I tidigare forskning beskrivs konflikthanteringsstrategierna, medlande, demokratisk och upphörande. Pedagoger anses gå för snabbt in i barns konflikter och hinner inte tänka efter hur de ska ingripa. Barnen kan då gå miste om andra kunskaper som uppkommer i olika hanteringar av konflikter. Syftet är att via intervjuer med pedagoger belysa olika strategier som används vid olika konfliktsituationer och sedan koppla dem till konflikthanteringsstrategierna. Frågeställningarna är, vad berättar pedagogerna om hur deras inställning är till barns konflikter med andra barn? Samt Hur kopplas pedagogernas hantering av barns konflikter i förskolan till medlande, demokratisk och upphörande konflikthanteringsstrategi? Teoretiska utgångspunkten är socialkonstruktionism där språket ses som en social handling och att verkligheten är socialt konstruerad samt det sociokulturella perspektivet som fokuserar på kommunikation och samspel mellan individer. Resultatet av analysen är uppdelat i tre teman, Stopp, verbal stöttning och fysisk stöttning. Slutsatsen är att när pedagogerna använder sig av upphörande strategi, får inte barnen uttrycka sina tankar och känslor. När pedagogerna använder sig av medlande och demokratisk strategi lyssnar pedagogerna på vad barnen har att säga och lyfter fram barnens tankar och känslor. Detta kan leda till att barnen får en förståelse för andras perspektiv och annan kunskap som kan konstrueras vid konflikthanteringssituationer. / This study describes conflict management strategies, mediation, democracy and cessation. Educators are considered to go too quickly into children's conflicts and do not have time to think about how to intervene. The children can then lose other knowledge that arises in different handling of conflicts. The purpose is through interviews with educators shed light on different strategies used in different conflict situations and then link them to the conflict management strategies. The questions are, what does the educators say about how their approach towards children's conflicts with other children? and how does educators ́ management of children ́s conflicts in preschool connect with mediation, democracy and cessation conflict management strategies?. The theoretical starting point is social constructionism where language is seen as a social act and that reality is socially constructed as well as the sociocultural perspective that focuses on communication and interaction between individuals. The results of the analysis are divided into three themes, stop, verbal support and physical support. The conclusion is that when educators use discontinuing strategy, children are not allowed to express their thoughts and feelings. When educators used mediation and democratic strategy, educators listen to what the children have to say and highlight the children's thoughts and feelings. This can lead to gaining and understanding of other ́s perspectives and other knowledge that can be constructed in conflict management situations.

The extensive digital development has fundamentally changed the way we receive information. As a result, new security policy challenges have arisen, and it is therefore important to increase resilience to the dissemination of deceptive information that risks harming society and democracy. The purpose of this study is to investigate which factors covariate with an uncritical approach to misleading information in social media among the Swedish population, with the hope that the results can form the basis for targeted attempts to strengthen resilience. The study examines the specific factors age, trust in traditional news media as well as politicians, and opinion on the factual issue that the misleading information expresses. Using survey data collected by Statistics Sweden and the Swedish Defense Research Agency, the covariation of these factors with the respondents' degree of critical approach to information on social media is analyzed through multiple regression analysis (OLS). The study finds that middle-aged individuals are somewhat more critical of information than other age groups are, especially the older age groups. The differences between the age groups are, however, very small. Individuals who have a high level of trust in traditional news media are, on average, slightly less critical of false information on social media than those who have a lower level of trust. The same applies to individuals who have a high level of trust in politicians. The most prominent finding of the study is that respondents are significantly less critical of false posts when they agree with the opinion expressed in the post. Thus, confirmation bias seems to be of great importance for how we value the credibility of information. This indicates that efforts to convert misconceptions in people who have been misled by false information are ineffective, as individuals have difficulty believing in information that challenges their existing position. Preventive efforts to promote critical thinking in society could therefore be more effective to avoid people getting misled in the future. / Den omfattande digitala utvecklingen har förändrat vårt sätt att ta till oss information i grunden. Till följd av detta har nya säkerhetspolitiska utmaningar uppkommit, och att öka motståndskraften mot spridning av vilseledande information som riskerar att skada samhället och demokratin är därför angeläget. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka vilka faktorer som samvarierar med ett okritiskt förhållningssätt till vilseledande information i sociala medier hos den svenska befolkningen, med förhoppningen om att resultaten ska kunna ligga till grund för riktade insatser för att stärka motståndskraften mot påverkansförsök. I studien undersöks de specifika faktorerna ålder, förtroende för traditionell nyhetsmedia samt för politiker och åsikt i sakfrågan som den vilseledande informationen uttrycker. Med hjälp av enkätdata insamlad av SCB och FOI analyseras dessa faktorers samvariation med respondenternas grad av kritiskt förhållningssätt till information i sociala medier genom multipel regressionsanalys (OLS). Studien finner att individer i medelåldern förhåller sig något mer kritiskt till information än resterande åldersgrupper, särskilt jämfört med de äldsta respondenterna. Skillnaderna mellan åldersgrupperna är dock väldigt små. Individer som har ett högt förtroende för traditionell nyhetsmedia är i genomsnitt något mindre kritiska till falsk information i sociala medier än de som har ett lägre förtroende. Detsamma gäller för individer som har ett högt förtroende för politiker. Den mest framträdande upptäckten som studien gör är att respondenterna är betydligt mindre kritiska till falska inlägg när de håller med om den åsikt som inlägget uttrycker. Således tycks konfirmeringsbias ha en stor betydelse för hur vi värderar trovärdigheten hos information. Detta indikerar att insatser för att konvertera felaktiga uppfattningar hos personer som har blivit vilseledda av falsk information är ineffektiva, eftersom individer har svårt att tro på information som utmanar deras befintliga ståndpunkt. Insatser som verkar förebyggande för att främja det kritiska tänkandet i samhället skulle därför kunna vara mer verksamma för att förhindra att människor vilseleds i framtiden.

