Cette thèse de socio-histoire, basée sur l'exploitation d'archives nationales du Mexique, cherche à comprendre la production de justice sociale à travers l'éducation mexicaine dans la période postrévolutionnaire, de 1921 à 1940. Elle montre que la politique éducative, conçue sur la base de l'ambition démocratique d'unité nationale et d'intégration citoyenne, a conduit à la réduction des inégalités scolaires en dépit d'une cristallisation des inégalités sociales. / This socio-historical dissertation, based on the use of national archives in Mexico, seeks to understand the production of social justice through the education in Mexico during the post- revolutionary period from 1921 to 1940. It shows that the education policy, designed on the basis of the democratic ambitions, national unity and civic integration, led to the reduction of educational inequalities despite a crystallization of social inequalities. / Esta tesis en socio-historia, se basa en un análisis archivístico del Archivos General de la Nación, y busca comprender la construcción de la justicia social a través la educación mexicana en el periodo post-revolucionario de 1921-1940. Expone que la política educativa, concebida bajo la ambición democrática y de unidad nacional así como de integración ciudadana, condujo a la reducción de desigualdades escolares a pesar de la cristalización de las desigualdades sociales.

Den här flerfallstudien har som syfte att undersöka hur den arktiska ursprungsbefolkningen ges regionalt inflytande i intressefrågor som direkt eller indirekt påverkar deras traditionella livsuppehälle i de arktiska områden som tillhör Ryssland, USA, Kanada, Danmark (Grönland) och Norge. Studien tillämpar metoden Ethnographic Content Analysis och utgår från teorierna liberalism och realism inom internationella relationer för att analysera ländernas arktiska policys och institutionella processer som berör deras arktiska ursprungsbefolkning. Vikten av inflytande i staternas institutionella processer är vital för ursprungsfolkens fortsatta överlevnad i Arktis, och eftersom Arktis beräknas bli en ny global region för utveckling så är det viktigt att identifiera farorna som dåliga strategier, policys, rättsliga ramverk och samarbeten skulle kunna skapa i relation till välbefinnandet hos regionens ursprungsbefolkning. Resultatet av studien visar på att Arktis som område är väldigt viktig ur ett geostrategiskt och ekonomiskt perspektiv för länderna, och resulterar i att ursprungsbefolkningens inflytande blir begränsat eller försvårat av staten i vissa sakfrågor som berör båda parter. Flertalet länder erkänner den arktiska ursprungsbefolkningens mänskliga rättigheter, men hur rättigheterna implementeras och vilken utsträckning ursprungsbefolkningen får medverka i implementeringen skiljer sig åt mellan staterna. Skillnaden ligger framförallt i hur maktstrukturen är fördelad mellan staten och ursprungsbefolkningen, där vissa länder uppvisar en stark centralmakt medan andra ger större utrymme för självbestämmande och självstyre. Generellt har staterna därför en betydande roll för beslutstagande influerat av både realistiska och liberalistiska värderingar. I den mån som staterna agerar efter liberalistiska värderingar så arbetar dem aktivt mot att samarbeta med ursprungsbefolkningen och bekräfta deras rätt till inflytande för att generera en representativ bild av samhället. Å andra sidan visar nationalstatens centrala roll i beslutsprocesser på att realistiska värderingar fortfarande väger tungt i samhällsstrukturen samt utformandet av nationella intressen och policys. / This multiple case study has the purpose of examining how the Arctic indigenous population is given regional influence in issues that directly or indirectly are affecting their traditional livelihoods in the Arctic areas belonging to Russia, the United States, Canada, Denmark (Greenland) and Norway. The study applies the method of Ethnographic Content Analysis and uses the international relation theories of liberalism and realism to analyze the nations’ Arctic policies and institutional processes that affects their Arctic indigenous population. The matter of influence within the states institutional processes is of vital significance for the continued survival of the Arctic indigenous population, and since the Arctic is believed to become a new global area of development, it is important to identify the dangers that bad strategies, policies, legal framework and cooperation could create in relation to the well-being of the Arctic indigenous people. The result of the study show that the Arctic is important both as a geostrategic and an economic perspective for the countries, which limits or obstruct the influence given to the indigenous peoples in issues affecting both parties. The majority of the countries recognize the Arctic indigenous peoples’ human rights, but the countries differ in both how the rights are implemented and to what extent the indigenous population are part of the implementation. The