Denna uppsats undersöker hur svenska kontrollerade vokabulärer hanterar inkluderande perspektiv. Svenska ämnesord är en nationellt kontrollerad vokabulär med ämnesord som skapats och administreras av Kungliga biblioteket och som används av svenska bibliotek för indexering. Biblioteken strävar efter stabila söksystem, samtidigt förändras ordens betydelse snabbt. Det är en utmaning för biblioteken att säkerställa hög sökbarhet men undvika att använda ett diskriminerande språk. Syftet med denna uppsats är att studera hur inkluderande perspektiv används i svenska kontrollerade vokabulär. Fyra frågor har formulerats, den första handlar om hur ämnesord om etnicitet och nationalitet är representerade i Svenska ämnesord. De övriga tre frågorna handlar om hur Kungliga biblioteket och andra svenska institutioner arbetar med sina kontrollerade vokabulärs administration samt språklig instabilitet. Med Derridas teorier om dekonstruktion undersöks hur den Andre representeras i Svenska ämnesord, som ingår men skiljer sig från västerländska etniciteter och nationaliteter. Ämnesord som berör den Andre är konstruerade annorlunda, de innehåller mer förklarande kvalificeringar och varianter. Andra utmaningar som administratörer av de kontrollerade vokabulärerna har är att undvika partisk indexering och att upprätthålla ett stabilt system och samtidigt kontextualisera uttryck i ämnesord som kan anses vara diskriminerande. Uppsatsen diskuterar även hur olika kontrollerade vokabulärer är beroende av varandra. / This essay examines how Swedish controlled vocabularies handle inclusive perspectives. Svenska ämnesord is a national controlled vocabulary containing subject headings that is created and administered by The Royal Library and used by Swedish libraries for indexing. Libraries strive for stable search systems, at the same time the meaning of words changes rapidly. It is a challenge for libraries to ensure high searchability but avoid using discriminatory language. The purpose of this essay is to study how inclusive perspectives are used in Swedish controlled vocabularies. Four questions have been formulated, the first one concerns how subject headings about ethnicity and nationality are represented in Svenska ämnesord. The other three questions address how the Swedish Royal Library and other Swedish institutions work with their controlled vocabularies’ administration and linguistic instability. With Derrida's theories of deconstruction the essay examines how the Other is represented in Svenska ämnesord, which is included but differs from western ethnicities and nationalities. Subject headings that concern the Other are constructed differently, they contain more explanatory qualifiers and variants . Other challenges administrators of the controlled vocabularies pointed out are to avoid biased indexing and maintain a stable system and at the same time contextualize expressions in subject headings that could be considered as discriminatory. The essay also discusses how different controlled vocabularies are interdependent.

[pt] Nesta breve análise, utilizar-se-á de um viés analítico e descritivo de pesquisa para refletir sobre o exercício do sufrágio ativo, a concessão do direito de voto, enquanto dimensão da cidadania, essencial para a consolidação dos direitos fundamentais dos estrangeiros residentes, especificamente nos casos dos ordenamentos do Brasil e da Argentina e, ainda, quais seriam as reais possibilidades de que tal concessão contribuísse para a incorporação ampla desse segmento social na vida política dessas comunidades em âmbito nacional, estadual e local. Para tal, dispõe-se a averiguar as condições fáticas e jurídicas que permeiam os diferentes níveis de restrição ao direito de voto para estrangeiros residentes e nãonaturalizados, nos territórios da Argentina e do Brasil, fere per si a consolidação dos direitos humanos nesses ordenamentos e se ainda, consequentemente, isso impediria o exercício pleno dos demais direitos fundamentais desses indivíduos. Na busca por tais informações, serão estudados os argumentos de viés teórico no que diz respeito às possibilidades de contemplar os estrangeiros não-naturalizados, com a participação cidadã na sociedade através do direito de voto, a partir de uma revisão