Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal. / La plupart des fêtes grandioses qui déplaçaient toute la cour sous Louis XIII furent immortalisées dans de nombreux ouvrages à caractère notamment littéraire. Ces relations dont les jésuites étaient souvent les auteurs et dans lesquelles ils mettaient à profit leur mission apologétique et pédagogique, furent enfouies en grande partie dans des archives. Certaines d'entre erres mériteraient aujourd'hui de faire l'objet d'une édition commentée. Prenons Les Champs Elyziens, ou La Reception du Roy tres-Chrestien Louis XIII, au College de Bourdeaus de la Comp. de Jesus, le huictiesme de novembre 1615. Le P. F. Garasse (1585-1631), jésuite devenu célèbre surtout pour ses pamphlets satyriques, y fixe le souvenir qu'il a gardé du spectacle monté le 8 novembre 1615 dans l’enceinte même du collège de Bordeaux. Ce spectacle en six « stations » auquel le roi est invité à participer, représente à travers toute une symbolique le parcours initiatique qu'il doit suivre pour atteindre le paradis terrestre, les Champs Élyséens. Six vertus royales tracent le chemin et servent de « stations » au roi. Ce texte, tombé pratiquement dans l'oubli depuis trois siècles, est le fruit d’une créativité singulière et d’une érudition certaine. La narration témoigne d'une imagination fertile et se nourrit copieusement des textes de l’Antiquité greco-romaine et des Pères de l’Église. En outre, cette relation attire notre attention sur la question du genre littéraire. Par son caractère d'absorption des différentes formes de discours, ce récit du P. F. Garasse se situe à la frontière de plusieurs genres. L'intertexte des Champs Elyziens renvoie ainsi à la devise, à l’emblème, au chant, au compliment ou encore à la prière et s'insère dans un récit qui est, lui-même, déjà très dense et pluriforme. Il est troué d’arrêts, c'est-à-dire de segments descriptifs et poétiques. Les Champs Elyziens constitue, du reste, un précieux document historique. Ce texte témoigne de la tradition didactique du théâtre jésuite et de la tradition des fêtes de cour héritées de la Renaissance italienne. L'intérêt profond que soulève la relation vient motiver un projet d'édition commentée qui permettra d'établir et de restituer la compréhension du texte et de le rendre accessible aux lecteurs modernes. Pour ce faire, nous envisageons tout d'abord de saisir à l’ordinateur l'introduction et la première station des Champs Elyziens. Puisque l'édition intéressera surtout les universitaires et les spécialistes du XVIIe siècle, la physionomie de la version originale imprimée en 1615 sera respectée. Toutefois, quelques signes typographiques subiront de petites modifications : Les tildes, les agglutinations, les dissimilations et les coquilles feront l'objet d’un rejet ou d'une correction et les passages en latin et les quelques termes grecs seront traduits. Une fois établie, cette partie des Champs Elyziens sera complétée par un commentaire littéraire, historique et philologique. Ce commentaire s'insérera dans une préface d'une quarantaine de pages et dans un appareil de notes. La première partie de la préface comprendra une brève présentation du P. F. Garasse et viendra inscrire le texte dans la tradition des fêtes de cour héritées de la Renaissance italienne et dans la tradition didactique du théâtre jésuite. La préface dressera également un panorama des sources, des œuvres antérieures qui ont inspiré la pensée créatrice du P. F. Garasse. Enfin, la préface se terminera par quelques pistes de lectures qui découleront du travail minutieusement mené sur la première des « stations » du roi, celle du « Portal de Clémence ». Pour ce qui est des annotations, elles seront d'ordre lexical, sémantique et historique. Elles donneront lieu au repérage des citations et à leur rétablissement. Elles permettront aussi de souligner les lieux communs et les affusions du texte. Comme instrument de travail, un index des noms propres sera également fourni à la fin de l'édition. Ce travail qui s'inscrit dans le cadre d'un projet de recherche portant sur les Entrées Royales cherche essentiellement à rendre « cet aimable délire d'imagination érudite » qu'est Les Champs Elyziens disponible à plusieurs lecteurs et à ouvrir, par la même occasion, la voie à de nouvelles recherches, notamment en littérature, en histoire, en philologie et en didactique.

