偏高，較常採取問題解決和邏輯思考的因應策略，而較少採情緒逃離策略。第二，不同年齡、職業類型、總工作年資和婚姻狀況等背景變項的年輕女性工作者，在生涯阻隔、生涯動機與因應策略上達顯著差異，其中尤以職業類型最為顯著。第三，生涯阻隔高的年輕女性工作者較會採取情緒逃離策略，生涯動機高的年輕女性工作者則較會採取各種因應策略，而不同的生涯阻隔和生涯動機在情緒逃離策略上有交互作用效果。第四，生涯復原力和生涯洞察力愈高的年輕女性工作者，愈會採取正向因應策略，其中尤以企業型年輕女性工作者更為明顯；而事務型的年輕女性工作者總工作年資愈長，即使個人條件的阻隔較高，若擁有較大的外在支持，也較會採取正向因應策略。 最後，根據研究發現提出對年輕女性工作者、女性生涯諮商工作，以及未來相關研究之建議。 / The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationships among career barriers, career motivation and coping strategies of young female employees. By using the purposes sampling, there are 326 young female employees from 25 to 34 years old sampled in Taipei. The measure instruments include Career Barriers Inventory, Career Motivation Inventory and Coping Strategies Inventory. Data obtained were analyzed by descriptive statistics, t-test, one-way ANOVA, two-way MANOVA and canonical correlation. The major findings are as follows：first, young female employees had low career barriers and high career motivation, and they were more likely to use problem-solving and logic-thinking coping strategies. Second, young female employees with different age, total working years, occupational type and marriage situation were different in career barriers, career motivation and coping strategies, especially the occupational type. Third, young female employees with high career barriers were more likely to use emotion-escape coping strategies, and young female employees with high career motivation were more likely to use all kinds of coping strategies. There were interaction effect on emotion-escape coping strategies with different career barriers and career motivation. Fourth, young female employees with high career resilience and career insight were more likely to use positive coping strategies, especially enterprising young female employees. Conventional young female employees with long total working years, high barriers on individual conditions and good external support, they were more likely to use positive coping strategies. According to the findings, implications and suggestions for young female employees, career counseling for women and future researches were provided.

本論文研究以新北市公立高中生為研究樣本，探討政治社會化機構中「家庭背景」、「學校機制」與學生的「政黨認同」、「民主價值觀」、「政治信任感」等政治態度之關聯性。 　　本論文以集群抽樣，選取國立板橋高中、新北市立金山高中、新北市立樹林高中、新北市立清水高中等學校高一至高三學生為樣本，抽樣學生合計940人。調查方式採用問卷調查法，分別區分為「教師影響力」、「師生互動」、「學校效能感」、「民主價值觀」、「政治信任感」、「政黨認同」、「個人基本資料」等封閉式問題。經由抽樣學生填答完成後，分別使用描述性統計分析、卡方檢定、ｔ檢定、變異數分析、Pearson積差相關係數、多元廻歸分析、信度分析等統計方法處理。 　　本研究有下列幾點重要的發現： 一、社會組學生的民主價值觀高於自然組學生。 二、省籍為「本省閩南人」的民主價值觀高於其它省籍。 三、師生互動與教師影響力與學生的民主價值觀呈現正相關。 四、師生互動、教師影響力與學校效能感，都與政治信任感呈現正相關。 五、民主價值觀與政治信任感為呈現顯著負相關。 關鍵字：高中生、學習歷程、政治社會化、政治態度、政黨認同、民主價值觀、政治信任感、師生互動、教師影響力、學校效能感。

本研究主要目的在探討2010年台北市長大選，台北市女性選民個人社會背景特徵、投票取向因素及投票行為，並分析影響台北市女性選民投票行為的最重要因素。 本研究採用二手資料分析法，資料係採自2009年至2012年「台灣選舉與民主化調查」三年期研究規劃（2/3）：民國九十九年直轄市市長選舉面訪案(TEDS 2010C): NSC 99-2420-H-031-002，使用次數分配（Frequencies）、卡方檢定（Chi-square test）、t檢定（t-test）及變異數分析（Analysis of variance, ANOVA）及洛基迴歸模型（Logistic Regression Model）等統計方法分析資料並詮釋之。 經統計分析後主要研究發現： 一、本研究發現台北市選民在政治知識、政黨認同、候選人評價、所重視議題誰最能代表、市長施政滿意度等投票取向上，女性與男性選民有差異性。但在投票抉擇上，男女都是投給郝龍斌最多，只是比例上有差異；而政黨認同及候選人評價差距等二項變項，皆為影響台北市女性選民及男性選民投票行為的主要因素。 二、就全體受訪台北市女性選民而言，本研究所提出的省籍、收入、族群認同、政黨認同、候選人評價差距、候選人情感溫度計、所重視議題誰最能代表、整體市長施政滿意度及綜合各項施政滿意度等變項，個別單獨與投票行為進行分析均達統計上的顯著關聯性，可見上述變項皆有可能影響台北市女性選民的投票行為。將諸多變項一同納入模型比較其相對影響力時，發現「政黨認同」及「候選人評價差距」等二項變項最具影響力。 三、台北市女性選民的省籍、收入、族群認同等人口學的變項，個別與其投票行為均有顯著的關聯性，但經與其他社會心理學的變項，例如政黨認同、候選人評價等，以洛基迴歸模型進行相對影響力分析，發現這些變項顯然不如社會心理學的變項來得有顯著性。因此，密西根學派所提出的社會心理學研究途徑，相較於哥倫比亞學派所提出的社會學研究途徑，對台北市女性選民的投票行為更具有解釋力或預測力。 / This study aimed to explore the social background characteristics, voting orientations, and voting behavior of female voters in Taipei City during the 2010 Taipei Mayoral Election and analyze the most important factors which influenced the voting behavior of female voters in Taipei City. The analysis method adopted by this study was the secondary analysis. The data were retrieved from the “Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study” of a 3-year research project from 2009 to 2012 (2/3): The Survey Project of 2010 Municipal Mayoral Election (TEDS 2010C): NSC 99-2420-H-031-002. Statistical analysis methods such as frequencies, Chi-square test, t-test, Analysis of variance (ANOVA), and logistic regression model were applied to the data and the results were interpreted. After the statistical analyses were performed, the findings are summarized below: 1. Female and male voters in Taipei City were different in political knowledge, party identification, candidate evaluation, which candidate can represent the voters concerned issue, and satisfaction of mayoral’s performance. However, in the aspect of whom to vote, both male and female voters mostly voted for Lung-bin Hau, though with different percentages. The key factors which influenced the voting behavior of female and male voters in Taipei City included two variables: party identification and candidate evaluation. 