de literatura acerca da teoria da cidadania pós-nacional, preocupando-se em explicar como a expansão da participação política beneficia os imigrantes, bem como a comunidade receptora, através da consolidação dos direitos humanos. A dissertação utilizará o método dedutivo, através de pesquisa descritiva da bibliografia e análise de dados serão os principais instrumentos de investigação, objetivando compreender o significado dos aspectos inerentes à cidadania, à participação política e à soberania nacional. / [en] In this brief analysis, an analytical and descriptive research bias will be used to reflect on the exercise of active suffrage, the granting of the right to vote, as a dimension of citizenship, essential for the consolidation of the fundamental rights of resident foreigners, specifically in the cases of the Brazilian and Argentine legal systems, and what would be the real possibilities for such a concession to contribute to the broad incorporation of this social segment into the political life of these communities at the national, state and local levels. To this end, it intends to investigate the factual and legal conditions that permeate the different levels of restriction on the right to vote for resident and non-naturalized foreigners in the territories of Argentina and Brazil, which in itself undermines the consolidation of human rights in these legal systems. and whether, consequently, this would prevent the full exercise of the other fundamental rights of these individuals. In the search for such information, the theoretical bias arguments will be studied concerning the possibilities of contemplating non-naturalized foreigners, with citizen participation in society through the right to vote, from a literature review on the theory of postnational citizenship, concerned with explaining how the expansion of political participation benefits immigrants, as well as the host community, through the consolidation of human rights. The dissertation will use the deductive method, through descriptive research of the bibliography and data analysis will be the main instruments of investigation, aiming to understand the meaning of the inherent aspects of citizenship, political participation, and national sovereignty.

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The aim of this study has been to, through a quantitative content analysis and a qualitative text analysis, determine which meaning nationality is given in news reports in Swedish daily press, and how it creates the event as a scandal. Focusing on two major scandals in cross country skiing, articles from the Finnish scandal in Lahtis 2001 and the revealing of doped Russian skiers in 2016 has been analysed. The theoretical framework for the study has been Stuart Halls representation theory, the framing theory, and theories regarding media scandals and nationality. The results from the quantitative and qualitative analyses has been divided into four themes: Imagined communities, Us and them, Individual and corporate and Fallen star. The results show that nationality is given meaning through the creation of imagined communities. It creates a gap between us and them, a sense of the nations parting from each other in form of cultural and moral aspects. There is also a difference between the representation of the countries. In the Russian doping scandal, Russia is considered as a doped nation, with a systematic doping where little guilt is to be put on the skiers themselves. In Finland, the nation stands for the people and is not in any ways to be associated with the doping scandal. Instead, the skiers get all the blame and little notion is made about the doping as being organised. This has also made the scandals to be divided into individual or corporate doping. As for the framing of the event as a scandal, attributes as “cheating” and a portrayal of the skiers as fallen stars is represented. By revealing the names of the suspected dopers it increases the news worth. An unexpected outcome was that the Russian dopers was not mentioned by name as often as the Finnish, which could enhance the event as a scandal even more. Furthermore, doping scandals could be studied in many different ways and is an interesting subject to immerse oneself in.