Une somme considérable de légendes véhiculent des images éculées d’Henri IV et Louis XIII. Au premier d’être alors évoqué comme un personnage débonnaire, guerrier, vert galant, préférant les joies populaires de la poule au pot et des chansons licencieuses du Pont Neuf aux fastueux spectacles de cour, quand son fils est appréhendé comme un monarque taciturne, dominé par sa mère puis par le tout-puissant Richelieu. Rarement l’intérêt se porte alors sur leurs personnalités politiques qui pourtant, animées par la passion de la gloire, pleinement conscientes de leur rôle de souverains du royaume, usèrent toutes deux de l’art à des fins d’autorité, ouvrant la voie à leur illustre descendant : Louis XIV. Notre étude a pour ambition première d’analyser quel fut l’initiation, voire l’édification, de ces deux souverains. Les usages politiques des spectacles de cour ont pour beaucoup été mis en exergue, mais le lien entre éducation artistique et politique est, quant à lui, bien moins étudié. Or, apprentissage politique et enseignement artistique passent par la ‘‘rencontre’’ entre l’enfant et les spectacles. De cette rencontre, le prince pourra envisager les potentialités du fastueux et utiliser ces premières expériences comme une référence qu’il accommodera par la suite, à son profit. Quelle place fut alors donnée à la musique dans la formation humaniste que reçut le jeune Henri de Navarre ? Quel fut le rôle confié aux arts dans l’éducation de Louis XIII, tandis que sa mère, digne représentante de la dynastie Médicis, mettait un point d’honneur à entourer sa cour de fêtes perpétuelles ? Ce sont en effet les femmes, c’est indéniable, qui jouèrent un rôle de tout premier plan dans la mise en place et le développement des spectacles utilisés pour servir la propagande royaliste. C’est cette réflexion, autour de la place de ces ‘‘muses’’ dans la formation des souverains au mécénat artistique et plus encore à l’utilisation politique des arts, qui nourrit notre première partie. La seconde est entièrement consacrée à l’utilisation propagandiste de l’art. Sous les premiers Bourbons, la musique se développa sous ses aspects les plus divers, psaumes, cantiques, chansons populaires ou airs de cour, ballets, tous utilisés afin d’ancrer plus fortement leurs règnes au cœur de la tradition monarchiste française. Sous ces souverains, au pouvoir bien controversé, les fêtes firent partie intégrante de la stratégie gouvernementale ; elles ne jouèrent plus seulement le rôle décisif, mais désormais connu, de consolidateurs du pouvoir en place mais le légitimèrent, l’assirent. Ainsi naquit la dynastie Bourbon. / A considerable amount of legends conveys hackneyed images of Henri IV and Louis XIII. The first one was then evoked as a good-natured, warlike figure and a Green Gallant who preferred the popular enjoyments of the boiled chicken and the bawdy songs of the Pont Neuf to the celebrations of the Valois court. His son was, as for him, considered as a taciturn monarch, dominated by his mother or by the almighty Cardinal Richelieu. Curiosity is then rarely aroused by their political personalities which, nevertheless livened up by the passion of the glory, conscious of their role as Kings of France, used both the art for authority purposes, opening the way to their illustrious descendant: Louis XIV.The first purpose of this study is to explore the initiation, if not the edification, of these sovereigns. The political uses of the splendoures were largely underlined, but the link between arts and political education is not much studied. Yet political learning and art education are conveyed by the "encounter" between the child and these shows. This encounter enables the prince to consider the potentialities of the luxurious, and to use these early experiences as a reference that he will accommodate to his profit afterward. Then what place was given to the music in the humanist formation received by the young Henri de Navarre? What was the role assigned to arts in the education of Louis XIII, while his mother, deserving representative of the Medici dynasty, made it a point of honor to provide her court with perpetual celebrations? Women undeniably played a first rank role in the implementation and the development of the court’s shows used to serve the royalist propaganda. This reflection around the role of these "muses" concerning the education of the sovereigns in the artistic sponsorship in addition to the political use of the arts will be the main focus of the first part. The second part is entirely dedicated to the propagandist use of the art. Under the first Bourbons, music developed as a wide range of appearances, psalms or hymns, popular songs or ‘‘airs de cour’’, ballets. All these forms emerged, anchoring more strongly their reigns in the tradition of the French monarchy. Under Henri IV and under his son, asserting a controversial power, the fêtes were part of the governmental strategy; they did not only play a decisive role in strengthening the power any more, they legitimized it, they consolidated it. This is how the dynasty of Bourbons was born.

