Taking off from a security related interest in de-democratization processes throughout Europe and the limited theoretical field thereof, this paper examines the political development in Poland 2008-2018. Through a comparison of the development in Poland and Hungary, the ambition is to identify what differs the de-democratization process of the two East European countries in regards to their communist past and in a broader sense to their current membership in the European Union. To guide the comparison is the theoretical framework of Merkel (2004), through both qualitative and quantitative analysis as it has been applied on Hungary by Bogaards (2018). The combined framework provides five categories of defect democracies: exclusive, illiberal, delegative, tutelary and diffusely defect. While Bogaards (2018) categorizes Hungary as a diffusely defect democracy, the study finds that Poland does not adhere to any single one of the categories. The question of what differs the development in Poland and Hungary is best answered in terms of legality. Whereas the systematic Hungarian process has been carried out within legal frames of the majority rule in parliament, the hasty Polish process resembles a palace revolution, as the leading party is interfering with and partly controlling the rule of law. The study provides support to the observations of the EU being an externally limiting, enabling and legitimizing factor of autocratic developments in member states, made by Bozóki and Hegedüs (2018). Additionally, a reverse snowball effect is being put to action by Poland and Hungary vetoing on EU sanctions against one another. The findings of the paper also support observation made of a limited research field; theoretical understanding and international measurement indexes of democratization being insufficient in explaining and describing the emerging de-democratization. The study opens up for further research regarding democratic peace in Europe.

<p>This study is grounded in an interest in the Swedish Upper Secondary Schools’ role as an educator of democratic citizens, with a specific interest in the moral and cognitive development of Upper Secondary School students. Development in these two areas is treated as results of citizenship education.</p><p>The purpose of the study is to examine moral and cognitive development of students in Upper Secondary School to see if there are any structural differences to be found between the Upper Secondary School programs that are vocationally oriented and the programs that are preparing for further studies on higher levels – since these differences have been both theoretically and empirically implied. The study is based on an enhanced version of Lawrence Kohlberg’s stages of moral development (with teachers’ evaluations of students’ capacity as a reference point of the students’ actual level of moral development) as well as on Kieran Egan’s theory of development through the use of cognitive tools (as seen in five different “shapes of understanding”). There is also a specific interest in how the teachers’ evaluations of the students’ development in the two areas mentioned coincide. The study has been carried out in the shape of an electronic questionnaire sent to Upper Secondary School teachers in Stockholm.</p><p>The results showed that there were great differences between the evaluations made by teachers working in vocationally oriented programs and by teachers working in programs preparing for further studies on higher levels. Generally, teachers working in programs preparing for further studies on higher levels estimated that their students had a capacity greater than average, whileteachers working in vocationally oriented programs estimated that their students had a capacity below average. Teachers working in “theoretical” programs to a larger extent estimated that their students had a use of cognitive tools which was to be expected from their age, while teachers working in vocationally oriented programs to a larger extent estimated that their students had a use of cognitive tools which could be expected from students not yet fully capable of reading and writing. The results also showed that the groups of students who were said to use cognitive toolsexpected from their age at the same time were estimated to have a relatively low level of capacity.</p>

This study is grounded in an interest in the Swedish Upper Secondary Schools’ role as an educator of democratic citizens, with a specific interest in the moral and cognitive development of Upper Secondary School students. Development in these two areas is treated as results of citizenship education. The purpose of the study is to examine moral and cognitive development of students in Upper Secondary School to see if there are any structural differences to be found between the Upper Secondary School programs that are vocationally oriented and the programs that are preparing for further studies on higher levels – since these differences have been both theoretically and empirically implied. The study is based on an enhanced version of Lawrence Kohlberg’s stages of moral development (with teachers’ evaluations of students’ capacity as a reference point of the students’ actual level of moral development) as well as on Kieran Egan’s theory of development through the use of cognitive tools (as seen in five different “shapes of understanding”). There is also a specific interest in how the teachers’ evaluations of the students’ development in the two areas mentioned coincide. The study has been carried out in the shape of an electronic questionnaire sent to Upper Secondary School teachers in Stockholm. The results showed that there were great differences between the evaluations made by teachers working in vocationally oriented programs and by teachers working in programs preparing for further studies on higher levels. Generally, teachers working in programs preparing for further studies on higher levels estimated that their students had a capacity greater than average, whileteachers working in vocationally oriented programs estimated that their students had a capacity below average. Teachers working in “theoretical” programs to a larger extent estimated that their students had a use of cognitive tools which was to be expected from their age, while teachers working in vocationally oriented programs to a larger extent estimated that their students had a use of cognitive tools which could be expected from students not yet fully capable of reading and writing. The results also showed that the groups of students who were said to use cognitive toolsexpected from their age at the same time were estimated to have a relatively low level of capacity.

