During the last decades, culturally racist parties, like the Sweden Democrats (SD) and the Alterna-tive for Germany (AfD), have seen a rapid growth in popularity and are now represented in parliaments in almost all European countries. Although the majority of their voters are considered white, male, and working class, a growing number of people with a migration background started sup-porting parties of said political stream that frame migration as the biggest threat to society. This thesis aims at understanding the alleged contradiction of individuals that are to different degrees racialized as immigrants becoming members in the SD and AfD. Located within discourses of racial neoliberalism, the study examines how national belonging and subject positions are constructed and contested, and how racist migrant respectability serves as a strategy of overcoming a struggle for belonging to the host society.

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This thesis aims to understand Sinophobia in the context of post-racial, anti-racist and color-blind Sweden, specifically concerning news representations of China and racial caricatures of Chinese and other East-Asians through “Gook humor”. Sinophobia is examined through race humor and public engagement with satirical race representations using the controversial case of news satire of China produced by Swedish public television SVT in 2018. A reflexive thematic analysis is conducted to analyze the news satire as transcripts from a YouTube video, and public engagement as relevant YouTube comments in Swedish. The findings of the analysis are situated within a critical race theoretical framework based on the concept of liquid racism, color-blindness, Yellow Peril narratives and critical humor theories. The result shows that the news satire contains liquid race representations of Chinese as ironic yet exaggerated racial caricatures, while portraying China as a powerful yet threatening authoritarian state, alluding to Yellow Peril narratives. Mediated through humor, these representations implicitly promote liquid racism in public engagement, in which racist interpretations could exist in the context of white liberal anti-racism. This paper coins the term liquid Sinophobia to describe how covert racism has adapted to exist in post-racial and color- blind Sweden by primarily negating accusations of racism by Swedish-Chinese minorities. Explicit Sinophobia was also found in the public engagement rooted in cultural racism, nationalism and counter-PC culture. This thesis has major implication for Sinophobia research in Asian critical race studies in Sweden, being the first of its kind to focus on this topic at the nexus of news satire and public engagement. Further research is required to study liquid Sinophobia and anti-Asian racism based on the general and intersectional experiences of Swedish-Asian communities.

No description available.

Diplomatic relations between Sweden and South Korea enabled international adoption. It progressed mostly between the 1960s and the 1980s. Concerning the aim for both countries, Sweden needed clear-cut and positive evidence to demonstrate the following social change: From race biology to multiculturalism. South Korea needed the foreign capital for national development. Adoptees were adopted without any appropriate support and deprivation of self determination, and they had to situate the discrimination and identity problem in Swedish society because of the absence of whiteness. This study is not only unpacking problems of identity for Korean transnational adoptees in Sweden but also deducing meaningful outcomes by looking into their stories through an in-depth interview.

This thesis provides a complex understanding of the phenomenological experience of whiteness as a racial category. Based on theories of critical whiteness studies, intersectionality and (white) phenomenology, I conducted five semi-structured interviews with five white women about their understandings of their whiteness within a context of transnational travel. The interviews have been interpreted using thematic analysis, with the aim to show that whiteness is inherently relational and contextual, always in conjunction with Others and in interplay with the spatial context, while at the same time intrinsically related to other intersectional parts of the self. By making use of autoethnography as a methodology, my situated knowledge as a researcher was integrated within the entire thesis. The study has shown that whiteness never stands alone but is inherently relational, not only with racialized Others, but also with other intersections such as womanhood, which complexifies the experience and understanding of it. Moreover, whiteness is perceived as the most normalized standard from which everything different and other is measured by, while it serves as an invisible social category that can move through the world unnoticed. Consequently, the normality of whiteness creates a feeling of reassurance and comfort and thus keeps it in its place as the most normalized social category from which the world unfolds.