difference lies especially in how power is distributed between the state and the indigenous people, where some countries showcase a strong centralized power within the government and other states devote a greater space for self-determination and autonomy. Generally, the states’ role for decision-making is therefore of great importance, influenced by both realistic and liberal values. When acting upon liberal values, the states actively work towards cooperation with the indigenous people and recognizing the indigenous people’s right to influence, to generate a representative depiction of the society. However, the nation state’s central role in decision-making display that realistic values still are paramount in the structure of society and in the formation of national interests and policies.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:27:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Abi-Ecab.pdf: 856465 bytes, checksum: 3e272caa7b1104ae3a3d20b16ef9a4db (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-07 / This paper aims to analyze the issue of indigenous people presence in conservation units, from the perspective of Environmental Law. The theme is analyzed with focus on the shock between the constitutional metaindividual interests of indigenous people and of the present and future collectivity, and the ecologically balanced environment. The concepts and characteristics of the man s fundamental rights are studied, as well as the principle of historicity characterizing them and, consequently, the socalled generations of rights, passing through the rupture between public and private, then coming to the metaindividual rights, which are composed of two categories: fundamental rights and diffuse rights. Due to the fundamental rights diversity and to the contemporaneous society complexity, the shock between fundamental rights is becoming commonplace, with resolution becoming necessary through a weighting system. Conflicting interests are analyzed, studying the right to the environment and its principles, as well as the indigenous people right to the land and the indigenous land legal system. The legal system of conservation units is shown, showing the preservationism vs. conservationism conflict of visions. In addressing the presence of indigenous people in conservation units, themes such as the myth of the bon sauvage and of the untouched nature are discussed, as well as the ethnical transfiguration of indigenous people, and then two hypotheses of the indigenous people presence: the occupation of conservation units by indigenous people and the creation of conservation units superposing indigenous land. The paper proposes the review of certain institutes such as the indigenous land intangibility, as well as the acknowledgment of the supremacy of the fundamental right to a healthy and ecologically balanced environment, coming to the conclusion that the first one, i.e. the intangibility, does not prevail over the second. On the other side, through conflict resolution mechanisms applying weighting rules, it is verified that the problem does not bear an exclusive solution, but rather differentiated solutions according to the case, thus excluding all-or-nothing solutions / Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o problema da presença indígena em unidades de conservação, sob o prisma do Direito Ambiental. O tema é analisado sob o viés da colisão entre interesses metaindividuais constitucionais dos índios e da coletividade presente e futura ao meio ambiente ecologicamente equilibrado. São estudados os conceitos e as características dos direitos fundamentais do homem, o princípio da historicidade que os caracteriza e, conseqüentemente, as chamadas gerações de direitos, passando pela ruptura entre o público e o privado, e aportando-se nos direitos metaindividuais, os quais são compostos por duas categorias: os direitos coletivos e os direitos difusos. Em razão da diversidade de direitos fundamentais e da complexidade da sociedade contemporânea, as colisões entre direitos fundamentais tornam-se corriqueiras, sendo necessária sua solução por meio de um sistema de ponderação. São analisados os interesses em conflito, estudando-se o direito ao ambiente e seus princípios, assim como o direito do índio à terra e o regime jurídico das terras indígenas. O regime jurídico das unidades de conservação é exposto, mostrando o conflito de visões entre preservacionismo e conservacionismo. Ao abordar a presença indígena em unidades de conservação, são percorridos temas como os mitos do bom selvagem e da natureza intocada, o processo de transfiguração étnica dos índios, e, a seguir, as duas hipóteses de presença indígena: a ocupação de unidades de conservação por índios e a criação de unidades de conservação em sobreposição às terras indígenas. O trabalho propõe a releitura de determinados institutos como a intangibilidade da terra indígena, bem como o reconhecimento da supremacia do direito fundamental ao ambiente sadio e ecologicamente equilibrado, concluindo-se que a primeira, isto é, a intangibilidade, não prevalece sobre o segundo. Por outro lado, através de mecanismos de solução do conflito aplicando-se regras de ponderação, verifica-se que o problema não comporta uma solução exclusiva, mas sim soluções diferenciadas conforme o caso, excluindo-se, dessa forma, as soluções do tipo tudo ou nada

