本文探討近數十年來非政府組織「為何」（why）在國際社會積極參與國際組織的各項議題，其興起的因素與相關的基礎理論。然而，由於世界衛生組織是一個以主權國家為會員組成的政府間組織，台灣至今還未能成為它的會員國；非政府組織「如何」（how）參與此一國際組織，本文從三個面向來進行分析，第一，非政府組織參與WHO的角色定位；第二，非政府組織對於國際政策諸如醫療、人道救援等的參與策略；第三，討論非政府組織在國際參與過程中與政府的關係；此外，並探討台灣非政府組織國際參與的機會與可能的挑戰。 就理論意義而言，學者將非政府組織與全球化的發展趨勢聯繫起來，關注於非政府組織如何在國際參與各項全球議題（Held & Mcgrew, 2002；Peck, 1998；Scholte, 2000）。就現有的非政府組織研究來看，學界少有將全球議題和國家、非政府組織相連結者（Weiss, 1999；Brown. et.al., 2000；CIVICUS, 1998；MS, 2000），此一研究缺口主要與它在國際政策層面的重要性未獲得密切注意有關。目前有若干學術著作把國家與非國家行動者合併在一起探討，Weiss & Gordenker (1996)在「非政府組織、聯合國及全球治理」（NGOs, The UN, & Global Governance）一書中，從UN與NGO的連結試圖解釋全球治理的問題；Fisher（1998）的「非政府組織與第三世界的政治發展」（NGOs and the Political Development of the Third World）一書探討的NGO與第三世界國家政治發展的關係。本文主要為了突顯NGO的參與對國家主導全球議題等鉅觀社會變遷的影響之外，並以中介角色來理解它與政府和政府間組織如聯合國、世界衛生組織的關連。 在資料蒐集與分析方面，台灣非政府組織在國際上從事醫療及人道救援有其長遠的歷史，然關於這方面的學術研究、討論，卻是近幾年才開始興起。本文採用質性研究的文獻檢閱、深度訪談和參與觀察等研究方法。對此一議題的思考、研究，透過搜集、閱讀以世界衛生組織為研究主題或相關的國內外期刊文章，釐清目前世界衛生組織研究領域的內容，以進一步確定計畫研究範圍、研究主軸與訪談對象。針對非政府組織部分的訪談對象，作者選擇了：台灣國際醫學聯盟等共18個民間團體以及2個政府機構做為研究訪談對象。 研究發現茲分為理論層面和實務層面兩方面對照說明： （一）關於非政府組織在國際參與的角色定位，指涉非政府組織在國際社會所扮演的是一種中介角色；還是第二軌道外交功能、或對政府間國際關係的輔助作用。究實而論，台灣非政府組織參與世界衛生組織之行動，其理論意涵意味著上述三種的角色功能，但本文研究發現政府偏好以動員方式鼓勵非政府組織去參與，而此種「動員式外交」活動究竟能夠收到多大的效果，不無爭議，容易造成台灣NGO在國際發展角色的曖昧不明，引發非政府組織角色定位的疑問。 （二）非政府組織在國際組織系統中並不具有政府的合法性，亦不具有治理上的權威，故而它對於國際事務的影響力，所憑藉的僅為一種策略途徑的運用。從台灣參與的個案，本文發現非政府組織除了運用協商談判的途徑，或與政府協商、或國際組織協商之外，國內非政府組織所運用的途徑，主要為倡議導向的途徑、策略聯盟的途徑以及訴諸直接服務的途徑。 （三）台灣非政府組織積極參與政府間國際組織，理論上可以與外交議題進行連結，因此政府與非政府組織在某些政策層面維持良好的互動。本研究發現台灣非政府組織與政府的互動情形，存在下列的問題：1、第二軌道外交價值觀認知之不同，政府急於加入WHO這種國際政府間組織，但大多NGO卻認為政府不應將外交當作唯一考量，希望能夠加強非政府組織實際參與的實質內涵；2、非政府組織與政府參與國際的方式缺乏共識，非政府組織不認同政府對外之參與模式，反而認為政府應該做好整合資源的工作，協助國內NGO從事國際活動，盡量讓NGO可以發揮各自領域之所長，而不只是經費補助而已；3、台灣NGO與政府的關係可區分為：收編、合作、互補和對抗等類型，其中若干非政府組織與政府傾向於一種合作型的「官民策略」(Government-NGO Participant Strategy)，就加入世界衛生組織的目標而言，兩者維持相互依賴的關係。 / The paper attempts to explore related issue that Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Taiwan participating in the activities of ‘World Health Organization’ (WHO). In terms of literature review and theory approach, this paper examines why NGOs involved in global issue, and explores NGOs appearance cause and related basic theory. However, WHO is an inter-governmental organization composed of a number of member state, so far Taiwan couldn’t still be allowed to be a member of WHO. Based on qualitative research it also examines NGOs how to participate in such an intergovernmental organization, there are three main analyzing aspects. First, this paper intends to discuss the role and position of a civil organization concerning how to participate in WHO meeting and activities. Second, some of the NGOs discussed here directly provide strategies to attend international policy in WHO areas such as health, and human aid. Third, the diverse relations between NGOs and government institution may be formed with participating different processes of international action. Furthermore, we discuss the opportunities and limitations on participating actions of NGOs in Taiwan.

本研究旨在藉由中國大陸與台灣公眾外交策略、官方文獻、新聞稿、研究報告、著作之搜集，分析比較兩岸公眾外交的思維發展、制度沿革、文化交流、國際傳播、形象塑造等，主要的研究發現如下： 一、因應無國界挑戰環境，網路科技是公眾外交的利器：處於瞬息萬變的資訊化、全球化、民主化時代，公眾外交必須善加利用網路科技，方能因應無國界、無時差之挑戰。 二、支助非政府組織推動公眾外交：政府不被信任是常有的事情。非政府組織強調獨立、非營利與專業，活動形式靈活多樣，與民眾關係也較密切，較官方機關更受人們信任。因此，政府支助非政府組織推動公眾外交，將獲得更明顯的成效。 三、公眾外交傳遞之訊息，其包裝須符合目標國家需求：設計訊息時，要有一個清晰的主題。在傳遞訊息之前，要了解接受訊息一方的需要，以他們能明白的方式去發送訊息。為吸引目標對象的注意，訊息內容除了要符合對方的國情外，還要以創意或新奇的手法包裝。 四、研究機構及媒體最能塑造輿論，是公眾外交的重點目標對象：研究機構及媒體之意見受到很多人的重視，會直接影響社會菁英及大眾。政府經常與各國智庫、基金會及大學等研究機構建立合作關係，共同提倡某些議題或政策，並藉由媒體塑造有利於本國的輿論環境，推動外交關係的發展。 五、設計推動公眾外交的跨部門協調機制：公眾外交涵蓋資訊、文化、教育等領域，有賴不同機關協力合作，但不同機關基於本位思考，難免意見相左，因此有必要設計一個跨部門的協調機制。 六、突發事件中之公眾外交，在於盡快提供正確的資訊：當突發事件發生時，由於資訊不明，國內外民眾詮釋危機訊息時，經常各自表述，公眾外交必須盡快提供正確的資訊，積極掌控全盤。 七、體育外交係較為國際社會所能接受之公眾外交活動：體育被譽為「世界通用語言」，可以讓不同血統、背景、宗教信仰和經濟狀況的各國人民共聚一堂，互相學習、瞭解、欣賞不同文化。 八、國民素質、文化活動、消費產品及對國際社會之貢獻係塑造國家形象之關鍵：公眾外交重要的目標就是形塑良好的國家形象。從研究分析形塑國家形象經驗中，了解塑造國家形象關鍵在於注重國民素質之培養、善用文化活動、提高消費產品信譽，以及對國外民眾做出實質貢獻，建立休戚與共與互惠關係。 / The research is aimed at studying ideology, institution, cultural exchanges, international communication of public diplomacy in Mainland China and Taiwan. After analyzing the relevant policies, official literature, news releases, and publications, I come up with the following research findings: First, internet technology is an efficient instrument of public diplomacy to cope with boundless environment. In the face of ever-changing global and democratic environment equipped with information technology, a government should make the most of internet technology to deal with real-time challenges transcending national borders. Second, a government may sponsor non-governmental organizations to implement public diplomacy. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) attach great importance on their independence, non-profit programs and expertise. Moreover, by means of various and lively activities, NGOs establish close relations with the public, and thus are more trusted by the public than governments. In this context, a government may sponsor NGOs to launch public diplomacy and will bring about lasting effects. Third, a message to be delivered should meet the needs of the target audience. A message should be clear to the receiver and framed from the receiver’s point of view. Besides, to attract the target audience’s attention, the message should be delivered in a novice manner. Most importantly, the message will be perceived by both the sender and the receiver in the same way. Fourth, public diplomacy targets research organizations and the media to construct public opinion. As the majority of the public pay attention to the suggestions and advice from research organizations and the media, research organizations and the media can exert deep influences on the social elite and the public. As a result, a government always teams up with such research organizations as think tanks, foundations and universities to advocate certain issues or policies. Meanwhile, favorable public opinion will be built through the assistance of the media to develop foreign relations. Fifth, an inter-agency coordinating mechanism should be designed. Related with various aspects like information, culture and education, public diplomacy depends on relevant agencies to work hand in hand. However, given that different agencies surely have conflicting opinions, it is necessary to design an inter-agency coordinating mechanism. Sixth, timely leading public opinion is a key to dealing with unexpected events. As unclear or confusing information is rampant in an unexpected event, people at home and abroad are likely to make their own interpretation. A government should release accurate information as soon as possible to dominate the whole situation. Seventh, sports diplomacy is the most well received activity of public diplomacy. Dubbed the world’s common language, sports can bring all kinds of peoples together regardless of race, background, religion, and economic status and learn from each other. Eighth, national overall quality, cultural activities, consumer products, and contributions to the international community play a vital role in building a national image. Successfully building a national image lies in improving the national overall quality, making the most of cultural activities, enhancing the credibility of consumer products, and establishing mutually beneficial relations with the people abroad.

The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent. The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working. On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) knowledge is used as a strategic instrument internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) knowledge is spread externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors deconstruct racist beliefs when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school. The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call association-driven antiracism. The associationdriven antiracism is characterized by non-violent methods and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead they work with target groups trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives of particular political parties, instead they gather around the question at hand, antiracism. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a positive steering process, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.