En 1631, Marie de Médicis (1573-1642), reine de France, opposée à la politique de Richelieu, quitte précipitamment le royaume pour trouver refuge à la cour de Bruxelles. Jusqu’à sa mort en 1642, elle ne réussit jamais, malgré maintes tentatives, à rentrer en France. Elle vit dans les Pays-Bas espagnols jusqu’en 1639, puis, après un bref passage dans les Provinces-Unies, à Londres jusqu’en 1641, pour finir ses jours à Cologne. Alors que la guerre de Trente ans déchire l’Europe, Marie de Médicis tisse des liens avec les princes, mais aussi avec d’autres émigrés français, tels que Gaston d’Orléans ou la duchesse de Chevreuse. A travers cette situation exceptionnelle, nous étudions les réseaux, officiels ou secrets, qui se font et se défont autour de ces émigrés. La mise en place des réseaux et leur bon fonctionnement sont assurés par des hommes, ambassadeurs, courtisans, serviteurs, qui ont chacun des profils et des ambitions différents. Leurs histoires individuelles permettent de restituer la logique organique de cet ensemble complexe et mouvant à travers lequel circulent des nouvelles. Celles-ci sont analysées du point de vue matériel de leur support et de leur acheminement, mais aussi en fonction de leur contenu, qui varie selon les circonstances et les tensions politiques du moment. La circulation et les mutations de l’information ont sur la diplomatie des incidences qu’il faut évaluer. De plus, elles reflètent des idées politiques et révèlent des codes, des symboles, des représentations et des comportements particuliers. La mise en scène de l’information devient alors un objet d’étude fondamental. / In 1631, Mary de’ Médici (1573-1642), queen mother of the French king, opposed to Richelieu’s government, precipitately leaves the kingdom to find shelter at the court of Brussels. Until her death in 1642, she never succeeds, in spite of many attempts, to be allowed to come back to France. She lives in the Spanish Netherlands from 1631 to 1639. Then, after a short passage through the United Provinces, she stays in London until 1641, to move out again to Cologne, where she finally dies. Whereas the Thirty Years War tears Europe to pieces, Mary de’ Médici weaves bonds not only with foreign princes, but also with other French banned emigrants, such as Gaston of Orleans or the duchess of Chevreuse. The study of this outstanding situation reveals official or secret networks, which are built up and undone around those emigrants. The making and good working of those networks are ensured by a pool of ambassadors, courtiers, servants, who have various profiles and follow different purposes. By rebuilding the individual stories of these men, we can disclose the organic logic of this complex and moving party, in which the news arise and flow. We try to provide an analysis from the point of view of the material support and routing of information, but also according to its content, which may vary following the peculiar circumstances and political issues. The circulation and changes of the news affect the diplomatic deeds in a way that must be investigated and explained. Moreover, information, as a mirror of political thoughts, is reflecting codes, symbols, representations and behaviors. Therefore, the setting and showing of information can be seen as a significant matter for political studies.

