This study is about information and materiality, more specifically how the different material manifestations of information affects the archivists in the Swedish Court archives. The primary focus is on how materiality affects archivists work with physical and digital information and how materiality affects the archivists themselves. This study uses interviews with archivists within the Swedish court archives as its primary source for analysis. By using primarily Actor-Network Theory and Discourse-theory alongside other scientific texts this study has shown in what ways materiality affects the daily work of archivists and their self-image. This study is relevant in many ways but primarily because there is little to none research of this kind that focuses on the court archives and as a result of that this study is relevant in the way it illustrates the importance and possibilities court archives for a dedicated scholar within archival science and other areas of information science. The results are as follows: materiality have many different ways of affecting the archivists and it does so on many different levels. With the focus on digital and physical information this study has come to the conclusion that materiality is an important aspect that cannot be overlooked. It affects how archivists work, how they think and how they practically handle physical and digital information.

Cette recherche s’impose donc comme une étude comparative entre le système juridique français et le système juridique algérien autour de la médiation familiale. Au terme de ce travail, constats et réflexions s’articulent autour de 4 axes : Le premier axe est l’étude de la place qu’occupe la médiation en tant que mode de résolution de conflits dans le système juridique français et le système juridique algérien après un rappel de ses fondements et des facteurs expliquant son émergence. Le deuxième axe a trait au statut juridique de la médiation et souligne l’importance de son développement de manière très différente d’un système juridique à un autre. Le troisième axe est lié à l’émergence d’un droit de l’enfant qui nécessite l’intervention du juge pour asseoir son statut sur des bases plus solides que celles de la famille d’aujourd’hui. Le quatrième axe consiste à mettre en lumière comment l’application du droit conventionnel gère les situations de conflits familiaux internationaux relatifs aux enlèvements d’enfants issus du mariage de couples mixtes. C’est dans ce contexte que le droit international privé a été abordé pour mettre en relief les apports et les spécificités des deux droits. / This research is viewed as a comparative study between the French legal system and the Algerian legal system regarding the family mediation. As a conclusion of this work, the observations and reflections are articulated around 4 axes: The first axis is the study of the role that mediation embodies as a tool for resolving conflicts in the French legal system and the Algerian legal system after a reminder of its foundations and factors explaining its emergence. The second axis concerns the legal status of mediation and enlightens the importance of its development in a very different way from one legal system to another. The third axis is related to the advent of a child's right which requires the intervention of the judge to establish his status on a more solid basis than the one of today’s family. The fourth axis emphasises on how the application of conventional law deals with situations of international family conflict related to the abduction of children from the marriage of mixed couples. It is in this context that private international law was approached to highlight the contributions and specificities of the two rights.

[pt] O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar as potencialidades da justiça restaurativa no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Partindo do pressuposto de que o sistema criminal está em crise de legitimidade, pelo foco na manutenção do viés punitivo-repressivo e pelo discurso deste paradigma. Neste sentido, indaga-se se a proposta restaurativa pode representar um caminho mais humanizador e apto à resolução de conflitos na seara criminal. Para tanto, buscou-se inicialmente, entender a crise do sistema penal, para posteriormente, desvendar as origens do paradigma restaurativo, como movimento internacional, comparando-o na oportunidade, com o paradigma retributivo. Buscou-se analisar ainda o surgimento da justiça restaurativa no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, estabelecendo-se um panorama geral de aplicação, a fim de que fossem evidenciadas as condições de seu desenvolvimento. Por fim, demonstrou-se através de pesquisas viabilizadas pelo Conselho Nacional de Justiça, as particularidades dos projetos pioneiros de Justiça Restaurativa, bem como, verificou-se o estado da arte do movimento restaurativo no sistema judicial, com suas potencialidades e desafios na construção da brasilidade restaurativa, que demonstra um déficit democrático atrelado a uma cultura jurídica brasileira de expansionismo da rede de controle penal. / [en] The present work aims to analyze the potential of restorative justice in the Brazilian legal system. Assuming that the criminal system is in crisis of legitimacy, due to the focus on maintaining the punitive-repressive bias and the discourse of this paradigm. In this sense, it is questioned whether the restorative proposal can represent a more humanizing and apt path to conflict resolution in the criminal field. Therefore, we initially sought to understand the crisis of the penal system, and later, to unveil the origins of the restorative paradigm, as an international movement, comparing it at the opportunity, with the retributive paradigm. It was also sought to analyze the emergence of restorative justice in the Brazilian legal system, establishing an overview of its application, so that the conditions of its development were evidenced. Finally, it was demonstrated through research made possible by the National Council of Justice, the particularities of the pioneering projects of Restorative Justice, as well as, the state of the art of the restorative movement in the judicial system, with its potentialities and challenges in the construction of the restorative Brazilianity, which demonstrates a democratic deficit linked to a Brazilian legal culture of expansionism of the penal control network.