Cette thèse traite de la situation actuelle de la forêt marocaine. Dans le cadre de ce travail, deux études ont été réalisées à l’échelle nationale, au Maroc. La première a concerné le pâturage des troupeaux en forêt, et la seconde a porté sur la quantification du volume de bois de feu directement prélevé en forêt, et consommé en zone rurale et en zone urbaine. Les résultats trouvés ont été très préoccupants. Dans les deux situations, les prélèvements réels de fourrage et de bois de feu, dépassent de 3 à 4 fois la possibilité biologique de la forêt. Les populations rurales exercent une énorme pression sur la forêt marocaine, ce qui conduit à sa dégradation et menace sa pérennité.Ce travail de thèse a également estimé la valeur économique des différents biens et services de la forêt marocaine, en vue d’en déterminer la valeur économique totale (VET). Cela a démontré que la valeur économique de la forêt marocaine reste très sous estimée, ce qui encourage son défrichement et son remplacement par d’autres usages.Ce travail a aussi mis en évidence le faible taux de réussite des opérations de reboisement qui sont menées au Maroc, depuis plus d’un demi-siècle. Une nouvelle stratégie de gestion durable de la forêt est proposée dans le cadre du Plan Forestier National. Pour atteindre cette gestion durable, le PNF devra résoudre les principaux problèmes urgents qui menacent la pérennité de la forêt, et donner un rôle primordial aux acteurs de la société civile et aux populations rurales pour la supervision de cette nouvelle stratégie forestière, avec la participation du service forestier, pour faire de la forêt marocaine un modèle de gestion forestière durable, à l’échelle de la région Méditerranéenne. / This thesis deals with the actual situation of the Moroccan forests. Within the framework of this work, two studies were carried out at national level, in Morocco. The first concerned grazing in forest and the second the quantification of fuel wood directly collected from forest and consumed in both rural and urban areas. The results found were very disquieting. In both cases, the total volume of fodder and fuel wood, effectively collected from forest, are 3 to 4 times the biological possibility of the forest.The rural populations exert a huge pressure on the Moroccan forest, which causes its degradation and puts in jeopardy its perenniality.This thesis work also estimated the monetary value of the various goods and services of the Moroccan forest, towards the valuation of the total economic value (TEV). This showed that the economic value of the Moroccan forest is very underestimated, which encourages its degradation and clearing.This research work also demonstrated the weak success rate of the reforestation activities, which were carried out in Morocco, during the last half century. A new strategy towards a sustainable forest management in Morocco is proposed, within the framework of the National Forest Plan.To reach this sustainable forest management, the NFP should resolve the major urgent problems which threaten the Moroccan forest, and should give a role of prime importance to the civil society actors, and to the rural populations for the supervision of this new strategy, with the participation of the forest service, in order to make of the Moroccan forest a model of sustainably managed forest, at the level of the Mediterranean region.

Le transport maritime a connu, ces trente dernières années, une forte croissance qui a des conséquences sur le milieu marin sensible aux pollutions. Le droit maritime s'inscrit généralement dans une démarche attentiste construite en réaction aux catastrophes écologiques successives, et liée à la nécessaire conciliation des intérêts économiques des armateurs et de l'urgence des enjeux environnementaux. Le poids économique du transport maritime influe fortement sur les schémas décisionnels des Etats qui, dans leur triple fonction d'Etat côtier, Etat du port et/ou Etat du pavillon, sont souvent amenés à construire des régimes de complaisance en matières fiscale, économique, sociale et environnementale. Des mesures pourraient être proposées pour établir un équilibre au sein de l'OMI, et restaurer un lien substantiel et transparent entre les