People who are racialized in Sweden as ‘Asian’—a panethnic category—come from different countries or ethnic backgrounds and yet, often face similar, gender-specific forms of discrimination which have a significant impact on their whole lives. This thesis centres women who are racialized as 'Asian', focusing on how their racialization affects, and is shaped by, their social, professional and intimate relationships, and their interactions with others—in particular, with white majority Swedes, but also other ethnic minorities. Against a broader context encompassing discourses concerning ‘Asians’ within Swedish media, art and culture, Swedish ‘non-racist’ exceptionalism and gender equality politics, the narratives of nine women are analysed through the lenses of the racializing processes of visuality and coercive mimeticism, and epistemic injustice.

L’objet de cette thèse en science politique est de dégager, à partir de l’histoire politique du Rwanda et de ses influences ou relations extérieures africaines et internationales (notamment avec le Burundi, la RD du Congo, l’Ouganda, l’Allemagne, la Belgique, la France, le Royaume-Uni, les États-Unis, l’ONU, l’UE, l’UA), les causes de l’effondrement de l’État rwandais (lors du génocide de 1994) et les pistes de solutions qui pourraient aider à sa reconstruction et/ou reconstitution. Cela pourrait aussi servir d’exemple à d’autres pays (notamment d’Afrique, d’Asie et d’Amérique latine) qui utilisent l’appartenance ethno-raciale et/ou régionale de la population, la mobilisation des gens sur base de leurs identités réelles ou supposées, la politisation des races ou des différences, la racialisation de la politique, le copinage politique ou tout simplement les ‘’voies négatives’’ de l’ethnopolitique comme fondement intellectuel ou label idéologique du pouvoir. Une réponse durable aux sanglants affrontements et aux crises politiques incessantes qui agitent le Rwanda et le Burundi pourrait être un projet politique autre qu’ethno-racial (basé plutôt sur la paix, la démocratie et le développement humain), la séparation géographique de type "Hutuland" et "Tutsiland" « par des moyens pacifiques et par voie d'accord », (selon les accords d'Helsinki de 1975 de l’OSCE dans le prolongement de la Charte de l’ONU sur le droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes de 1945, art.1 et de 1966, art.1) dans le scénario de l’ancien Ruanda-Urundi, mais avec chacun une seule communauté, et l’intégration régionale à l’instar de l’Union européenne, tout en respectant le droit international. / The purpose of this PhD thesis in political science is to pinpoint, based on the political history of Rwanda and its external influences or relations at african and international level (particularly with Burundi, the DR of Congo, Uganda, Germany, Belgium, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, the UN, the EU and the AU), the causes of the collapse of the Rwandan state (during the 1994 genocide) and the potential solutions that could help to rebuild and/or reform it. This could also serve as an example to other countries (particularly those in Africa, Asia and Latin America), which use the ethno-racial and/or regional affiliation of the population, the mobilization of people based on their real or supposed identities, the politicization of races or differences, racialization of politics, political cronyism or quite simply the “negative ways” of ethnopolitics as an intellectual basis or ideological label of power. A sustainable response to the bloody conflicts and endless political crises afflicting Rwanda and Burundi could be a political project rather than an ethno-racial one (based more on peace, democracy and human development), geographical separation in the style of "Hutuland" and "Tutsiland" “by peaceful means and through agreement” (according to the 1975 Helsinki Accords of the OSCE in the extension of the UN Charter on the right of peoples to self-determination in 1945, Art.1 and 1966, Art.1) in the setting of the former Ruanda-Urundi, but each with a separate community and regional integration in a manner similar to that of the European Union, while respecting international law.