Chronological Bible storying generally assumes a universality of the story teller's theological perspective in selecting and shaping Bible stories interculturally. This paper argues against this approach and proposes a method of crafting contextualized Bible stories which resonate with the worldview of a receptor culture. The influence of the theological and cultural presuppositions of the story teller is reduced through the utilization of the receptor culture's worldview assumptions - those values and beliefs through which the impact of scripture is experienced. The empirical research consisted of observing the responses of Sindhi Muslim men to a reading of John 13:1-10 and then interviewing them to generate cultural expressions which revealed a relationship between their culture and the scripture passage. Analysis of the data disclosed themes which have scriptural referents and can be used as the basis for selecting and crafting Bible stories that resonate with worldview assumptions. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

Cardinal Richelieu is traditionally accredited with defeating the power of the grands, the upper echelon of the French nobility, as part of his supposedly successful project for monarchical absolutism. Modern historians have recast Richelieu as a nobleman of his time, who advanced himself within the social and political hierarchies through marriage alliances and patronage. He therefore worked hard to forge alliances with the grands rather than trying to destroy them. Yet his ministry was riven by persistent noble conspiracies and rebellions, which have gone largely without systematic investigation. This study examines the nature and causes of that unrest during Richelieu’s final six years, offering a radical re-assessment of the opposition and the politics of the period. Noble conspiracy was not just a by-product of government by a first minister, but reflected the factional nature of Richelieu’s approach. Factional rivalry was exacerbated by the emergence, after 1638, of a struggle for the anticipated regency. After this, Richelieu took a more hostile approach to his adversaries, forcing them to adopt strong countermeasures in order to preserve their positions. Richelieu’s opponents were surprisingly successful in asserting their independence. As well as enjoying widespread domestic support, they allied with the Habsburg powers to engineer military rebellion, posing a major threat to the Cardinal and undermining the war effort against Spain. The Spanish set their stall out for a long-term war, expecting that Richelieu’s opponents would eventually gain power and negotiate peace on more flexible terms. The ability of the grands to re-assert themselves was still a dominant characteristic of French politics. Richelieu’s legacy, on his death in 1642, was a highly volatile political situation in which success was still a long way off for France. These findings suggest the catalytic impact of Habsburg power on France’s internal divisions, which should consequently be seen as integral to the forging of the ancien régime.

La tesis se ocupa de las relaciones diplomáticas entre España y la Santa Sede durante la fase final de la Restauración borbónica, desde 1902 hasta 1923, con especial mención a la cuestión matrimonial. De los tres capítulos que la componen, el primero contextualiza el reinado de Alfonso XIII. Se alude a cuestiones históricas y a medidas normativas relevantes en el ámbito eclesiástico y en el civil. El segundo capítulo comienza con la entrada en vigor de la Ley de 18 de junio de 1870, de matrimonio civil obligatorio, y abarca hasta 1902. El tercero versa sobre la cuestión matrimonial durante el reinado de Alfonso XIII. El sistema matrimonial vigente, salvo el caso aislado de la Real Orden de 27 de agosto de 1906, derogada un año más tarde, fue el de matrimonio civil subsidiario. La interpretación del término "profesión de fe" sería el motivo de mayores controversias. / The thesis deals with the diplomatic relationships between Spain and the Holy See during the final period of the Bourbon Restoration, focusing especially on matrimonial matters. The first chapter of the thesis contextualises the kingdom of Alfonso XIII of Spain; historical issues and regulatory measures relevant within both the ecclesiastical and the civil context are mentioned in this chapter. The second chapter covers the years between the coming into force of the Ley de 18 de junio de 1870 − which introduced compulsory civil marriage in Spain - and the year 1902. The third chapter deals with matrimonial matters during the reign of King Alfonso XIII. The subsidiary civil marriage constituted the current matrimonial system at the time, with the only exception being the Real Orden de 27 de agosto de 1906, which was abrogated the following year. The interpretation of the term "profession of faith" was to cause major controversy.