La thèse se propose de retracer et d’expliciter, à travers l’évolution des règles du droit de la nationalité française, la signification et le contenu de la loi du 10 août 1927, qui la première fut qualifiée de code de la nationalité. En adoptant sur le sujet un angle d’étude nouveau et en conduisant une analyse systématique et essentiellement juridique des fondements ainsi que des conséquences de l’adoption de telle ou telle règle du droit de la nationalité, nous montrons comment et pourquoi les critères traditionnels du droit commun de la nationalité furent progressivement modifiés non seulement en fonction de grands évènements historiques, mais également en raison des effets juridiques (droits et obligations) que la nation entendait conférer à la qualité de Français. Au cours de cette évolution nous insistons d’autre part sur l’influence décisive de différentes branches du droit français (privé, public, pénal, procédural, international), et sur celle des droits spéciaux de la nationalité (traités, conventions, droit colonial). Ceci conditionne la nature juridique et donc l’architecture du droit de la nationalité depuis la restructuration du coeur de ce droit (1789-1804) jusqu’à l’ébauche d’un corps de droit (1804-1889) et enfin la préparation d’un code (1889-1927). L’ensemble du processus aboutit en 1927 à l’émergence d’une matière juridique autonome, certes non encore parfaitement identifiée, codifiée, harmonisée dans toutes ses branches, mais suffisamment distincte pour qu’elle soit placée en dehors du Code civil. / The purpose of this study is to explain, through the evolution of French Nationality rules, theorigins and the meanings of the 10 august 1927 Law. This law was the first legal text to beseen as a nationality code. We set out how and why the usual requirements of nationality havebeen progressively modified since 1789 to 1927, not only under the influence of historicalevents, but also in relation with legal effects expected (rights and obligations) by the FrenchNation. Following this evolution, we pay a particular attention to several parts of the Frenchlaw (private, public, penal, international or procedural) and special rules (treaties, conventions,colonial law) linked to nationality. Since the restructuration of its heart until the making of acode, we examine the evolution of the legal corpus. In 1927, at the end of the general process,a legal and autonomous subject appears: even if it is not yet entirely identified, codified andharmonised in all its parts, it can take place out of the French Civil Code.

À travers cette recherche, nous avons étudié la violation des droits des travailleurs migrants haïtiens en République dominicaine à la lumière du principe de l’effectivité du droit international. L’étude analyse en profondeur deux aspects de cette violation : la question d’expulsion collective et la violation du droit à la nationalité. En réaction à celle-ci, nous analysons le problème de l’exécution des décisions de justice de la Cour régionale condamnant l’État dominicain. En premier lieu, l’histoire relate que dès l’époque coloniale, des différends survirent entre les deux puissances colonisatrices de l’île - la France (à l’ouest/Haïti) et l’Espagne (à l’est/la République dominicaine) - en vue du partage de cet espace géographique. Ces différends sont transmis comme héritage aux deux États (Haïti et la République dominicaine) issus de la colonisation. Avec le développement de la migration haïtienne sur le territoire voisin, les différends persistent en raison des traitements infligés aux travailleurs migrants haïtiens. Ils sont considérés comme étant des invités indésirables au point d’être qualifiés de problème. Dans l’espace public dominicain, il a été institué l’expression «el problema haitiano». Si Trujillo a tenté de résoudre ledit problème via le génocide, à partir des années 1990, les autorités préfèrent procéder par des vagues de déportations massives réalisées de façon sommaire contrairement au droit international. Par exemple, les garanties judiciaires ne sont pas respectées. En vue de mieux faciliter la déportation, l’État dominicain met en œuvre tout un processus de déchéance de nationalité. Ainsi, au cours des années 2000, les fonctionnaires de l’administration publique dominicaine refusaient d’enregistrer les enfants qui, selon la constitution, ont droit à la nationalité dominicaine. D’autre part, ils ont saisi les documents d’identité des individus qui font partie de cette catégorie de personnes. En réaction à ces