Alternative Dispute Resolution was developed as an alternative to the traditional dispute resolution mechanism, litigation, which had become costly, time-consuming, did not give the parties control over the outcome of their disputes and was generally cumbersome. ADR refers to a variety of techniques for resolving disputes without resort to litigation in the courts. The concept behind the introduction of ADR methods was, inter alia, to reduce the delays and costs associated with litigation; to introduce relatively less formal methods of dispute resolution; to introduce consensual problem solving and empower individuals by enabling them to control the outcome of their dispute and develop dispute resolution mechanisms that would preserve personal and business relationships. ADR processes were thus intended to produce better outcomes all round. From the time ADR appeared on the scene, its usage has gained international recognition with both common law and civil law countries following the trend. Being faced with similar problems associated with litigation, Zambia has followed the trend and adopted some ADR mechanisms. Most commonly used ADR mechanisms in Zambia are mediation/conciliation, arbitration and negotiation. The legal and institutional frameworks for ADR in Zambia are firmly in place. It is thus, not far fetched to predict a successful future for ADR in which it will enjoy the support of the major stakeholders and play a vital role in justice delivery in Zambia. This thesis has a section on the conceptual framework for ADR and discusses the development of ADR internationally and some processes in use. It examines selected institutions of justice delivery in Zambia with a view to evaluating their operations and contribution to justice delivery in Zambia. It traces the development of institutions of justice delivery in Zambia from colonial times up to the present and assesses their performance. ADR processes currently in use in Zambia are critically examined and their shortcomings reviewed. The legal and institutional frameworks for ADR and the role they play of providing the supporting structure for ADR in the country are evaluated. Future prospects for ADR are indicated and recommendations for successful implementation of ADR in Zambia are given. / Jurisprudence / LL.D.

Alternative Dispute Resolution was developed as an alternative to the traditional dispute resolution mechanism, litigation, which had become costly, time-consuming, did not give the parties control over the outcome of their disputes and was generally cumbersome. ADR refers to a variety of techniques for resolving disputes without resort to litigation in the courts. The concept behind the introduction of ADR methods was, inter alia, to reduce the delays and costs associated with litigation; to introduce relatively less formal methods of dispute resolution; to introduce consensual problem solving and empower individuals by enabling them to control the outcome of their dispute and develop dispute resolution mechanisms that would preserve personal and business relationships. ADR processes were thus intended to produce better outcomes all round. From the time ADR appeared on the scene, its usage has gained international recognition with both common law and civil law countries following the trend. Being faced with similar problems associated with litigation, Zambia has followed the trend and adopted some ADR mechanisms. Most commonly used ADR mechanisms in Zambia are mediation/conciliation, arbitration and negotiation. The legal and institutional frameworks for ADR in Zambia are firmly in place. It is thus, not far fetched to predict a successful future for ADR in which it will enjoy the support of the major stakeholders and play a vital role in justice delivery in Zambia. This thesis has a section on the conceptual framework for ADR and discusses the development of ADR internationally and some processes in use. It examines selected institutions of justice delivery in Zambia with a view to evaluating their operations and contribution to justice delivery in Zambia. It traces the development of institutions of justice delivery in Zambia from colonial times up to the present and assesses their performance. ADR processes currently in use in Zambia are critically examined and their shortcomings reviewed. The legal and institutional frameworks for ADR and the role they play of providing the supporting structure for ADR in the country are evaluated. Future prospects for ADR are indicated and recommendations for successful implementation of ADR in Zambia are given. / Jurisprudence / LL.D.

La Révolution Islamique de 1979 met fin à la monarchie constitutionnelle puis au ministère public en tentant de remédier aux difficultés récurrentes rencontrées par le système judiciaire depuis le début du siècle. Les institutions, furent complètement remaniées, dans l’intérêt du nouveau régime et afin de mettre en place, en rénovant le lien historique entre religions et institutions, une version politisée de l’Islam. Les révolutionnaires, insuffisamment préparés, manquant d’expérience et de connaissances, constatèrent l’échec des nouvelles politiques en matière judiciaire. Le ministère public était indispensable à l’exécution des missions régaliennes de maintien de la sécurité intérieure et de l’ordre public ainsi qu’au fonctionnement de la justice. Cette institution, présente sous des formes archaïques depuis l’antiquité et modernisée lors de la Révolution Constitutionnelle du début du XXème siècle, fut rétablie en 2002. / The Islamic Revolution of 1979 broke up the constitutional monarchy then disbanded the public prosecution institution to make an attempt to solve the chronic issues encountered by the judicial system since the beginning of the century. The institutional system was entirely overhauled, in the interest of the new system and in the purpose to establish a new model integrating the historical link between religion and institutions with a political kind of Islam. The revolutionaries, barely prepared, lacking of experience and knowledge, noticed the failure of the new judicial politics. The public prosecution was essential to the fulfillment of the regalian functions, including the maintenance of public order and domestic security, along with the functioning of justice. This institution, existing under varied shapes since antiquity and modernized in the beginning of the century with the constitutional Revolution, has been restored in 2002.