La present tesi tracta d’aprofundir en el coneixement dels orígens del pactisme valencià. És per això que analitza de forma exhaustiva les diverses negociacions politicofiscals que tingueren lloc entre la monarquia i la comunitat política del regne de València des de mitjan segle XIII fins a la dècada de 1360. Així, tot plegat, estudia la trajectòria d’unes transformacions estretament imbricades entre si: d’una banda, el progressiu desenvolupament de la pràctica parlamentària fins a esdevenir la principal forma de resolució de greuges entre els estaments i el monarca, i, d’una altra banda, l’evolució de la fiscalitat reial i local fins a donar lloc a uns sistemes fiscals generals i municipals que quedaren controlats pels dirigents estamentals. D’aquesta manera, mitjançant l’anàlisi d’aquells canvis, es determinen amb major detall les fases i les característiques del procés de configuració del pactisme al territori valencià. / The purpose of this thesis is to deepen the knowledge on the origins of Valencian pactism. In order to achieve that, it analyzes exhaustively the various political/fiscal negotiations that took place between the monarchy and the political community of the kingdom of Valencia from the mid-thirteenth century until the 1360’s. It is, therefore, a study on the history of transformations closely imbricated in each other: on the one hand, the gradual development of the parliamentary practice until it became the main way for resolving grievances between the king and the estates of the realm and, on the other hand, the evolution of the royal and local taxation to general and local fiscal systems that were controlled by the heads of the estates. Thus, by means of analyzing these changes, the different stages and characteristics of the configuration process of pactism in the kingdom of Valencia can be more precisely determined.

Chronological Bible storying generally assumes a universality of the story teller's theological perspective in selecting and shaping Bible stories interculturally. This paper argues against this approach and proposes a method of crafting contextualized Bible stories which resonate with the worldview of a receptor culture. The influence of the theological and cultural presuppositions of the story teller is reduced through the utilization of the receptor culture's worldview assumptions - those values and beliefs through which the impact of scripture is experienced. The empirical research consisted of observing the responses of Sindhi Muslim men to a reading of John 13:1-10 and then interviewing them to generate cultural expressions which revealed a relationship between their culture and the scripture passage. Analysis of the data disclosed themes which have scriptural referents and can be used as the basis for selecting and crafting Bible stories that resonate with worldview assumptions. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / On May 31st, 1252, before the most important aristocrats of the kingdom, Alfonso X was crowned King of Castile and Leon in a public ceremony and detached from traditional sacralization rites of the medieval monarchies. The political trajectory of the Alfonsine reign was marked by periods of unrelenting conflicts and social tensions, the causes of these disruptions were directly linked to the production and attempt to establish a daring government program that sought above all to unify legislation and renew the right of the kingdom, something not effected. Faced with a political scenario of uprisings and the need to secure the support of his subjects for their demands for government, Alfonso X produced a range of legal rules - coercive and concessive - aimed at strengthening his royal authority, at the same time time in which it looked for legislative tools that made possible to rebalance its relation with the political society of the kingdom in an eternal game of powers. We have understood these aspects like something inherent to the noble negotiations that guided the relations between this monarch and the aristocracies secular and ecclesiastical of the period. When we take the characteristics presented above as the north of research and when analyzing a documentary corpus composed of chronicles and legal documents elaborated on and during the Alfonsine period, we had as objective in our research to examine the relations of negotiations developed by Alfonso X throughout his reign, looking for to understand the constant crises of monarchical authority, abyss of legitimacy and, consequently, the political and juridical actions established by him in the search for the realization of power. Thus, we could argue that political fragmentation did not mean the absence of legitimacy, authority, or power. On the