A visibilidade das comunidades indígenas que habitam as cidades é um fenômeno recente na Colômbia. Embora o país se proclame como multiétnico e multicultural na Carta Constitucional de 1991, reconhecendo a vasta diversidade que o compõe, a pluralidade indígena ainda é tecida a partir do senso comum, ligada a uma existência eminentemente rural. Considerando a conturbada realidade colombiana, diversos fatores incentivam as comunidades indígenas a migrarem para a cidade e permanecerem nela. Neste processo, as crianças indígenas pequenas se afastam das possibilidades e vivências oferecidas pelas comunidades e territórios de origem, para se construírem como indígenas. Diante dessa realidade, surgem em 2007 as Casas de Pensamento Intercultural (CPI) de Bogotá, como forma de dar uma resposta pertinente à primeira infância indígena (meninos e meninas entre três meses e cinco anos), que moram na cidade. Esta pesquisa aborda as estratégias de existência e re-existência que as crianças indígenas, suas famílias, comunidades e as equipes pedagógicas das CPI forjam no coração de Bogotá, como espaços vivenciais para se constituíremse como indígenas. No desenvolvimento da tese, mostra-se que as CPI potencializam seu trabalho graças aos movimentos e às vivências de apropriação e ressignificação feitas pelas comunidades indígenas que ali se encontram Assim, as CPI se constróem a partir do encontro da diversidade, mediado por tensões, disputas e contradições. Situo-me nesse território utilizando as contribuições da antropologia da infância, em especial de Andrea Sulzc, Clarice Cohn e Angela Nunes. Para compreender as existências e re-existências, me baseio nas elaborações do pesquisador colombiano Adolfo Albán Achinte e proponho o essencialismo estratégico como uma forma de re-existência na cidade. Para tensionar a reflexão, recorro às contribuições de Catherine Walsh em relação à interculturalidade crítica. Contudo, o pensamento do filósofo argentino Rodolfo Kusch é o fino fio que une e encadeia cada um dos movimentos de aproximação que proponho. As vivências que atravessam a vida das crianças indígenas que estão nas CPI são apresentadas como um anúncio do surgimento de uma pedagogia mestiça, que assume o encontro das culturas como um cenário em disputa, mediado por tensões e contradições e, por essa mesma razão, profundamente fecundo. A partir desse cotidiano dinâmico, vivido em um cenário educacional indígena emergente na cidade, se constróem diversas formas de existência e re-existência, que se reúnem na música, na língua própria, na arte e no artesanato, na relação com o território de origem, na espiritualidade e na medicina ancestral. / The visibility of indigenous communities that inhabit cities is a recent phenomenon in Colombia. Although the country considers itself multi-ethnic and multicultural in the Constitutional Charter of 1991, thus recognizing the vast diversity that composes it, indigenous plurality is still woven from common sense, mainly linked to an eminently rural existence. Taking into account the convulsed reality in Colombia, various factors encourage indigenous communities to migrate to the cities and stay there. In this process, very young indigenous children move away from the possibilities and experiences offered by their communities and territories of origin to become indigenous. Faced with this reality, the Intercultural Thought Houses (CPIs) of Bogotá emerged in 2007, as a way of giving a pertinent response to young indigenous children (boys and girls between three months and five years) who live in the city. This research tackles the strategies of existence and reexistence that indigenous children, their families, communities, and pedagogical teams of the CPIs forge in the heart of Bogotá, as living spaces to become indigenous. In this thesis, I show that CPIs potentiate their work thanks to movements and experiences of appropriation and re-signification made by the indigenous communities that are there Thus CPIs are built from the combination of diversity, mediated by tensions, disputes, and contradictions. For their study, I use notions of the anthropology of childhood, proposed by Andrea Sulzc, Clarice Cohn, and Angela Nunes. To understand existences and re-existences, I work with the theory of Colombian researcher Adolfo Albán Achinte, and suggest that strategic essentialism is a form of re-existence in the city. Moreoever, as a means to expand the debate, I examine Catherine Walsh’s proposals regarding critical interculturality. Finally, all movements of approximation that I propose are connected by the ideas of the Argentinian philosopher Rodolfo Kusch. The daily life experiences of indigenous children who are in the CPIs can be taken as the result of the development of a mestizo pedagogy, which manages to take the encounter of cultures as a scenario in dispute, mediated by tensions and contradictions, and, for that very reason, extremely fruitful. From such dynamic daily life, lived in an emerging indigenous educational setting in the city, various forms of existence and re-existence are built, and brought together in music, language, art and crafts, the relationship with the territory of origin, spirituality, and ancestral medicine.