Etats, les flottes et les armateurs. De fait, le droit maritime moderne laisse place à d'autres acteurs qui interviennent dans les modes de gouvernance présidant à l'édiction et l'application du droit, notamment à travers les outils du lobbying. L'ouverture plus large du processus normatif et des voies de sanction/réparation à l'ensemble des parties prenantes pourrait garantir une meilleure intégration de la norme environnementale dans le droit du transport maritime. Si le dialogue avec les collectivités locales est rendu complexe par leur statut, à la fois victimes, acteurs et entraves au droit, la place accrue des ONG, aujourd'hui limitée dans le cadre juridictionnel international, serait le gage de la réalisation de ces objectifs, et notamment d'une meilleure effectivité du droit. / Sea transport has seen strong growth over the past 30 years, which impacts on the marine environment, an environment sensitive to pollution. Maritime law generally adheres to a wait-and-see approach, developed as a reaction to successive environmental disasters, and arising from a much-needed reconciliation of shipowners' economic interests and the pressing nature of environmental issues. The States' decision making process is strongly influenced by the economic importance of sea transport who, in their triple function of coastal State, port State and/or flag State are often driven to make legislations of convenience in tax, economic, social and environmental matters. Measures could be proposed to develop laws in order to establish a balance within the IMO, and restore a transparent and genuine link between States, fleets and shipowners. In fact, modern maritime law allows room, in particular through lobbying tools, for other parties who intervene on the enactment and implementation of the law ruled by governance procedures. This widening of the normative process and avenues for sanction/redress to all stakeholders could ensure a better integration of environmental standards in maritime law. If the dialogue with local authorities is complicated by their status, at the same time victims, actors and obstruction of rights, the development of NGOs, currently limited in the international jurisdictional framework, would guarantee these objectives are achieved, including a better effectiveness of the law. The experience gained in the field of a CIFRE thesis, within the legal department of Surfrider Foundation Europe illustrates and establishes these avenues of improvement.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Gomes Ferreira Filho.pdf: 2520331 bytes, checksum: 926b85ce7caac36974866e2aa444067b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-23 / The subject-matter of this study is the legal regime of the Third Sector, analyzing both thecontrol of public resources transferred to private nonprofit andtheprotection of citizen customerof public relevance services. It was presupposed that the State is the protagonist of social rights. Legally, according to the Federal Constitution, it was possible to conceptualize the Third Sector: the set of private non-profit organizations which receives states incentives and provides social services. It was examined the main legal titles awarded to private nonprofitorganizations. It was demonstrated that the federal law of social organizations are, in part, unconstitutional. It was possible to demonstrate that the implementationofprevious and objective selectionprocess to choosethe private partner of the Government contributes decisively to prevent the waste of public resources and the committingofcrimes and acts of dishonesty. The results have revealed that the Third Sector should always carry a selection process for hiring companies and people using public funds. It was identified the regime characteristics of the consumers of products and services andof the public services user, to then present the legal rules of the ThirdSector clients. It was concluded that for protection of the citizen client, the Article22 and the entire procedure of the Consumer Protection Code apply to the Third Sector organizations which are partners of public authorities and receive funding and public goods. It wasanalyzed