Denna uppsats behandlar Svenska kyrkans identitet i lag (1998:1591) ur ett rättshistoriskt perspektiv. När lagen stiftades var det med det uttalade syftet att bevara Svenska kyrkans identitet genom den stundande relationsförändringen mellan stat och kyrka. Men vilken identitet var det som skulle bevaras? En exposé över hur Svenska kyrkans identitet har beskrivits och diskuterats, i såväl statliga som inomkyrkliga utredningar, lagförslag och beslut jämte doktrin, påvisar att det kan ha rått delade meningar, eller åtminstone oklarhet,i den frågan. En genomgång av vart och ett av de identitetsbegrepp som idag återfinns i lagenleder till slutsatsen att oavsett vilken identitet som avsikten var att bevara så blev utfallet ett specifikt: En alltigenom demokratisk folkkyrka vars organisation omöjliggör för kyrkan att uppställa garantier för att hon ska förbli evangelisk-luthersk. En jämförelse mellan hur Svenska kyrkans identitet beskrivits i tidigare lagstiftning och hur den idag regleras föranleder slutsatsen att lagen om Svenska kyrkan inte orsakat, men bidragit till,att Svenska kyrkans identitet har bevarats sådan som den var år 1995. Därtill påvisas att denna identitet, i åtminstone två avseenden, utgör en anomali i samfundets historia vilket kan anses utgöra skäl att ifrågasätta lagens syfte.

Detta arbete utforskar utvecklingen av demokratisk kompetens hos mellanstadieelever inom samhällskunskap. Studiens syfte är att ge lärare en fördjupad förståelse för praktisk implementering av demokratiuppdraget, en central aspekt i den aktuella läroplanen för grundskolan (Lgr 22). Genom en kritisk granskning och syntes av befintlig forskning identifieras fem nyckelfaktorer som är avgörande för att skapa en demokratisk lärandemiljö: professionellt ledarskap, innehållskunskap, inflytande, kommunikativ kompetens och aktivitet. Analysen fokuserar på hur dessa element kan integreras i klassrummet för att effektivt främja demokratiskt engagemang och förståelse hos eleverna.  Resultaten pekar på vikten av en integrerad ansats i undervisningen där alla fem faktorer samverkar. Professionellt ledarskap och innehållskunskap bildar grunden för en stabil och informativ miljö, medan inflytande, kommunikativ kompetens och aktivitet aktivt engagerar eleverna i demokratiska processer och främjar deras förståelse och deltagande. Dessa faktorer bidrar inte bara till elevernas förståelse och deltagande i demokrati, utan främjar även en djupare insikt i och engagemang för demokratiska värderingar och processer. Arbetet erbjuder därmed viktiga insikter och konkreta tips för lärare som strävar efter att integrera demokrati i sitt pedagogiska arbete och förbereda eleverna för ett aktivt samhällsengagemang.