Vingt-cinq ans après la ratification de la Convention de l'Unesco de 1970 et un an après celle de la Convention d'Unidroit de 1995 par l’État colombien, il est pertinent de réaliser un état des lieux du droit du patrimoine culturel colombien et de son appréhension des problématiques liées à la circulation des biens archéologiques et à leur transfert de propriété. Si ces vestiges appartiennent incontestablement à la Nation depuis 1991, leur protection constitutionnelle ne suffit pas à satisfaire la politique nationaliste que ce pays-source souhaiterait mener. Le questionnement est donc double : d'une part, celui du régime juridique auquel les biens archéologiques sont soumis sur le territoire national et, d'autre part, celui des possibilités d'application de ce dispositif protecteur lorsqu'ils se trouvent à l'étranger. Il s'agit donc de s'interroger sur la clarté et la précision du régime juridique auquel ces vestiges sont soumis en droit colombien pour permettre à l’État de fonder des demandes en restitution ou de retour susceptibles de réussir et, aussi, de définir dans quelle mesure ce dispositif national peut être appliqué par les autorités et les tribunaux étrangers. Par ailleurs, les traités internationaux spécialement adoptés en la matière depuis la seconde moitié du XXe siècle semblent insuffisants en vue de répondre aux attentes colombiennes de restitution et de retour de ses biens archéologiques. La pratique a démontré que la lutte internationale contre le trafic illicite reste étroitement liée aux législations nationales, tant celle de l’État requérant que celle de l’État requis. Les stratégies contentieuses susceptibles d'être mises en œuvre devant les autorités et les tribunaux français ont été étudiées à titre d'exemple. Plusieurs acteurs sont au centre de ces disputes : les États, les peuples autochtones, les marchands d'art et les musées. La diversité de leurs intérêts révèle la complexité des rapports qui peuvent se tisser autour de ces vestiges considérés, selon les différents points de vue, comme des objets identitaires, sacrés, artistiques ou scientifiques.Enfin, au regard de l'évolution récente du droit du patrimoine culturel colombien, les conditions semblent présentes pour revisiter le rapport que ce pays entretient vis-à-vis des vestiges archéologiques d'origine colombienne qui se trouvent à l'étranger. / It has been more than twenty-five years since Colombia State ratified the 1970 Unesco Convention and one year later it ratified the 1995 Unidroit Convention. It is now relevant to evaluate Colombia’s cultural heritage law and its perception of the issues surrounding the international trade of archaeological objects and ownership transfer. If archaeological antiquities belong unmistakably to the Nation since 1991, their constitutional protection does not satisfy the nationalistic policy this source country would like to lead.The evaluation of cultural heritage law is a double issue. On the one hand, there is the problem of how the domestic laws are applied to archaeological objects within the national territory. On the other hand, there is the difficulty of implementing domestic legislation when the antiquities are abroad. It is therefore a question of assessing if Colombia’s cultural heritage legislation has a framework that is clear and precise enough to allow the State to succeed in its claims and of defining to what extent it can be reinforced by foreign authorities and courts.Furthermore, international treaties adopted in this field since the second half of the twentieth century seem insufficient to meet Colombia´s concerns. Practice has shown that the international fight against illicit trade is closely bound to domestic laws, either that of the requesting State or of the requested State. The litigation strategies that can be brought before French authorities and courts have been studied as an example.These conflicts concern several actors: States, indigenous people, art dealers and museums. Their different level of interests reveal the complexity of the relationships that can be built among these antiquities considered, according to the stakeholders’ point of view, as identity, sacred, artistic or scientific objects.Finally, the recent development of Colombia’s cultural heritage legislation seems to challenge the country’s relation with its archaeological objects abroad.