Cette enquête d’ethnologie traite des rapports de pouvoir entre les Aïnous, la société et l’État japonais, et cherche plus particulièrement à décentrer le point de vue de la majorité concernant les Aborigènes et la conquête coloniale, en étudiant les transformations socioculturelles des Aïnous à travers la lente appropriation de l’île par le Japon. Elle privilégie, en étudiant les archives de l’histoire combinées aux données d’une ethnologie de terrain, ce que les Aïnous disent d’eux-mêmes et d’un passé marqué par le traumatisme de leur incorporation au corps national japonais après un long processus d’acculturation les ayant relégués au rang de minorité ethnoculturelle au statut encore précaire. Les historiographies japonaises et occidentales concernant la colonisation de l’ancienne île d’Ezo, se basant essentiellement sur le point de vue des conquérants, occultent par principe celui de ce peuple qu’elles qualifient parfois de disparu, et dont la subordination matérielle forcée avait déjà commencé bien avant, malgré la création d’un réseau de négoce exceptionnel. Nous pensons que ces archives et les données d’un long travail ethnographique peuvent nous aider à mieux comprendre cette communauté et les événements ayant façonné les épisodes de son histoire et de celle du Japon, longues séquences de transformations de leurs organisations socioculturelles et politiques respectives. Depuis l’annexion d’Ezo, et la longue préparation qui la précéda, l’étude de cet ensemble de données nous éclaire sur les modes opératoires des deux temps de la gouvernementalité d’un pouvoir ayant cherché à les manipuler à des fins politiques, après les avoir réifiés. Cet essai d’ethnohistoire, s’inscrivant dans le champ plus spécifique de l’anthropologie de la violence en situation coloniale et postcoloniale (symbolique lorsqu’elle prend les traits ponctuels de la discrimination raciale ou du déni d’existence, ethnique durant la période de la loi de l’indigénat de 1899 et des expérimentations de l’anthropologie physique), cherche à prendre en compte l’historicité de sources bibliographiques et ethnographiques jusque-là peu étudiées tout en se basant sur un long travail de terrain auprès des Aïnous, afin de nuancer la production d’une histoire du pouvoir exclusivement basée sur les discours de l’État, tendant à minimiser le fait aïnou au point de le rendre anecdotique, voire absent de l’histoire du pays. Il nous semble que les Aïnous sont les créateurs et les détenteurs d’une historicité que l’on a longtemps voulu leur nier pour mieux les déposséder. Loin d’être restée passive face à ces bouleversements, la communauté aïnoue se caractériserait plutôt par une valorisation de la combativité et une forte capacité de résistance à travers certaines figures héroïques (chefs de guerre d’antan, artistes, écrivains et militants d’aujourd’hui), malgré les tentatives d’acculturation à répétition auxquelles elle a dû faire face. De plus, la création d’un statut concernant l’indigénat aïnou dans une nation se pensant monoethnique nous semble annoncer une volonté de conceptualiser des structures coloniales, bientôt appliquées et modifiées dans les autres territoires annexés. Enfin, à travers son exploitation académique en tant que sujets de l’anthropologie physique japonaise à ses débuts, elle semble avoir joué un rôle important dans la constitution des nouveaux savoirs du Japon moderne importés de l’Occident. Ces analyses cherchent à apporter un éclairage nouveau sur leur pensée et ces stratégies en phase avec leur temps et d’une grande contemporanéité que les Aïnous sont parvenus à élaborer malgré un contexte défavorable, pour répondre et réagir aux