The conflict between the First Amendment and the Sixth Amendment is not new nor is it easily decipherable. Both amendments appear to have absolute priority, yet they appear to conflict (Erickson, 1977). The First Amendment declares unequivocally, "Congress shall make no law...abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press[,]" while the Sixth Amendment states with equal force, "In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed..." (U.S. Constitution, Amendment I, Amendment VI). Free speech and an unrestricted press can lead to a partial jury, but a jury unbiased by the media may mean restricted speech. In the judicial system the debate about how to balance these two competing constitutional rights has raged for decades, but one critical area—the nature and characteristics of requests for judicial "gag" orders—has been largely ignored. This thesis analyzed 103 cases from the Media Law Reporter volumes 19 through 33 (approximately 1991-2005) where gag orders were requested because of pretrial publicity. Those 103 cases were evaluated for the type of case, the reason for the case, when the gag order was requested, who requested the gag order, why they requested the gag order, who opposed the gag order, why they opposed the gag order, and why the gag order was granted or denied. It was found that although the issue of gag orders and their use in trials is not settled there is a general pattern to how they tend to be used. This study found that gag orders are most commonly used by judges in serious criminal trials, particularly at the federal level. Further, these cases usually involved juries, and the targets of the gag order were the parties involved in the trial, not the press.

Ce mémoire étudie les modalités du traitement communautaire et judiciaire de l’infanticide en Nouvelle-France. Nous utilisons diverses sources textuelles et démographiques, notamment les dix procès pour infanticide ayant eu lieu dans la colonie sous l’Ancien Régime. Les dynamiques entre les accusées, les membres de leur communauté et les magistrats lors des procès révèlent l’existence de rapports de force et de solidarités propres aux collectivités de l’époque moderne. Nous nous questionnons ainsi sur les rôles joués par la communauté dans le jugement des femmes soupçonnées d’infanticide. Comment les femmes et les hommes de la Nouvelle-France conceptualisent-ils cet acte ? Quels facteurs mènent la communauté à judiciariser l’infanticide ? Nous interrogeons aussi les motivations des magistrats. Quels buts recherchent-ils ? Quelle sévérité démontrent-ils envers les femmes accusées ? Nous soulevons également la résistance que pouvaient opposer les accusées à ces forces. Quelle influence ont les accusées sur les procès menés et les sentences rendues contre elles ? Quelles stratégies peuvent-elles élaborer et exécuter en leur propre défense ? L’analyse du rôle des témoins tout au long de la procédure illustre la participation primordiale de la communauté au traitement de l’infanticide ainsi que les normes de genre et de classe imposées aux accusées par leurs contemporains (chapitre 2). L’étude des stratégies des accusées et du choix des peines révèle à la fois le poids de l’ordre social et marital renforcé par l’institution judiciaire et l’agentivité dont faisaient preuve les femmes de la Nouvelle-France (chapitre 3). / This thesis studies the ways in which infanticide was handled by communities and by the judicial system in New France. It draws on multiple textual and demographic sources, most notably the ten criminal trials for infanticide that occurred in the colony during the Old Regime. The dynamics between the accused, the members of their community and the magistrates during the trials reveal the existence of relations of power and solidarities that characterized collectivities in the early modern period. I therefore examine the roles played by the community in the prosecution of women suspected of infanticide. How did the women and men of New France conceptualize the act? What factors led the community to judicialize infanticide? I also examine the magistrates’ motivations. What goals did they have? What severity did they demonstrate toward accused women? Further, the thesis addresses the resistance that women could exert against these forces. What influence did the accused have on the course of the trials and the sentences pronounced against them? What strategies could they devise and execute in their own defence? Analyzing the role that witnesses played throughout the process illustrates the fundamental participation of the community in the treatment of infanticide as well as the gender and class norms imposed on the accused by their contemporaries (chapter 2). The study of the accused’s strategies and the sentences handed down against them reveals both the weight of the social and marital order reinforced by the judicial institution and the agency shown by the women of New France (chapter 3).