La recherche sociale présentée se focalise sur la participation et la représentation politique indienne à l'intérieur d'un district électoral. Le district électoral 04, siégé à Zacapoaxtla à la Sierra Norte de Puebla, est habité par des populations nahuas et totonaques. Le regard anthropologique nous rend les outils qualitatifs pour analyser le rapport entre l’État et les groupes indiennes de la région comprenant les échelles inframunicipale, municipale et du district. Il s'agit d'une étude de cas qui permet de comprendre la complexité du vote dans un contexte rural afin de dévoiler les phénomènes de multipartisme et alternance politique. / The research is focus on the participation and representation of indigenous people in a federal electoral district recently developed (2005) within electoral processes. The 04 federal electoral district based in Zacapoaxtla is located in the Sierra Norte de Puebla, inhabited by nahuas and totonacs groups. The anthropological point of view offers qualitative instruments for the understanding of the interaction between the State and the indigenous people through different analysis scales: infra-municipal, municipality and district. It is a case study that allows the understanding of the complexity of the vote in rural areas, with the purpose of comprehending the phenomenon of pluralist political arena and political alternation. / La investigación se enfoca en la participación y representación política indígena en un distrito electoral federal de nueva creación (2005) en el contexto de los procesos electorales. El distrito electoral 04 con cabecera en Zacapoaxtla se ubica en la Sierra Norte de Puebla, habitado por grupos nahuas y totonacos. La mirada antropológica ofrece las herramientas cualitativas para el análisis de la relación del Estado con los grupos indígenas a través de distintas escalas como: inframunicipal, municipal y distrital. Es un estudio de caso que permite entender la complejidad del voto en un contexto rural, con la intención de comprender los fenómenos de multipartidismo y alternancia política.