exactions, la Cour interaméricaine des droits de l’homme a condamné à deux reprises l’État dominicain. Par contre, dans les faits, ces décisions peinent à être exécutées. Dans l’arrêt rendu dans le cadre de l’affaire des enfants Yean et Boscico, les mesures les plus significatives ne sont pas exécutées. Dans l’affaire des personnes dominicaines et haïtiennes expulsées, en guise d’exécution, la réaction de l’État constitue, de préférence, des résistances nationales à l’exécution de ladite décision. Tant sur le plan politique que sur les plans judiciaire et administratif, le comportement de l’État va dans le sens contraire à l’exécution de la décision de la Cour de San José. Dans les faits, les règles de droit garantissant les droits en question restent lettres mortes vis-à-vis de l’État dominicain. Voilà ce qui permet de confirmer l’hypothèse principale de la recherche selon laquelle la violation du droit à la nationalité des personnes d’ascendance haïtienne en République dominicaine s’explique en raison de l’ineffectivité des règles de droit codifiées par le droit international public. Afin que les personnes d’ascendance haïtienne puissent jouir de leurs droits, nous faisons, entre autres, des recommandations à l’État dominicain, à la République d’Haïti et à la communauté internationale. / This research focuses on the problem of the violation of the rights of Haitian migrant workers in the Dominican Republic. We highlight two key points. The first one is the mass deportation; the second one refers to the violation of the right of nationality. In reaction to this one, we analyze the problem of execution of the decisions of the international jurisdictions precisely, the Court of San José that condemned the Dominican Republic. First, the history shows that since the colonial time, there were disputes between the two-colonizing superpower of the island - France (west, Haiti) and Spain (east, Dominican Republic) - about their part of the territory. Those misunderstandings are transmitted as a heritage to the two countries that share the geographic territory of the island at the end of the colonization. With the development of the Haitian migration on the territory of the Dominican Republic, the dispute increased between the two countries because of the treatment that Haitian cane cutters received. They considered them as unwanted guest and as a problem. So, in the Dominican society, people use the expression « el problema haitianno ». Via his genocide, Trujillo tried to solve that problem, but nowadays, since the beginning of the 1990s, the authorities preferred to organize the mass deportation of Haitian workers and their descents. It is a violation not only of the principles of public international law, but also of human rights. For example, the Dominican Republic violates the juridical guarantees codified by the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights. In order to facilitate the mass deportation, the State creates a process of denationalization. Therefore, during the 2000s, the officials of the Dominican public administration refused to deliver a birth certificate to children who have this right according to the constitution. On the other hand, the official use to seize and/or destroy documents of identity of this category of people. In reaction, the Inter-American Court of Human Right condemned twice the Dominican Republic because of those violations. But the state refuses to execute those decisions. In the case of the girls Yean and Boscico, the key points of the decision are not executed. In the case of the Dominican and Haitian expelled, the State reacted against the decision and refuse to execute it. Here are, among others, the arguments that confirm the principal hypothesis of the research that assimilates the violation of the right of nationality of Haitian migrants’ workers' descents in the Dominican Republic to the effectiveness of the rule of law of international public law. In order to repair the damages caused to the Haitian cane cutters and their descents, we make recommendations first, to Dominican State; secondly, to Haitian State and lastly to the members of the international society.