the means of extrajudicial and judicial action of the prosecutors in charge of the Third Sector. The internal control exercised over the transfer of public resources for private initiative is lacking, which reinforces the importance of parallel external control exercised by the Courts of Accounts and the prosecutors on the Third Sector organizations / O objeto deste estudo é o regime jurídico do Terceiro Setor sob a dupla perspectiva do controle dos recursos públicos repassados às entidades privadas sem fins lucrativos e da tutela do cidadão cliente dos serviços de relevância pública. Partiu-se do pressuposto de que o Estado é o protagonista dos direitos sociais. Juridicamente, de acordo com a ConstituiçãoFederal, foi possível conceituar o Terceiro Setor: é o conjunto de pessoas jurídicas de direito privado sem fins lucrativos, beneficiadas pela atividade administrativa de fomento, que prestam serviços de relevância pública. Foram examinados os principais títulos jurídicos concedidos às entidades privadas sem fins lucrativos. Apurou-se que a lei federal das Organizações Sociaisé, em boa parte, inconstitucional. Foi possível demonstrar que a realização de processo seletivo prévio e objetivo para a escolha da entidade privada parceira do Poder Público contribui decisivamente para se evitaro desperdício de recursos públicose a prática de crimes e atos de improbidade. Os resultados alcançados permitem afirmar que é obrigatória a realização, pelo Terceiro Setor, de procedimento administrativo prévio para a contratação de terceiros, com recursos públicos, e para seleção de pessoal. Foram identificadas as características do regime do consumidor de produtos e serviços e do usuário de serviços públicos, para, então, apresentar-se o regime jurídico do cidadão cliente do Terceiro Setor. Concluiu-se que, para tutela do cidadão cliente, o artigo 22 e toda a parte processual do Código de Defesa do Consumidor se aplicam às entidades do Terceiro Setor parceiras doPoder Públicoque recebam recursos e bens públicos. Foram analisados os meios de atuação extrajudicial e judicial do Ministério Público no controle do Terceiro Setor. O controle interno exercido sobre a transferência de recursos públicos para a iniciativaprivadaé deficiente, o que reforça a importância do controle externo exercido paralelamente pelos Tribunais de Contas e pelo Ministério Público sobre as entidades do Terceiro Setor

The transition from adolescence to adulthood can bring with it mental health problems, resulting in reduced mental well-being among young women and an increasing public health issue. Perceived mental health problems can be a major obstacle to personal development and opportunities for becoming established in society. Thus, promotive interventions are needed. The overall aim of this thesis was to explore women’s experience of mentoring relationships as health promotion from the perspectives of both parties in the dyad: the young woman transitioning from adolescence to adulthood (the protégé), and her ten-year-older female mentor. This thesis used a practice-based approach to investigate a group of participants involved in a Swedish non-governmental organization, the Girls Zone. Data collection was conducted including interviews (n = 5) and surveys (n = 52) with female protégés, and interviews with female mentors (n = 12). Study I explored the characteristics of the female protégés and the development of the mentoring relationship, and used mixed methods. Study II, which investigated mentors’ initial motives and the organizational context which enabled the mentors’ engagement, used an explorative qualitative method. This thesis showed that female mentoring relationships seem to have potential to be a health-promoting intervention. A variety of young women were attracted to the mentoring program, and mentorships in line with the perspectives of relational-cultural theory could meet the relationship needs expressed by the female protégés. Further, mentors’ motivations for engaging as mentors were linked to the fulfillment of basic psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness, in accordance with the perspective of self-determination theory.