This essay is a comparative research between pupils' experience of how the headmaster, teachers and other school staff interpret and apply the democratic education. The results are based on a survey carried out in senior high school, as well as interviews with the school staff. The democratic education charge has a long history of Swedish school system and is the basis for the maintenance of a democratic society. Both policy paper of state investigations and researchers in the field, regard to school as the primary and unique instance in order to promote and develop democratic skills in children and young people. However, it is shown that those who come out from school lack of knowledge and awareness of democracy and the will to speak their mind. The increased globalization and the rapidly changing society places great demands on the individual in order to maintain a democratic society in future. The school staff within this study is very aware of the democratic education charge but points out that time for joint discussion and clarification of the charge towards the pupils would facilitate the work, this is confirmed by the pupils that to a large extent believes that the school system is working in accordance with what political papers says, but it does not take place in the same way and to the same degree among all the staff. There are also students who are not aware of the school democracy education mission. Pupils and staff have a common view of what democracy means and the skills required in future democratic society, especially communication skills. Something that indicates that the school system still manage to carry out its mission in spite of the fact that it is not expressed or evaluated. The staff carries out the democratic education charge on somewhat different ways could be interpreted as the school's view on the concept of democracy is alive and in accordance with the definition.

Mobbning på arbetsplatser är ett stort samhällsproblem. År 2013 rapporterades 8 % av de arbetsrelaterade sjukdomar som anmälts till försäkringskassan vara orsakade av kränkningar, mobbning och trakasserier. Ohälsa, tvångstankar, ångest, depression, och posttraumatisk stress är vanligt förekommande hos de som utsatts för mobbning. Syftet med studien var att undersöka hur mörka personlighetsdrag samt ledarskapsstilar predicerar mobbning, baserat på data från observatörer av mobbning. Studiens två regressionsmodeller uppvisades en skillnad i varians, där den senare, som inkluderade även ledarens ledarstil och mörka personlighetsdrag, förklarade 8% mer av variationen i observerad mobbning än den modell som bara analyserade mobbaren. En rimlig slutsats är därför att ledarens ledarstil och mörka personlighetsdrag kan vara avgörande för förekomsten av mobbning. / Bullying at workplaces is a major problem among societys. In 2013, 8% of the occupational diseases reported to the Swedish insurance fund were reported to be caused by violations, bullying and harassment. Illnesses, obsessive thoughts, anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic stress are common in those who have been subjected to bullying. The purpose of the study was to investigate how dark personality traits and leadership styles predict bullying based on data from bullying observers. The two regression models in the study's showed a difference in variance, where the latter, which included the leader's leadership style and dark personality traits, explained 8% more of the variation in perceived bullying than the model that only analysed the bully, not including the leader. A reasonable conclusion is therefore that the leader's leadership style and dark personality traits can be decisive for the occurrence of bullying.

Ordet demokrati betyder, som de flesta förmodligen vet, folkstyre. Men vad innebär demokrati om vi bortser från den rent semantiska betydelsen? Hur får demokratin sin innebörd i dag? Och vad får det för konsekvenser? Mitt syfte med denna uppsats har varit att med hjälp av ett diskursanalytiskt angreppssätt granska hur begreppet demokrati framställs i Demokratiutredningens slutbetänkande En uthållig demokrati! (SOU 2000:1). Mitt intresse inriktades även på hur den demokratiska medborgaren beskrevs i texten. Vad avser man med ordet demokrati? Hur konstrueras demokratin och den demokratiska medborgaren i texten? Demokratin och dess historia beskrivs vanligen linjärt där demokratin betraktas som en i det närmaste fysisk realitet. Detta synsätt har jag valt att problematisera genom att betrakta demokratin som en kontingent diskursiv konstruktion. Denna konstruktion är i sig ett resultat av politiska processer. En rad egenskaper och värden sammankopplas, exempelvis genom olika texter, diskursivt med demokratin, så även i Demokratiutredningens slutbetänkande. På detta sätt konstrueras en bild av demokratin som har kommit att dominera vår föreställningsvärld. Min ambition har därför varit att se bortom det vi tar för självklart vad gäller demokratin och det demokratiska subjektet.