地權結構的私有化是任何法治國家建立與資本主義化的基礎工程。然而對於台灣原住民族而言，卻是在被殖民的情境下完成的，如何去殖民色彩以及重建對土地所有權主體的事控，便是累次「還我土地運動」最主要的動員目標。本論文的主要研究目的，是希望藉由鄒族地權結構轉化的歷史過程，來了解國家與台灣原住民族關係的進程，尤其是有關土地財產權的執行過程；從而了解原住民自發性的還我土地運動，以便釐清這種關係糾葛的結果。因此從土地所有權的本質性探討，則是解決日益紛擾的原漠地權問題必經之途徑，本文第二章即是從鄒族傳統地權的內在結構，展開此一課題的論述。 　　「缺乏土地財產權」的觀念，是一般人對原住民族的基本認識，從社會文化的脈絡來理解，則可以澄清這個錯誤的刻板印象。地權制度原本就是國家或社會內對於土地利用和佔有的權利關係，它可以是國有制、公有與私有並存抑或是全為私有制。鄒族對於土地所有權的建立，主要是依據先佔原則來作為社會的規範，獵場、漁區、耕地與住地均是按此原則運作。以氏族為所有權之主體，執行管理與分配的共享性社會價值觀。居於大社宗家的氏族長老，往往由有能力者並且通曉社會規範的族人擔任，來管理氏族土地。在山田燒墾為主、漁獵為輔的經濟生活中，尚能與自然生態環境維持精巧性的平衡關係，然而，就在國家權力介入後，從而主導了鄒族傳統地權結構轉化為私有制的結果來。 　　鄒族地權結構的轉化，是本文第三章所要論述的主題。其導致變遷的主要動力來源是政治經濟的外力；而生產方式的改變則是變遷的機制所在。本文認為日本殖民統治的中晚期，時間約在一九三○年代左右，一方面因為與山田燒墾截然不同的生產方式--水稻耕作的引入，使得游耕方式逐漸地轉為定耕方式，衝擊原來氏族所有的地權結構之觀念；另一方面則是政府有計劃的規劃與執行私有財產權的結果。如此一來，政府得以「合法化」取得台灣廣大的山林資源，日據時期的高砂族保留地與光復後的山地保留地都顯露出這樣的目的與意義。在邁向全球資本主義化的浪潮裡，以及聯合國更加重視全球原住民族對土地的傳統權益之際，再加上原住民自我權益的覺醒，再再都促使政府必須重新思考在台灣的原住民土地權利的問題。 　　總之，經過本文對鄒族傳統地權結構轉化的了解，所提出的個人意見是，近程目標須落實地方自治的精神，遠程則希望對於原住民的居住地，能夠實踐民族自治區的理想，如此不僅擺脫過去同化的政策，建立尊重多元文化共存共相融的理念，也符應了一九九三年聯合國所提出新階段的國家與原住民的關係。

本論文採以「復元」概念，試圖瞭解原住民在經歷到生涯發展中的阻礙與創傷後，如何進行調適與重新得力的經驗。研究設計採取敘事研究法對四位布農族原住民的生涯故事進行蒐集與分析，並有四點發現：首先，原住民的生涯發展可區分為「家庭生活」與「自我實現」兩條軸線，且均呈現螺旋攀升的形式發展；其次，原住民在生涯故事中的敘說風格採以「開拓家」、「悲劇英雄」、「幸運份子」與「被犧牲者」四種建構位置的交替，並在單一生涯主題上，會隨時間與情境而有位置的改變，或因為不同的生涯主題，而同時擁有複數的位置；第三，原住民生涯故事中的創傷主題具有族群的特殊性，共包括「貧窮」、「父係社會下的角色規範」、「學校與部落價值觀的脫節」、「原漢關係的衝突」、「酗酒問題」、「家庭暴力」，以及「其他生涯議題」等七項；最後，促進原住民從生涯創傷中復元的因子，則可歸納出「個人優勢」、「人際關係」、「環境資源」與「文化與靈性」四類，而類別當中的個別復元促進因子會隨情境而被激發或發揮不同功能，且單一因子即可能觸發不同類別間因子的連鎖反應。作者根據研究結果，對原住民族助人工作提出實務上和政策上的建議。 / This research takes “Recovery” concept to describe and understand experiences of Taiwanese indigenous people who made a recovery from career barriers and traumas. Research design takes narrative research to collect and analyze four indigenous Bunun persons’ career development stories. And main findings are as follows. First, axes of indigenous persons’ career development stories could be generalized to “Family life” and “self-fulfillment” two topics, and both development forms tend to spiral upward. Second, interviewees take four narrative positions to construct self in their stories, including “Pioneer”, “Tragedy hero”, “Lucky guy” and “Scapegoat”, but these positions are often shifted because of the time or situations changes, and one person could have plural positions on different topics at the same time. Third, career traumas in stories include “Poverty”, “Role norms under the patriarchal society ”, “Values disconnection between the schools and the tribes”, “Relationship conflict between the Hans and indigenous peoples”, “Alcoholism”, “Domestic violence” and “Other issues”, the specific effects from ethic group background are appeared on all of these trauma issues. Fourth, the conducive factors to recovery from career traumas are widely distributed over “Personal strengths”, “Interpersonal relationships”, “Environmental resources” and “Culture and Spirituality” areas, each factor could be aroused or created by situations, and every single factor can leads others to make chain reaction. Base on above findings, author gives advice on policy making and practice work for indigenous people’ career development.