contrary, decentralization only emphasized the mechanisms of negotiations, a fundamental aspect in the constitution and maintenance of seigniorial society in the Central Middle Ages. / No dia 31 de maio de 1252, diante dos aristocratas mais importantes do reino, Alfonso X foi coroado rei de Castela e Leão em uma cerimônia pública e desprendida de ritos de sacralização tradicionais das monarquias medievais. A trajetória política do reinado alfonsino foi marcada por períodos de incessantes conflitos e tensões sociais, as causas de referidas perturbações estavam diretamente ligadas à produção e tentativa de instauração de um audacioso programa de governo que buscava, sobretudo, a unificação legislativa e a renovação do direito do reino, algo não efetivado. Diante de um cenário político de sublevações e na necessidade de garantir o apoio dos seus súditos para as suas demandas de governo, Alfonso X produziu uma gama de normas jurídicas – coercitivas e concessivas – que tinham por finalidade o fortalecimento da sua autoridade régia, ao mesmo tempo em que buscava ferramentas legislativas que possibilitassem equilibrar novamente a sua relação com a sociedade política do reino num eterno jogo de poderes. Temos entendido tais aspectos como algo inerente às negociações senhoriais que nortearam as relações entre este monarca e as aristocracias laicas e eclesiásticas do período. Ao tomarmos as características acima apresentadas como norte de investigação e ao analisarmos um corpus documental composto por crônicas e documentos jurídicos elaborados sobre e no período alfonsino, tivemos como objetivo em nossa pesquisa examinar as relações de negociações desenvolvidas por Alfonso X ao longo do seu reinado, procurando entender as constantes crises de autoridade monárquica, abalos de legitimidade e, consequentemente, as ações políticas e jurídicas instauradas por ele na busca pela efetivação do poder. Assim, pudemos defender o quanto a fragmentação política não significou a ausência da legitimidade, da autoridade e, tampouco, do poder. Ao contrário, a descentralização apenas salientou mais os mecanismos de negociações, aspecto fundamental na constituição e manutenção da sociedade senhorial na Idade Média Central. / São Cristóvão, SE

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-01-27T18:10:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Castro, Anna-Dissert-2013.pdf: 2004394 bytes, checksum: 20e76a14f23de9c14076ebe2f789d8f6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-01-27T18:10:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Castro, Anna-Dissert-2013.pdf: 2004394 bytes, checksum: 20e76a14f23de9c14076ebe2f789d8f6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Estudo sobre as práticas políticas e representações dos judeus durante o reinado de Afonso X, através de fontes de cunho literário e normativo produzidas pelo círculo régio. Buscou-se analisar as diferentes formas de representação e as disposições referentes à tal comunidade. Utilizou-se como fundamento teórico o conceito de representações, de Georges Duby e Roger Chartier; de marginalização, de Bronislaw Geremek; de pária, de Louis Dumont; e de alteridade relativa, de Paul Zumthor, para compor o quadro de nossa análise. Buscamos demonstrar a forte relação existente entre processos de marginalização dos judeus com um projeto de centralização e construção de identidade para o reino. A conclusão apontou para a importância de pensarmos os processos de marginalização em sua dinâmica com a centralidade. Observamos movimentações de aproximação e distanciamento, com a construção de margens fluidas que situam grupos numa condição de alteridade relativa. / Study on political practices and Jewish representation during the reign of Afonso X, using literary and normative documentation produced by the royal power. In our analysis, we sought to expound the different forms of Jewish representation and the royal injuctions related to that community. In order to build a framework for our analysis, we used the following concept: representation, as used by Georges Duby and Roger Chartier, marginalization by Bronislaw Geremek, pariah, by Louis Dumont; and relative alterity, by Paul Zumthor. We sought to demonstrate the intrinsic relationship between Jewish marginalization and the royal centralizing project, with the obvious intention to construct an identity for the kingdom’s subject. In our conclusion, we pointed out to the importance for considering marginalization processes in their intrinsic bond to the centrality. In that matter, we observed movements of proximity and detachment, resulting in the construction of a fluctuating margin, in which social groups are situated on a condition of relative alterity to the majority.