Le 21 mars 2001, la loi relative aux droits des victimes d'infraction pénale 2001-5751 est adoptée. Fruit des mouvements féministes et des associations d'aide aux victimes, cette loi marque la reconnaissance par les institutions judiciaires et législatives de la nécessité d'adopter des droits en faveur des victimes d'infraction pénale en général et d'agression sexuelle en particulier. Elle institue, entre autres, le droit au respect, l'accès à l'information durant la procédure, la défense de la vie privée et le droit à la sécurité (face aux accusés ou à leur famille) des victimes d'infraction. Par ailleurs, cette loi énonce que les victimes d'agression sexuelle bénéficient de droits qui leurs sont propres, notamment celui de présenter leur avis à certains stades de la procédure pénale. Pourtant, cette loi ne possède pas de portée juridique obligatoire. La victime d'infraction pénale reste à l'écart de la justice pénale israélienne, sans véritable rôle autre que celui de témoin. Ce faible rôle de la victime semble reposer sur la particularité du système pénal israélien, qui respecte la tradition accusatoire. Selon ce modèle, le procès pénal oppose deux parties, l'accusation et la défense, qui doivent répondre d'un conflit devant une institution judiciaire impartiale, appelée à trouver la vérité à partir de la présentation de leurs arguments et de leurs preuves. Dans ce contexte, la victime n'est pas partie. Ce modèle s'oppose à la tradition inquisitoire, dans laquelle, la présence d'un juge actif participant à l'instruction et d'un juge de l'audience impartial et indépendant semble plus favorable à la participation de la victime. Pourtant, l'influence de ces modèles est moindre que par le passé, tout d'abord parce qu'il n'existe plus de système purement accusatoire ou inquisitoire, ensuite parce que les systèmes judiciaires respectant la tradition accusatoire dans leur pays ont adapté leur structure aux intérêts de la justice, mais aussi aux droits des victimes, notamment grâce à l'intégration des notions de procès équitable et de Due Process of Law. En Israël, cette évolution est plus mitigée. Ainsi, si le système judiciaire israélien reconnaît la victime comme sujet de la procédure, dans la pratique la rencontre avec les acteurs judiciaires est loin d'être facile, tout particulièrement lorsqu'il s'agit d'une victime d'agression sexuelle. En effet, ce type d'infraction repose souvent sur des préjugés et des stéréotypes contre les femmes. Le parcours de la victime d'agression sexuelle commence par le dépôt de plainte et la rencontre avec la police. Il se poursuit par la rencontre avec le procureur durant la phase d'enquête. N'étant pas représentée, c'est souvent seule ou assistée de simples bénévoles qu'elle se présente devant les acteurs de la justice. Lorsque la plainte n'est pas classée sans suite, le parcours de la victime continue par la rencontre avec le(s) juge(s) au cours du procès, durant lequel elle est interrogée par le procureur et contre-interrogée par l'avocat de l'accusé. Cette étape représente une nouvelle épreuve, et peut provoquer une victimisation secondaire, notamment lorsque l'avocat de l'accusé tente de la déstabiliser par ses questions. Ce parcours se termine par la sentence et par l'obtention, si la cour compétente le décide, d'une indemnisation au profit de la victime. L'enfant-victime bénéficie d'une procédure spécifique adaptée à ses besoins. Pourtant, qu'elle soit adulte ou enfant, la victime reste passive et subordonnée aux autres acteurs judiciaires pratiquement à toutes les étapes de la procédure. La victime d'agression sexuelle pourra-t-elle trouver une place active dans le cadre de la procédure pénale traditionnelle ? L'influence des autres systèmes juridiques qui ont su s'adapter pour intégrer le droit des victimes, et l'émergence de nouvelles pratiques telles que la justice restaurative pourraient permettre une évolution concernant le traitement de la victime d'agression sexuelle. / On the 21st of March 2001, the "Rights of Victims of Crime Law", which acknowledges the existence of victims in the criminal procedure, was passed. This law, which is the fruit of the intervention of the feminist and the human rights movement, finally recognizes the necessity of granting rights to victim of crime in general, and the victim of sexual offences in particular. The "Rights of Victims of Crime Law" included a series of rights for victims during the different stages of the criminal proceedings such as free access to information, the protection of their privacy and the right to be protected inside and outside of the court from intimidation by offenders and their families. Likewise, victims of sexual offences may receive information, and express their opinions, under specific conditions at different stages during the trial and in cases where a plea bargain is struck between the offender and the prosecutor. Despite this new law, the victim's participation in the process remains symbolic. The victim remains on the sidelines of the Israeli criminal justice system, with no active role at any stage of the criminal process. The only real players are the public prosecutor, the accused and his or her lawyers. It seems at first glance that the fact that the victim does not participate in the criminal process is based on the characteristics of the Israeli criminal system as an adversarial system. As an adversarial system of law, the Israeli criminal system consists of two parties only, which are equal: the prosecution and the accused seeking to resolve a dispute before a passive judge, interested in discovering the procedural truth. In this system, there are two parties, the defense and the prosecution, the victims only representation being as a witness. However, we have seen that during the last thirty years, in countries utilizing a similar legal system, a clear evolution in victims' rights based on the Due Process of Law and a fair trial for the accused and for the victims of sexual abuse. In some of these countries, victims have profited from an effective role during the proceedings. The journey of the victims of sexual offences in the criminal court, from the filling of a complaint with the police, to the meeting with the prosecutor and judges, until the sentence, is not easy, considering that he or she is not represented by a lawyer. Moreover, the domain of sexual offences is laden with stereotypes that the victims have to deal with. If "The Rights of Victims of Crime Law", try to ease the process for victims, the victims' participation is weak and depends on the will of the prosecutor. Moreover, the opinion of the victim does not have any bounding value. In fact, this law does not provide standing or remedies for victims rights violation. The traditional Israeli criminal system does not satisfy the need for victims of sexual assault to express human feelings during the stages of the criminal process, and may lead in certain case to secondary victimisation. Therefore, it is interesting to consider if the Israeli criminal prooceedings could be influenced by other systems of law which have succeeded in granting effective rights to victims, and whether the social and juridical evolution of Israeli society might offer progressively a forum to victims, notably with the utilization of restorative justice.