transformations socioculturelles qui les ont traversés jusqu’à ce jour. / This research of ethnology studies the relationships of power between the Ainu, Japanese society and the Japanese State, and more specifically tries to shift the point of view of the majority concerning Aborigines and colonial conquest by studying the sociocultural transformations of the Ainu across the slow acquisition of Ezo by Japan. By studying historical archives combined with the data of ethnological fieldwork, it focuses on what the Ainu say about themselves and a past marked by the trauma of their incorporation into the Japanese national body after a long process of acculturation, which has relegated them to a precarious rank as an ethno-cultural minority. Both Japanese and Western historiographies concerning the colonization of the former island of Ezo, rely heavily on the conquerors’ perspective. These unilateral views obscure the existence of the Ainu’s own historiography, mostly silenced because of their forced material subordination. This allowed the colonial power to describe them as a vanished primitive people despite the fact that they created an exceptional international trading network in the past and possess a long history of resistance to domination. These archives and data from extended ethnographic fieldwork can help us to better understand this community and the events that shaped its history and that of Japan, and the long sequences of transformations of their respective socio-cultural and political organizations. Considering both the annexation of Ezo, as well as the long preparation that preceded it, the study of this set of data sheds light on the patterns of the colonial and postcolonial power’s governmentality, and efforts to manipulate the Ainu for political purposes, after having dehumanized and objectified them. This ethno-historical essay, in accordance with the more specific field of anthropology of violence in colonial and postcolonial contexts (violence can be symbolic when it takes on the occasional traits of racial discrimination and denial of existence, or ethnic, such as during the period of physical anthropology experiments or the long period following the Former Aborigines Act in 1899), seeks to take into account the historicity of previously little studied bibliographic and ethnographic sources. It also relies on long-term fieldwork with the Ainu. The result is a reinterpretation of the production of a history of power based exclusively on the State’s views and thoughts that aimed to minimize the Ainu’s existence to the point of relegating it to mere anecdote or possibly even rendering it invisible in the country’s history. Besides this critical situation, it appears that the Ainu are the creators and the holders of a historicity that has been denied for too long in order to better dispossess them. The Ainu, through academic exploitation as subjects of physical anthropology, appear to have been used in order to assess the practical application of Western colonial ideals and to support the modernization and creation of a Japanese colonial empire. Struggling desperately to free themselves from the shackles of the Former Aborigines Act of 1899 and from socio-cultural and academic violence by reversing stereotypes of ethnicity, the Ainu have patiently managed to integrate into the international network of indigenous activism, developing a vast cultural reinvention program focused on the main principles of autochthony. These analyses seek to shed new light on the Ainu’s way of thinking, the contemporary strategies to obtain the concrete application of their indigenous rights which they have managed to develop despite an unfavorable context, and to respond and react to the socio-cultural transformations they have been facing up to the present. / 本民族学調査は、アイヌと日本の国家並び社会とのあいだに生じる権力関係を対象とし、日本による漸進的なアイヌモシリ（北海道）占有の過程における、アイヌの社会文化的変容の考察を通じて、先住民と植民地主義的征服に関する多数派の観点を相対化することが目指される。