The mission of the Gareganze's Brothers in Christ Church facing the chaos of the socio-political situation in DRC resulting mostly from the question of the Congolese nationality is to dynamise the christian mission and to protect the poor, set free the captives, because God is always at their side. The DRC, though, has enormous natural resources and the competent human resources capabilities. The national institutions seem to be unable to handle this situation because of the lack of political culture, mismanagement and moral untidiness. The successive Congolese crises mostly are the same, the common denominator resides in the causes that brought them about. The main objectives of the antagonist groups are political leadership and material wealth. The findings of our analysis will help the Church of Christ in Congo, to fulfill the prophetic mission and the vision of God, for the positive transformation of the Congolese society. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Div. (Missiology)

鄉土文學作為一種文學類別，源出於作家們對前現代、傳統文化與土地關係的關懷。隨著時代變遷，鄉土文學被賦予更多的功能。不再只是再現吾人現代性精神危機的烏托邦救贖，也不單純只是對逝去的純美人情的哀悼，更不僅被當作現代性的對立面。從五四時期以來的鄉土文學至今，已然發展出全然不同的面貌，唯一不變的是，鄉土文學的核心價值依舊是以「人與土地」為主軸，從人與土地的關係出發，思考不同階段的社會轉型與文化衝擊。在持續的現代化與全球化的當下，鄉土文學必然受到衝擊，在現代化與高度資本主義的社會環境中，都市文學與大眾娛樂文化的雙重夾擊下，鄉土文學成為一種艱難的文類，在世代差異之下，鄉土文學必然喪失其影響力與活力。 此外，中國特殊的政治體制與其制度，使得鄉土文學產生不同的變化，轉型成為一種彈性的文類，將鄉土視為全球化的在地資本，再者，因中國快速的全面轉型，使得新舊文化被雜揉於同一時期。新與舊、現代與傳統、都市與鄉村就這樣被濃縮在同一時期裡。因此鄉土文學在中國，除了因疆域廣大，現代化程度的普及性仍有一定限度外，最重要的是，當今中國的中堅世代，都是歷經高度文化衝擊下的一員，在他們身上仍舊保留傳統文化的親歷性，也同樣對現代化的利弊具有深刻理解，作家們依循自己的生命經驗試圖理解當代中國與世界。 本研究先以中國當代文化語境與鄉土文學之發展脈絡為背景，再以三位50後作家韓少功、莫言、阿來之專章，討論其鄉土小說中的身分認同。此三位作家皆完整經歷中國當代劇烈的社會變遷，並循著自身的「鄉土經驗」，重新審視中國現代性如何擺盪在現代性與民族性之間，並展現其中的文化能動性，以多元的鄉土文體形式來界定主流政治。 自新時期以來，中國作家與主流政治共同自「鄉土」汲取文化動能，建構屬於自身獨特的話語形式（discourse）回應中國新時期的後革命論述。 / As a literary category, the native-soil literature was originated from the care that the writers had on the relationship between pre-modern, traditional culture and the land. With the changing times, the native-soil literature has been given more functions. It is no longer just to re represent the utopian salvation of our modern spiritual crisis, or just the mourning for the passed-by beautiful interpersonal affection, or only be viewed as the opposite of modernity. Since the May Fourth period, the native-soil literature has now developed a completely different appearance. The only constant is that the core value of the native-soil literature remains to be centered around the “people and the land”, rooting from the relationship between people and the land to think about the different stages of social transformation and cultural impact. Under the ongoing modernization and globalization, the native-soil literature is bound to be impacted. In the modern and highly capitalist social environment and under the double attacks of urban literature and mass entertainment culture, the native-soil literature has become a difficult genre. Due to the generation differences, the native-soil literature will inevitably lose its influence and vitality. In addition, the special political framework and system of China cause the native-soil literature to have different changes, transforming into a flexible genre and viewing the “native soil” as the globalized local capital. Moreover, due to rapid and comprehensive transformation of China, the old and new cultures were rubbed into the same period. The concepts of new and old, modern and traditional, and urban and rural were all condensed into the same period as well. Therefore, while the native-soil literature of China has been somewhat limited in terms of degree of modernization and popularity due to the vast territory, the most important thing is that the backbone generation in China today all went through high cultural impact, and they still retain the traditional cultural experiences while having deep understandings about the pros and cons of modernization. The writers try to understand the contemporary China and the world through their own life experiences. This study uses the development processes of Chinese contemporary cultural context and native-soil literature as background, and then discuss the identity identification within the native-soil novels through dedicated chapters of three writers who were born after 1950 – Han Shao-gong, Mo Yan and Alai. All three writers went through dramatic social changes of contemporary China, and with their “native-soil experiences”, they re-examined how China's modernity swung between the modernity and nationality, displayed the cultural motility therein, and defined the mainstream politics in the form of multivariate native-soil literature. Ever since the new era, writers and mainstream politics in China have all been drawing cultural energies from the “native-soil” to construct their own unique discourse forms, so as to respond to the post-Revolution discourse of China’s new era.