A educação profissional no Brasil esteve marcada, desde os seus primeiros registros, em administrar os efeitos da exclusão por meio da inserção, primeiramente, dos órfãos e desvalidos e, depois, dos menores infratores em instituições disciplinares e correcionais. Processo que forjou subjetividades em um registro da falta e do desvio com aprisionamento de corpos, bem como dos modos de produzir vida. No presente, os agora denominados adolescentes em conflito com a lei também estão inseridos em práticas específicas de educação para o trabalho, dentre as quais aquelas protagonizadas por organizações não governamentais. Esta pesquisa volta-se para essa prática educativa específica, pois objetiva investigar como os cursos de qualificação profissional básica de uma OSCIP habitam o campo de forças da Fundação CASA. Os subsídios teóricos e conceituais que compõem com essa problematização localizam-se nas contribuições de: Foucault, Spinoza, da esquizoanálise e da análise institucional. Subsídios estes que se articulam permitindo pensar o sujeito não como essência e sim como produção, a partir de relações de saber e poder por meio e entre instituições. Forjado pelo encontro com os diferentes campos em jogo (teórico-metodológico, de pesquisa e de forças), este estudo tem como hipótese que a complexidade da realidade, da subjetividade e dos encontros vida a fora produzem uma diversidade de modos de existir, educar e trabalhar não submetida exclusivamente a formas instituídas. Buscou-se, assim, compreender as relações institucionais em jogo e suas repercussões no referido trabalho educativo, a partir da implicação do pesquisador com o campo. Deste modo, foi empreendida uma pesquisa-intervenção com os educadores de qualificação profissional de uma OSCIP por meio da técnica do grupo focal. O encontro com os diferentes campos teceu relações de sentido, o que viabilizou entrever, entre as formas instituídas, modos de educar potentes em desestabilizar aprisionamentos subjetivos. Tal desestabilização, todavia, só ganha força em condições de produção peculiares. Dito de outra forma, esta pesquisa reconheceu que os cursos ora estudados são operados por modos de ser educador, que ganham ou perdem força de agir e compreender a partir das relações produzidas por meio e entre instituições. As conexões tecidas e desencadeadas pelo educador e pela OSCIP são forças que delineiam uma posição política de manutenção ou ruptura de modos de educar para o trabalho adolescentes em conflito com a lei. Nesse campo de forças, as práticas de educação profissional ganham intensidade quando aliadas a uma formação de educadores que os afete, mantendo o campo problemático e intensivo de derivas potentes em desestabilizar modos aprisionados de produzir vida / Professional education in Brazil has been marked, from the beginning, by the intention of dealing with the effects of social exclusion by means of adopting social inclusion, firstly of the orphans and the underprivileged and, later on, of the juvenile lawbreakers from disciplinary and corrective institutions. This process has forged subjectivities into a register of failure and of deviance, with the imprisonment of the bodies and of the ways lives are constructed. At present, the so-called teenagers in conflict with the law are also involved with specific practices of education geared to work, amongst which are those enforced by Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO). This research work focus on such educational practices, for it aims at investigating how the beginners professional qualifying courses held by a Public Interest Civil Society Organization (OSCIP, in the initials in Portuguese) inhabit the field of strengths of CASA Foundation. The theoretical and conceptual subsidies which support this problematization are based on the contributions by Foucault, Spinoza, as well as on