Europeiska Unionens inflytande har ständigt ökat och med detta har en aktuell fråga uppstått, nämligen huruvida unionen är en demokratisk organisation eller inte. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka Europeiska Unionens utveckling över tid sett till dess grad av demokrati. Undersökningen görs utifrån två tidpunkter och grundar sig i två fördrag. Den första tidpunkten är Maastrichtfördragets ikraftträdande och den senare är Lissabonfördragets ikraftträdande och utifrån dessa två tidpunkter undersöks den demokratiska utvecklingen inom unionen. Metoden för att uppnå syftet är en innehållslig idéanalys där Robert Dahls demokratikriterier utgör grunden för analysverktyg och definieras utifrån demokratin som ett ideal eller en idealtyp. Detta ideal ställs därefter mot mitt empiriska material i form av de två fördragen för att utröna utvecklingen under tidsperioden med avseende på demokratin. Resultatet visar på att Europeiska Unionen tenderar att gå mot ett mer demokratiskt funktionsätt men att demokratin inom unionen ännu inte kan ses som fullständig.

Flera politiska teorier har under 1900-talet talat om hur moderna demokratiska partier riskerar bli mer lika varandra. Denna undersöknings syfte är att undersöka om detta förefaller vara fallet i Sverige mellan åren 1994 och 2014. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna består av två sätt att betrakta demokratisk politisk representation, samt de tre ideologierna liberalism, konservatism och socialism som används för att kategorisera partierna. Program, valmanifest och hemsidor från partierna har studerats med metoden etnografisk innehållsanalys. Resultaten tyder på att partierna var relativt ideologiskt utspridda år 1994 men har 2014 kommit att bli övervägande liberala. Alla partier utom Vänsterpartiet bedömdes höra till den statliga representationsformen, vilken innebär att partier i första hand inte representerar en utpräglad politisk bas av väljare eller särskilda intressegrupper, utan snarare nationen, staten och befolkningen mer som helhet. Överlag indikerar resultaten att de svenska partierna har blivit mer lika varandra mellan 1994 och 2014.

This is an examination paper in information design specializing in spatial design. This work is searching for more understanding of what joy and co-creation in interaction with a 3D-model can bring to the process of communicating possibilities to live flexibly within a small space in a modular house, focusing on the digital oriented ‘generation Z’. We live in a time where climate threats are more real than ever but in Sweden we consume and expand more than is sustainable within our planet’s bio-capacity. Since Sweden is a rural country, Swedes are used to having a generous amount of personal space. This may be one reason why we don’t realize or understand that, or even how, we can live in smaller space, making our biological footprint shallower. Even though Sweden could be seen as a highly democratic country we still need to strive to make our building processes more democratic. Many of our built environments are designed without participation of the users, in the area of housing or domestic construction this can lead to an experience of alienation in shaping one’s life, due to the strong connection between the home and the resident’s identity. This examination paper is based on theories within Information Design, Human Centered-Design, Human-Computer Interaction and on theories concerning spatial perception and how shapes and form can be used to influence it in order to make smaller living-spaces appear more attractive. The methods are mostly based on literary study which has been supplemented with user dialog and cocreation in real-time, making every user a part of the process and therefore even a co-creator of their own design proposal. This with the intention of demonstrating how a modular house can be an alternative for living smaller but still living according to every user’s own personal needs and values.

Den här studien undersöker hur gymnasielärare tolkar och arbetar mot värdeordet nyanserat som finns i kunskapskraven för samhällskunskap. En kvalitativ metod har använts i studien som utgjorts av semistrukturerade intervjuer. Teorier från Johan Sandahl, Maria Rönnlund et al. och Suzanne Parmenius Swärd används för att analysera empirin. Resultatet av studien är att de intervjuade lärarna tolkar nyanserat tänkande framförallt som en tankeförmåga. Det skaver mot tidigare forskning som belyser att nyanserat tänkande, utöver en tankeförmåga, är en språklig förmåga. Resultatet tillsammans med tidigare forskning visar att nyanserat tänkande, att ta olika perspektiv, är en demokratisk förmåga. Studien visar också att lärare arbetar på olika sätt för att elever ska vara nyanserade men att undervisningen huvudsakligen består av en social process i form av samtal och diskussion. Studien har också belyst att det är skillnad mellan prestation och förståelse. Att uppnå kunskapskraven för nyanserade resonemang och diskussioner är inte en garant för att kunna göra samma sak i ett annat sammanhang. Vidare har studien visat att det existerar ett forskningsgap kring nyanserat tänkande och att det behövs mer kunskap.