<p>Постојеће законодавство ЕУ не пружа довољан правни основ за слободно кретање привредних друштава међу државама чланицама ЕУ из разлога недовољне легислативне активности органа ЕУ. Одредбе о слободи настањивања из Уговора о функционисању Европске уније не дају јасну слику о томе коју теорију о припадности привредних друштава треба примењивати како би привредна друштва несметано уживала слободу настањивања &ndash; теорију оснивања, теорију стварног седишта или, пак, неку трећу. Вишегодишњи неуспеси органа ЕУ да правно уреде питање припадности привредних друштава дали су слободу Суду ЕУ да буде веома активан у креирању судске праксе поводом припадности привредних друштава, а путем тумачења слободе настањивања. Видна је разлика између либералистичког приступа Суда са једне стране и протекционизма ког поједине државе чланице ЕУ потенцирају у својим националним правима, као и кроз органе ЕУ.<br />Пракса Суда ЕУ показала је да се разлике између теорија о припадности привредних друштава могу премостити, а да при томе не дође до напуштања једне од њих. Тако би се из теорије оснивања прихватило начело аутономије воље оснивача, док би се из теорије стварног седишта прихватио став да државе чланице имају право да интервенишу у одређеним питањима из домена права привредних друштава, када је то потребно ради заштите одређеног општег интереса. Разлике између теорије оснивања и теорије стварног седишта суштински представљају разлике у поимањима обима државног суверенитета од стране различитих држава чланица ЕУ. Тако се оне државе које желе да стимулишу развој привреде привлачењем страних инвеститора одлучују за прихватање теорије оснивања, док са друге стране теорију стварног седишта прихватају оне државе које желе да остваре што је могуће већу контролу привредних активности које се врше на њеној територији.<br />Иако су и Суд ЕУ и правна теорија покушавали да реше питање сукоба између две преовлађујуће теорије о припадности привредних друштава &ndash; теорије оснивања и теорије стварног седишта &ndash; то се до данашњег дана није догодило, превасходно јер су наведене теорије засноване на двема супротстављеним филозофијама. Филозофија којом се води теорија оснивања потиче из држава које имају традиционално јаку међународну трговину и које, стога, проблему прилазе на један отворенији и флексибилнији начин, стављајући у први план пре свега слободу трговине и принцип сигурности у привредним односима. Теорија стварног седишта проблему прилази сагледавајући стварну везу између одређеног привредног друштва и одређене државе.&nbsp;<br />Из скоријих пресуда Суда ЕУ може се закључити да право ЕУ све више иде ка прихватању теорије оснивања као преовлађујуће теорије о припадности привредних друштава, која, међутим, не може бити примењивана без корективних мера којима би се штитила права трећих лица. Оно што би требало да буде повезујући чинилац и за теорију оснивања и за теорију стварног седишта јесте управо то што је њихов коначан циљ исти, а то је што мање ограничење слободе настањивања привредних друштава.</p> / <p>Postojeće zakonodavstvo EU ne pruža dovoljan pravni osnov za slobodno kretanje privrednih društava među državama članicama EU iz razloga nedovoljne legislativne aktivnosti organa EU. Odredbe o slobodi nastanjivanja iz Ugovora o funkcionisanju Evropske unije ne daju jasnu sliku o tome koju teoriju o pripadnosti privrednih društava treba primenjivati kako bi privredna društva nesmetano uživala slobodu nastanjivanja &ndash; teoriju osnivanja, teoriju stvarnog sedišta ili, pak, neku treću. Višegodišnji neuspesi organa EU da pravno urede pitanje pripadnosti privrednih društava dali su slobodu Sudu EU da bude veoma aktivan u kreiranju sudske prakse povodom pripadnosti privrednih društava, a putem tumačenja slobode nastanjivanja. Vidna je razlika između liberalističkog pristupa Suda sa jedne strane i protekcionizma kog pojedine države članice EU potenciraju u svojim nacionalnim pravima, kao i kroz organe EU.<br />Praksa Suda EU pokazala je da se razlike između teorija o pripadnosti privrednih društava mogu premostiti, a da pri tome ne dođe do napuštanja jedne od njih. Tako bi se iz teorije osnivanja prihvatilo načelo autonomije volje osnivača, dok bi se iz teorije stvarnog sedišta prihvatio stav da države članice imaju pravo da intervenišu u određenim pitanjima iz domena prava privrednih društava, kada je to potrebno radi zaštite određenog opšteg interesa. Razlike između teorije osnivanja i teorije stvarnog sedišta suštinski predstavljaju razlike u poimanjima obima državnog suvereniteta od strane različitih država članica EU. Tako se one države koje žele da stimulišu razvoj privrede privlačenjem stranih investitora odlučuju za prihvatanje teorije osnivanja, dok sa druge strane teoriju stvarnog sedišta prihvataju one države koje žele da ostvare što je moguće veću kontrolu privrednih aktivnosti koje se vrše na njenoj teritoriji.