schizoanalysis and institutional analysis. These subsidies articulate between them to allow thinking about the subject not as essence, but as production, from the perspective of the relations between knowledge and power by means of and between institutions. Undertaken in the coming together with the different fields at play (theoretical-methodological, of research and of strengths), this study offers as hypotheses that the complexity of reality, of subjectivity and of encounters throughout life, creates a diversity of ways of living, educating and working which are not submitted exclusively to institutionalized patterns. One has sought, therefore, to understand the institutional relations at play and their repercussion on the mentioned educational work, from the perspective of the researcher as she is implicated into the field. Thus, an intervention-research was carried out with the application of the focal group technique and which involved the professional qualifying course educators from an OSCIP. Coming in touch with the different fields allowed for the construction of meaning relations, what made possible to understand, amongst the institutionalized patterns, ways of educating with the potential of destabilizing subjective imprisonments. Such destabilizing, however, acquires strength only in unique conditions of production. In other words, it has been recognized that the courses surveyed in this study are operated by ways of being an educator, which acquire or lose strength for acting and comprehend on the basis of relations created by means of or between institutions. The connections woven and unleashed by the educators and by OSCIP are strengths which outline a political stand of either maintenance or rupture of the ways the teenagers in conflict with the law are educated for work. Within this field, the professional educational practices gain intensity when combined with a meaningful teacher formation, one which keeps the field problematic and adrift, powerful in destabilizing imprisoned ways of creating life

As Canada’s courts recognize and redefine the scope of Aboriginal title and rights in the country, alliances between Indigenous communities and environmental groups are playing an increasingly central role in the fight to stop fossil fuel infrastructure projects and address the global threats of climate change. Recognizing the importance of relationships between environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGO) and Indigenous peoples to environmental campaigns in Canada, and the need to include land-politics into the national conversation of reconciliation, this research project aims to investigate the role of reconciliation efforts in environmental campaigns in BC. Indigenous-ENGO relationships offer important opportunities to learn how actions and language of reconciliation are (or are not) being expressed in environmental campaigns, and to learn how ENGOs are approaching their work with Indigenous communities in an era of reconciliation. Using two campaigns as my case studies I explore these topics by interviewing ENGO staff and Indigenous peoples working collaboratively on the Site C Dam campaign in the Peace River region of Treaty 8 in northeast BC, and the Pacific Northwest liquid natural gas (LNG) terminal project in the Skeena River watershed region in the traditional territories of the Tsimshian, Gitxsan, and Wet’suwet’en nations of northwest BC. Informed by Indigenous and anti-colonial research methodologies, a principle of relational accountability is used to center relationships with land as a foundation for reconciliation, and for recommendations on how Indigenous-ENGO relationships can be improved. / Graduate