Crisis management as a concept is newly arrived in Sweden but well researched in other parts of the world. Sweden in recent years has been affected by everything from forest fires to a terrorist attack and now a pandemic. During the ongoing pandemic both crisis management and risk management has undergone a major change in the eyes of the Swedish population. The pandemic has shown an unreliable crisis management from politicians and their parties.  This study therefore aims to explore the ideologies behind the two biggest parties, the moderates and their ideology liberal conservatism and the social democrats and their ideology democratic socialism. The purpose is to find out how the ideologies affect the crisis management policy. The case study is limited to liberal conservatism and democratic socialism with the respective party, the social democrats and the moderates. Throughout the analysis of the parties crisis management policy and its connection to the ideologies the results showed that crisis management is highly affected by the different parties ideologies.

Sustainable development is arguably a core element and a desirable objective for the institutions of a society to reach for. Upper secondary schools of Sweden are not an exception. Among the many subjects that the upper secondary school provides, civics education is arguably the most relevant one in relation to the matter of sustainable development. How does civic education portray the matter of sustainability, both regarding quantity and quality? What can the production of the subjects' purpose, key content and grades affiliation with sustainable development tell us about the society it´s been framed in? This essay attempts to provide some answers to those questions, by scrutinizing the three different subjects and courses of civics education from 1994 to the upcoming subject of 2025. The democratic, patriarchal and scientifically rational perspectives of society and education, formed by Tomas Englund, constitute the theoretical framework of the essay. The method used is qualitative text analysis, where categorization will help to identify content related to sustainable development in the subjects and courses. The study's result shows that all subjects could be classified as democratic, and that the subjects of 2011 and 2025 provide more and diversified content related to sustainable development than 1994, which indicates a progression. Also, the subjects of 2011 and 2025 could be classified, beyond democratic, as patriarch and scientific rationale, which makes a notable difference between the subjects.

<p>The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.</p><p>My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.</p><p>There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.</p>

Statistics from Freedom House show that 2018 is the thirteenth consecutive year with democratic decline. This paper examines underlying causes to this democratic decline. This is done through literature review of current research in the field of democracy development. By using descriptive idea analysis of selected research literature, the paper aims to clarify the current debate on the challenges of democracy. The study somewhat supports that long-term liberal democracy creates conditions that potentially cause its own retreat. This is because long-term liberal democracy provides peace and growth, which is unequally distributed in society and leads to increased social divisions. As a result, large groups of people no longer feel included in society, which in turn will pave the way for populist movements and potential autocratic leaders. The study also somewhat supports that there has been a weakening in the functioning of the democratic institutions to act as gatekeepers, keeping potential autocrats out of power. Increased democracy and transparency in the democratic processes has made it easier for potential autocrats to come to power. All in all, there is some support for the hypothesis of the essay: The more democracy the greater the risk that the democratic system will weaken.

Botswana's democracy has been labeled as ‘the African Miracle’ by the international community. However, in its 50 years of independence, there has been no change in government from the ruling party and the opposition is institutionally weak. The purpose for this study is to analyze the extent of democratic consolidation in Botswana and to try to analyze the challenges in the processes of democratic consolidation. In order to answer the research questions that are put forth in this study, Linz and Stepan’s theoretical framework were used against empirical evidence about Botswana from its independence in 1965 to 2015. The results show that in Botswana the democracy is not consolidated and point toward a more stable democracy than a deeply consolidated democracy. Stable democracy is centered upon the actual functions rather the depth of democracy. The main challenges for further democratic consolidation is the constitutional framework that lack accountability for the executive, the longevity of a dominant party system, the uneven ‘playing field’, the weak opposition, the restrictions and limitation upon the independent media and the civil society. Botswana’s exceptional reputation is exaggerated, while the country have had uninterrupted elections, the depth and quality of the democracy is shallow.

This thesis explores how three socialist newspapers tie in to the Swedish media system and – presumably – is influenced by it. The newspapers have each strong connection to three political parties, so the precise aim of thesis is therefore to examine the independence between the party and its media; and how strongly it can bee defined as Swedish party press in a more traditional sense. The analysed material consists of six qualitative interviews with two co – workers from each paper: including the editors in chief.The basis is partly Kai Kronvalls et al theories surrounding Swedish party press; because the thesis explores how the papers supposedly has changed. And partly theories based on the assumption that media is always reflected by the social and political structure to which it operates. The latter theories have in turned outlined ’press theories’ (Four Theories of the Press) for which it is said that the media is a base of and, more recently, models of how the media works in western countries as a whole (Daniel C. Hallin and Paolo Mancini).The thesis showed some difference between how each newspaper can be defined as party press, but in general the independence was weak. This can be explained with how the Swedish media culture in particular has conserved press affiliated with separate (political) groups.