本調査では、歴史資料に加え、現地での民族学調査に基づくデータを扱うが、それは、アイヌが自身とその過去について行う証言を重視するためである。アイヌによって語られる過去は、長きにわたる異文化受容の過程の後に、日本の国体に吸収され、文化民族的少数者という不安定な地位に追いやられたことに起因する外傷の痕跡を色濃く残している。一方、蝦夷ヶ島の植民に関する日本と西洋の史書は、基本的に征服者の視点に基づいており、それによれば、アイヌは並外れた交易のネットワークを築いていたにも関わらず、その強制的な物質的従属ははるか以前に遡るとみなされたり、また時にアイヌは既に消滅したものとみなされたりもする。つまりこれらの史書では、アイヌ自身の視点は端から隠蔽されているのである。従って、アイヌの共同体について、また、アイヌの歴史と日本の歴史における挿話を生み出してきた諸事件について、さらには、アイヌと日本双方の社会文化的・政治的な組織の変容の論理的筋道についてよりよく理解するためには、歴史資料のみならず、長年に渡る民族誌学的調査のデータを検討することが必要となるであろう。そして、こうしたデータの総体を検討することにより、蝦夷地の併合以降、並びに、それに先行する長い準備期間という、統治性に関わる二つの期間において、まずはアイヌを物化し、次いで政治的な目的で利用するための権力が、どのように形成されたのかが明らかとなるであろう。より厳密にいうのであれば、本民族誌学的試論は、コロニアル、ポストコロニアル的な状況下における暴力についての人類学という特殊領域に属し（その暴力は、人種差別や存在の否認といった限定的表現をとるときには象徴的なものとなり、形質人類学的実験や先住民に関する法律が施行されていた時期には民族的なものとなる）、アイヌのもとでの長年のフィールドワークに基礎をおきながら、これまであまり研究されてこなかった文献や民族誌学的情報の歴史性を重視し、そうすることで、アイヌの偉業を瑣末事とみなし、時に国史から抹消するまでに過小評価してきた、国家の言説に基づく権力の歴史の産物を相対化することを目指している。強権的な歴史観においては、アイヌからの収奪を促進するため、アイヌの歴史性は否定されてきたが、実際にはアイヌは、歴史性の創造者でありまたその保持者であるというのが本調査での見解である。自らを襲う幾多の変動に対し、アイヌは決して受動的であったわけではない。アイヌの共同体はむしろ、度重なる異文化受容の試練に対して発揮された、闘争性と強靭な抵抗力とによって特徴付けられるのであり、それは、数々の英雄的人物（往年の戦争指導者、芸術家、作家そして今日の活動家）の行動が示すとおりである。また、単一民族を自称する国家の内部で、アイヌに対する行政法的な地位（「北海道旧土人」）が設けられたという事実からは、この後、他の併合地域にも適応され、修正されていくこととなる、植民地支配のための機構を理論化しようとする国家の意志を読み取ることが可能である。さらにアイヌは、西洋から輸入された現代日本の新たな学識の形成のために重要な役割を果たしたと考えられるが、それは、黎明期にあった日本の形質人類学の研究対象として、学術的に利用されることによってなのである。これらの法的な拘束や、社会文化的・学究的な暴力の束縛からの解放を求めて激しく抵抗するなかで、アイヌは、自然と融合した未開人といった固定観念の価値を自らに有利なように逆転すると共に、粘り強い活動の結果、積極行動主義をとる先住民たちの国際的なネットワークに連なることにも成功し、先住民性に関する諸原則に則りながら、文化を再発明するためのプログラムを練り上げている。2008年の国会決議によって、日本の先住民として認定された後も、アイヌはナショナリズムや内向的姿勢に陥ることなく、他の多くの先住民たちに倣いながら、人新世（anthropocène）という危機的な時代の最中、利潤追求の結果抑制が効かなくなったまま、地球規模で推し進められる経済的発展に脅かされた環境の守護者として、その地位を確立している。本調査における分析により、自身が置かれた不利な状況にも関わらず、今日も依然として強い影響を残す社会文化的な変容に対応し、対処していくため、これまでアイヌが練り上げてきた、今日の状況にも適う、極めて現代的な性格を有する彼らの思考とその戦略について、新たな理解がもたらされるであろう。

This thesis examines the beginning of Victoria, British Columbia’s, women’s movement, stretching its ‘start’ date to the late 1850s while arguing that, to some extent, the local movement criss-crossed racial, ethnic, religious, and gender boundaries. It also highlights how the people involved with the women’s movement in Victoria challenged traditional beliefs, like separate sphere ideology, about women’s position in society and contributed to the introduction of new more egalitarian views of women in a process that continues to the present day. Chapter One challenges current understandings of First Wave Feminism, stretching its limitations regarding time and persons involved with social reform and women’s rights goals, while showing that the issue of ‘suffrage’ alone did not make a ‘women’s movement’. Chapter 2 focuses on how the local ‘women’s movement’ coalesced and expanded in the late 1890s to embrace various social reform causes and demands for women’s rights and recognition, it reflected a unique spirit that emanated from Victorian traditionalism, skewed gender ratios, and a frontier mentality. Chapter 3 argues that an examination of Victoria’s movement, like any other ‘women’s movement’, must take into consideration the ethnic and racialized ‘other’, in this thesis the Indigenous, African Canadian, and Chinese. The Conclusion discusses areas for future research, deeper research questions, and raises the question about whether the women’s movement in Victoria was successful. / Graduate / 0334 / 0733 / 0631 / mlihmels@shaw.ca