受到氣候極端變遷的影響，近年來，世界各地接二連三地出現許多重大天然災害，讓我們賴以生存的地球，正面臨著嚴峻環境災難的考驗。面對這個重要課題，除了政府必須肩負的責任外，非政府組織從環境保護、減災預防、災難準備、以致災難發生時的緊急救援，到災後的復建與重建工作等環節上，也扮演愈來愈重要的角色，近代各國政府都把積極參與人道救援的非政府組織視為災難救援和賑濟上的重要伙伴。 人道救援和一般社會服務工作的動員模式與服務取向不同，除了必須在短時間內滿足無法事先確定的大量需求外，人道救援的目的是在有限資源的前提下，公允地維持受災民眾必要的生存環境、條件與尊嚴。是以，人道救援組織從平時救災人員的訓練、養成，救災器材設備與救援物資的整備，到災難發生時可以快速反應的動員能量，甚至災後不管復原或重建階段各項專業領域的參與，都需要掌握相當實力的資源，才能在必要的時候派上用場。 目前國內主要從事海內、外人道救援的民間組織，其從事人道救援的財源幾乎百分之百依賴民間捐款，而因應每次災難事件的不同，其所募得款項的多寡差異非常大，但國內相關影響重大災難募款金額多寡的因素研究卻很少，為使有限、寶貴的社會資源可以更合理、妥切地被運用，研究者以紅十字會在九二一大地震之後十年來十五起賑災專案募款的結果，運用個案研究的深度訪談以及焦點團體的探討，嘗試彙整出影響國人重大災難捐款的因素。 是以，本研究從災難本身、捐款人、勸募者及社會政經情境等面向，歸納出可能影響重大災難募捐款項的二十個因素，藉以分析說明並對照實務上募款金額的多寡。此外，本研究也提供了幾項重大災難募捐的特性，希望可以做為國人或後續研究者參用。 最後，本研究建議國人應該深切體認資源有限，整體社會的資源不管來自何處、流向何處，其總和也是不變的，因此，無論是資源的擁有者、分配者、執行者，以及在這個過程中可能影響資源分配運用的關係人，如政府、媒體等，都應該珍惜這個寶貴的資源，善用它，讓它發揮應有的社會功能。尤其，人道救援是一個關乎生命，非常嚴肅的議題，很多人認為重大災難捐款是一種衝動性捐款，但研究者卻堅信捐款行為只是表象，其真正是人的「愛心」在驅動，因此，必須從理性、審慎的態度來探究愛心背後可能影響捐款人作為的因素，並進而提供國人的愛心一個更好的捐款與資源運用環境。 / As a result of extreme climate changes, the world has witnessed many major natural disasters. Hence, the earth on which we live is confronting severe environmental challenge. To cope with such a severe challenge, other than the governments which must take up the responsibilities, NGOs are playing more important roles which include environmental protection, disaster prevention, disaster preparedness, as well as in the event of occurrence of natural disasters, emergency relief, recovery and reconstruction. Nowaday, the governments treat NGOs as their indispensable partners in the efforts of disaster rescue and relief. Humanitarian relief is different from social working network. The former must within a short period mobilize resources to meet unpredictable yet huge amount of need. The objective of humanitarian relief is to provide the people who were adversely affected by the disasters with resources, however limited, to live with dignity and fairness. Therefore, NGOs doing humanitarian relief must prepare themselves not only in the training of rescue teams, securing adequate equipments so that they can respond promptly to disasters, but also be in command of substantial resource so as to meet the urgent need in emergency relief, recovery and reconstruction. The humanitarian organizations of Taiwan, whom undertake disaster relief in Taiwan and oversea, obtain funding almost 100% from the private sector. Since the amount of fund raised in different disasters can be vastly different, to help rational allocation of limited yet valuable resources in disaster relief, the author has made efforts to collect data from 15 disaster-fund-raising events since the 921 earthquake in 1999, and to analyse the factors that are relevant to the donors’ behavior. The author has also carried out analysis of the factors by in-depth case study and focus group interview. On the basis of such data, case study and interview, the author has identified 20 factors from such perspective as nature of disasters, donors, fund-raising organizers, social-economic- political situation, etc. This paper also enumerates a number of important characteristics of fund-raising in major disasters. To conclude, the author likes to point out that the sum total of resources available to any disaster effort project is a constant. Therefore, all players in any major disaster relief project, including the organizers, the media, the government and others, must carefully use the resources and to achieve maximum utility of the resource for the benefits of those who are in need, to recover and to re-live from the disaster. Such an observation is meaningful because humanitarian relief is a serious subject and donation is not merely an act of impulse, it is also an act of “love”. Therefore, we must carefully explore the relevant factors that contribute to the donors’ behaviors. Only by so doing, we can structure a better environment under which fund-raising motivated by “love” can be truly successful and meaningful use of such resources to the maximum benefit of the people affected by the disasters be assured.