<br />Iako su i Sud EU i pravna teorija pokušavali da reše pitanje sukoba između dve preovlađujuće teorije o pripadnosti privrednih društava &ndash; teorije osnivanja i teorije stvarnog sedišta &ndash; to se do današnjeg dana nije dogodilo, prevashodno jer su navedene teorije zasnovane na dvema suprotstavljenim filozofijama. Filozofija kojom se vodi teorija osnivanja potiče iz država koje imaju tradicionalno jaku međunarodnu trgovinu i koje, stoga, problemu prilaze na jedan otvoreniji i fleksibilniji način, stavljajući u prvi plan pre svega slobodu trgovine i princip sigurnosti u privrednim odnosima. Teorija stvarnog sedišta problemu prilazi sagledavajući stvarnu vezu između određenog privrednog društva i određene države.&nbsp;<br />Iz skorijih presuda Suda EU može se zaključiti da pravo EU sve više ide ka prihvatanju teorije osnivanja kao preovlađujuće teorije o pripadnosti privrednih društava, koja, međutim, ne može biti primenjivana bez korektivnih mera kojima bi se štitila prava trećih lica. Ono što bi trebalo da bude povezujući činilac i za teoriju osnivanja i za teoriju stvarnog sedišta jeste upravo to što je njihov konačan cilj isti, a to je što manje ograničenje slobode nastanjivanja privrednih društava.</p> / <p>The current EU legislation does not provide a sufficient legal basis for the free movement of companies within the member states of the EU, due to insufficient legislative activities of the EU institutions. The provisions on the freedom of establishment contained in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union do not show a clear picture on which of the theories on the nationality of companies ought to be applied in order for companies to enjoy the freedom of establishment without a hindrance &ndash; the incorporation theory, the real seat theory or some other theory. Perennial failures of the EU authorities to put in order the legislation pertaining to the question of the nationality of companies have resulted in wide discretion of the Court of Justice of the European Union to actively create the case-law in regards to the nationality of companies, by means of interpretation of the freedom of establishment. The difference between the liberal approach adopted by the Court, on one side, and the protectionism that some member states are so prone to in their national laws and which they eagerly advocate via the institutions of the EU, on the other side, is blatant.&nbsp;<br />The case-law of the Court of Justice of the EU has shown that the differences between theories for establishing the nationality of companies could be overcome, without abandoning one or the other. This could be done by accepting the principle of autonomy of will, characteristic for the incorporation theory, whereas the stance that member states are entitled to intervene in certain matters of company law, if necessitated by the protection of certain public interests, could be harvested from the real seat theory. The distinction between these two theories basically stems from divergent conceptions of the scope of state sovereignty advanced by different member states of the EU. This means that states keen to stimulate industry growth opt for the incorporation theory, while on the other hand, the real seat theory is adopted by those states avid to control, to the fullest possible extent, the economic activities performed on their territory.<br />Although both the Court of Justice of the EU and the doctrine have attempted to resolve the contention between the two dominant theories on the nationality of companies&nbsp; &ndash; the incorporation theory and the real seat theory &ndash; no solution has hitherto been found, mainly because the two theories are strongly based on two opposing philosophical viewpoints. The mindset that navigates the incorporation theory is derived from states with traditionally substantial international trade and which states, accordingly, approach the pertinent problem in a more open and flexible manner, putting first and foremost the freedom of trade and the principle of certainty in economic relations. The real seat theory, however, approaches the issue by contemplating the actual connection between a company and a certain state.<br />&nbsp; It can be deduced from recent judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union that the law of the European Union is more and more inclined to adopt the incorporation theory as the dominant theory on the nationality of companies; this theory, however, cannot be implemented without applying corrective measures to safeguard the rights and freedoms of third persons. What ought to be the connecting factor for both the incorporation theory and the real seat theory is precisely the fact that their final goal is identical &ndash; that is to reduce, to the fullest possible extent, the limitations on the freedom of establishment of companies.</p>