2. For the interviewed female voters in Taipei City, variables proposed by this study, including province of origin, income, ethnic group identification, party identification, candidate evaluation difference, candidate feeling thermometer, which candidate can represent the voter’s concerned issue, satisfaction of mayoral’s performance, were all significantly related to their voting behavior respectively. In other words, these variables could influence the voting behavior of female voters in Taipei City. After including these variables in the same model to compare their relative influences, it was found that the two most influential variables were “party identification” and “candidate evaluation difference”. 3. For the female voters in Taipei City, the demographic variables such as province of origin, income, and ethnic group identification were significantly related to their voting behavior respectively. However, compared with other social psychological variables like party identification, and candidate evaluation, these demographic variables were not as significant according to the results of the influence analysis using the logistic regression model. Therefore, the social psychological approach proposed by the Michigan School was better than the sociological approach proposed by the Columbia School in explanatory power and prediction power of the voting behavior of female voters in Taipei City.

近年來，全球女性保養品市場呈現穩定成長，雖然保養品以往都被視為屬於「女性領地」的產品，但全球男性保養市場不僅從2012年起就持續成長，未來前景也是相當看好。 有別於以往以性別（sex）做為市場區隔，消費者的性別認同及性傾向，已逐漸被用於區隔目標消費者，且同性戀消費者更因為其相較於一般異性戀男性的消費能力較強，而被視為「夢幻市場 （Dream Market）」。然而，現今台灣在該領域相關的研究文獻，卻往往只探討生理性別，忽略生理性別和性別認同之間的落差，如此將導致與性別相關的行銷研究有扭曲或偏頗的現象。 因此本研究希望能將性別認同與性傾向等因素，納入研究消費者購買保養品行為之考量因素，彌補理論和實際狀況的落差，期能研究出不同性別認同、性傾向的消費者，對不同定位保養品購買意願的差異，並根據該研究結果，給予保養品廠商一些行銷上的建議，讓其在釐清品牌定位時更有方向，並以更有效率、更適切的方式與顧客溝通。 本研究將影響保養品的購買意願從「性別認同」、「性傾向」、「獨特性需求」、「從眾行為」、「產品涉入」、「在意社會觀感程度」、「品牌知覺」、「品牌性別」、「品牌態度」等九大方面著手。 本研究以問卷方式獲取初級資料，收獲有效問卷共 375份，經過統計迴歸分析後發現，「性別認同」、「在意社會觀感程度」、「品牌知覺」和「品牌態度」此四項，最顯著影響消費者購買保養品意願。另外，雖然「性傾向」並沒有對購買意願產生影響，但卻有可能透過「在意社會觀感程度」干擾購買意願。而還有其他顯著影響因素待於研究中一一闡述。 / Recently, the global market of female skin care products has grown a steady pace. Although, the skin care products are usually regarded as female products, the global market of male skin care products has grown fastly since 2012 and market analysts are optimistic about its future. In the past, we usually only use “sex” to segment a market, but gender identity and sexual orientation are gradually used to target customers now. Moreover, gay customers are regarded as a “Dream Market” because they have greater purchasing power than heterosexual men do. However, existing studies still tend to probe into sex and neglect the differences between sex and gender identity. Therefore, this research takes gender Identity and sexual orientation into consideration when conducting the behavior of purchasing skin care products, and the dependent variable” purchase intention” is leveraged by “Gender Identity”, “Sexual Orientation“, “Product Involvement”, “Need for Uniqueness”, “Conformity Behavior”, “the Degree of Concerning with Social Perception”, “Brand Attitude”, “Brand Gender”, “Brand Perception”. Among influential factors, “Gender Identity”, “the Degree of Concerning with Social Perception”, “Brand Attitude”, and “Brand Perception” contribute significantly to purchase intention. Although sexual orientation does not lead to purchase intention, it may affect purchase intention through influencing the factor of “the degree of concerning with social perception”. Other factors affecting the behavior of purchasing skin care products will be further discussed in this research.