這是一篇法制史論文，主旨在以宏觀角度來研究日本殖民政策與傀儡政權「滿洲國」法制之間的關係。 在「九．一八」事件之後、滿洲國成立之前，日本方面曾就滿洲何去何從有過爭論，日本最後確定了「滿洲建國」之方針。透過滿洲國中央政府體制之設計、「日系」官吏掌握樞要，日本建立起對滿洲國「內面指導」的體制，實質上操控滿洲國法令之制定。 滿洲國成立之初，日本對地方各省的實質控制程度尚淺。日本先與地方勢力妥協，進而仿效明治維新「廢藩置縣」之經驗，以制度設計及政治運作為手段，漸進地達到中央集權的目標。而在基層地方行政組織方面，日本原本師法統治台灣、關東州、朝鮮之故智，採傳統中國的「保甲制度」；惟滿洲國後期則改採類似日本近代法的「街村制度」。總之，日滿當局相當成功地將國家權力深入地方基層。 日本人相當重視滿洲國的司法建設，致力於司法機關之改組與增設、司法人員換血及日系人員之引進、在地司法人員之培養與考選．．．等等。為了塑造滿洲國「獨立國」的假象及整合權力機制，1937年日本撤廢在滿洲國的「治外法權」，惟在滿日人的實質地位並未受太大影響。 在鞏固政權及維護治安的要求下，滿洲國的刑事法制究竟呈現何種面貌？其與「全體主義」（totalitarianism）時代思潮之間的關係又是如何？日滿當局如何在滿洲國建立起近代化的治安體系，也是本文關心之所在。除了法制面的論述之外，本文將分析滿洲國刑事司法的實際運作、對當地人民帶來何種影響。 日本拓殖政策，在何種程度上影響了民商經濟法制？這個問題將分為三部分回答。第一部分探討滿洲國民商法典之制定及其與日本法之關係。自始至終未完成立法的親屬、繼承法，本部分亦對其延遲的原因及其立法「要綱」加以分析。第二部分乃以日本移民滿洲政策與滿洲國土地法制間之關係為主題，研究日滿當局藉由何種制度設計來便利日人取得土地，並探討此種制度對當地華人造成的影響。第三部分則以「特殊會社」為中心，論述「計畫經濟」、「統制經濟」下的滿洲國經濟法制，及其實際的運作成效。 本文認為，滿洲國法制，不能單純地視為日本攫取殖民利益的工具。它的某些部分，吸納了當時日本學者、政治人物的改革理想，故有一定的進步性、實驗性。而在實踐上，日本殖民統治者，尤其是司法部門，在滿洲國奉行了相當程度的「形式法治主義」。因此，滿洲國法制及其運作，雖不脫「殖民地體制」之本質，卻仍具有其獨特的歷史地位。