This dissertation examines Native-newcomer relations during the integrationist era in Canadian Indian affairs: the two and a half decades after World War Two during which the federal government introduced policies designed to integrate Indians into mainstream Canadian social, political, economic, and administrative life. Particular focus is given to developments in British Columbia, where some of the most concerted steps towards integration took place. Growing public and political demands for institutional desegregation and the granting of rights of citizenry to Aboriginal people recast Indian affairs into a matter of unprecedented intergovernmental importance.<p> Shifting between micro- and macro-historical perspectives, the following chapters consist of a series of comparative policy case studies. Individually, they examine the development, implementation, and effects of the four main areas of federal Indian integrationist planning after WWII: health, education, economic development, and welfare. Collectively, chapters demonstrate how integration was a mission essentially administrative in orientation: every policy undertaken in this period, whether directly or indirectly, sought to implicate the province and other federal line departments in Indian affairs. Not all attempts at administrative integration, however, were successful. While BC and the federal government reached joint agreements in the fields of education and health, other areas such as Indian economic development and welfare proved to be a source of significant intergovernmental conflict and impasse.<p> Aboriginal people were important participants when it came to integrated health, education, and social welfare. Incorporating ethnohistorical insights and Aboriginal perspectives throughout, this dissertation documents how Aboriginal agency in this periodexpressed in a range of innovative actions and wordsincluded important combinatory aspects of compliance, resistance, and accommodation. Many individuals, for instance, demanded access to provincial services as within their rights as Aboriginal people and provincial voting and taxpaying citizens. While post-war integrationist policies varied widely in terms of their local perception and impact, Indian assimilation remained an elusive goal throughout this period. Advances in provincial devolution of Indian administration rarely resulted in the type of social and economic integration envisioned by federal officials.<p> This study looks beyond unitary conceptions of the state towards questions of power and local agency. It engages Foucauldian and Weberian theories to show how a combination of intergovernmental politics, intrastate variables, and Aboriginal agency refashioned Native-newcomer relations in this period. Post-WWII administrative contexts served as theatres for the contestation of old, and formulation of new, power relationships. Developments in this era were to have a significant influence on Native-newcomer relations moving into the modern era.

The Peruvian government has used a top-down colonial approach to nature-based conservation. This approach has effectively marginalized Indigenous people located in designated protected areas. For the Matsiguenka communities inhabiting Manu National Park, such an approach has created socioeconomic and political problems. Ecotourism is given to them as the only socioeconomic development option for the acquisition of supplementary income to their subsistence lifestyle and for their integration into the global capitalist economy. My research questions include: 1) whether or not marginalized Indigenous groups are given a chance to negotiate their own cultural values, knowledge and practices within the context dominated by global capitalism forces, such as the international tourism industry, and 2) how neo-liberal strategies such as ecotourism, which is sold as an economic panacea for communities in out-of-the-way-places such as the Peruvian rainforest, work in practice. I draw upon narratives on ecotourism, collected in my five-month fieldwork, as told by the multiple stakeholders of ecotourism. I use these narratives to highlight the complexities, pitfalls and incongruent, hegemonic and predatory nature of ecotourism as it plays out in Manu National Park. Through their Multicommunal Enterprise Matsiguenka, these traditionally hunter and gatherer people are courageously and creatively venturing into the ecotourism industry hoping to benefit their communities. However, the “wild” competition in the “green” capitalist market makes this type of venture a great challenge. / October 2007