在關於政黨認同的研究中，除了明白表示出政黨認同的這群人之外，其餘沒有明白表示出政黨認同的選民，通常被歸類為所謂的「中立無反應」者，或是「獨立選民」。然而，這群沒有明白表示出政黨認同或投票對象的受訪者是否真是中立或無反應者，抑或真是獨立選民呢？葉銘元（1994）針對我國的獨立選民曾做過相當詳細的研究，本文接續其研究，選擇政治大學選舉研究中心的面訪資料，針對1989年至1999年間我國獨立選民的發展與變遷情形，分別就「我國獨立選民政黨認同及社會背景的發展與變遷」、「我國獨立選民政治涉入的發展與變遷」、「我國獨立選民投票取向的發展與變遷」及「影響獨立選民發展與變遷的因素」等方面作分析。 研究結果發現：我國獨立選民的比例雖然有下降的趨勢，但是近年來此種趨勢似乎有逆轉的情形，且獨立選民比例的高低的確會受到選舉制度不同的影響。獨立選民的社會背景也和政黨認同者有差異，他們的政治涉入較政黨認同者為低，對候選人及政黨評價較低，對議題保持中立的立場，投票時比較會考量候選人的條件優劣，較不會依政黨界限投票。與此同時，我們也發現獨立選民的組成上是由政治知識及政治涉入較低的「冷漠型獨立選民」，逐漸轉變為政治知識及政治涉入較高的「理想型獨立選民」。 在未來的發展趨勢上，我們發現新世代及新新世代選民中獨立選民所佔的比例是較低的，因此我們可以預期，獨立選民的比例應該還有下降的可能性。在民主化的進程繼續推展，政黨政治日益成熟穩定之後，我們預期有政黨認同的選民會呈現增長的趨勢，與此同時，獨立選民並不會大幅度的減少。基於獨立選民是理想公民的期待，我們相信還是會有一定比例的民眾認為自己是獨立選民，但正如同我們觀察到的，此時的獨立選民將不再是對政治一無所知，或是對政治冷漠的冷漠型獨立選民；而將成為對政治保持高度關注，並能依自己客觀的態度做出政治決定的理想公民。 / In most studies about party identification, people who do not clearly indicate their party identification are usually classified as so「neutral non-respondents」or 「Independents」. Are these respondents really neutral or non-response, or are they really independents ? Yeh Ming-Yuan (1994) has done detailed research on independent voters in Taiwan. This thesis follows his research, using individual level survey data to analyze the developing and changing situation of independent voters in Taiwan from 1989 through 1999. In particular, this thesis examines changing party identification and social background of independent voters, changing political involvement among independent voters, changing vote intentions of independent voters, and the facts which have influenced the develop of independent voters. Our research outcomes have shown that although the percentage of independent voters in Taiwan has declined, in recent years this trend seems to have reversed, The percentage of independent voters has actually been influenced by changes in the electoral system. There are differences in social background between independents and party identifiers. The degree of political involvement of independent voters is lower than that of party identifiers. Their evaluation of candidates and parties is also lower than those of party identifiers. They tend to stay neutral to all political issues when making their voting decisions, they tend to consider the conditions of the candidates, rather than voting by the boundary of parties. However, we also discover that independent voters are gradually evolving from "apathetic independent voters", with lower political knowledge and lower political involvement, to "ideal independent voters", with higher political knowledge and higher political involvement. Looking to the future, we discover that the percentage of independent voters in the next generation and the generation after that are much lower. Hence we can predict that the percentage of independent voters will likely decline. With the continuing development of democracy and the increasing maturity and stability of party politics, we expect that the percentage of party indentifiers will grow. However, this does not necessarily mean that the percentage of independent voters will decline dramatically.Because of the expectation that independent voters are the ideal citizens, we believe that there are still a certain percentage of people who will consider themselves as independent voters. Hence, independent voters increasingly will not be "apathetic independent voters" who know nothing about politics. On the contrary, they will become "ideal citizens" who keep highly concerned about politics and make political decisions according to their own subjective attitudes.