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Denna uppsats undersöker levnadssituationerna för kvinnor i änkestånd i städerna Vrindavan och Tiruchirappalli, Indien. Till Vrindavan vallfärdar kvinnor i änkestånd från hela landet och staden beskrivs som en ”änkornas stad”. Tiruchirappalli är hem åt många bönder med familjer och därigenom kvinnliga bönder i änkestånd vilka marginaliseras. Syftet är att problematisera och belysa det utanförskap och de svårigheter många av kvinnorna hamnar i och möter på grund av sitt änkestånd, i relation till CEDAW. Detta utifrån tre forskningsfrågor vilka undersöker hur kvinnornas levnadssituationer ser ut i relation till Iris Marion Youngs teori om förtryck, på vilket sätt kvinnornas levnadsförhållanden blir en del av deras identitet då de ofrivilligt placeras i den sociala gruppen ”änkorna”, samt vad detta har för implikationer på deras rättigheter. Youngs teori om förtryck samt Chandra Talpade Mohantys kritik kring makt och porträttering används för att svara på frågorna. Uppsatsen bygger på insamlad empiri och 14 intervjuer som förvärvats genom deltagande observation och en semi-strukturell intervjumetod. Insamling av empiri skedde genom två oberoende fältarbeten under 2018 och 2019 på två ideella organisationer i Vrindavan och Tiruchirappalli, vilka arbetar för att stärka kvinnornas roll i samhället. Resultatet konstaterar att kvinnor i änkestånd kan sägas förtryckas utifrån Youngs fem förtryckskriterier på grund av den sociala grupp de placeras i, vilket kränker deras rättigheter som kvinnor och människor. Slutsatsen kan även dras att relaterad stigmatisering håller på att försvinna vilket kan bero på förändrade samhällsnormer. / This thesis aims to gain further understanding of the living conditions for widows in the cities of Vrindavan and Tiruchirappalli in India. Widows from all over India travel to Vrindavan, known as ”the city of widows”, when they have nowhere else to go, and Tiruchirappalli is home to a high number of farmer widows whom are being marginalized. This thesis seeks to problematize and shed light upon the alienation and difficulties these women face as a result of their widowhood, in relation to CEDAW. Based on three research questions it examines how the women’s living conditions could be understood in relation to Iris Marion Young’s theory about oppression; in which ways their living conditions become part of their identity because of their involuntary placement in the social group ”the widows”; and which implications this have on their rights. Young’s theory and Chandra Talpade Mohanty’s criticism regarding power and portrayal are being used to answer these questions. Information was provided through two independent fieldwork experiences conducted 2018 and 2019 at two NGO:s in said cities, both aiming to empower widows. The information consists of 14 interviews provided by participant-observation and a semi-structured interview method. The result shows that widows are being oppressed based on Young’s five criterions of oppression because of their involuntary placement in the social group ”the widows”, which in turn violates their rights as women and humans. However, the conclusion also states that related stigmatization continues to decrease, which could be a result of changing norms.

Cette thèse étudie dans une perspective comparée les modalités du travail de représentation en matière d’impôt sur la fortune, au Bundestag et à l’Assemblée nationale. S’appuyant sur des approches empiriques complémentaires (entretiens semi-directs, observation non-participante, bases de données prosopographiques, travail d’archive codé), cette enquête entend expliquer la variété des pratiques constatées. La recherche montre que les débats en matière d’impôt sur la fortune se caractérisent par la place centrale prise par les mondes de l’entreprise, faisant émerger le constat d’une forme d’inégalité d’accès à la parole parlementaire pour les groupes sociaux cités au sein des deux Assemblées. L’enquête souligne également que les députés développent des pratiques différenciées entre groupes en utilisant plusieurs registres de représentation visant à justifier et légitimer les différents modes d’investissement observables dans les deux pays. Face à ce constat, cette étude entend proposer un examen des causes des phénomènes observés. Plus d’une trentaine de facteurs explicatifs sont ainsi pris en compte, à des niveaux micro, méso et macrosociologiques (histoire politique, dispositions individuelles, processus de socialisation politique, économique et professionnelle, influence des entourages, effets de positions et de contextes, etc.). La thèse montre alors que les pratiques de représentation sont le résultat de l’articulation d’un système de facteurs qui interdisent de penser ces pratiques de façon réifiée. En cherchant à comprendre la complexité et l’intrication de nombreux éléments intervenant dans les prises de position des élus, la thèse cherche à démêler les fils explicatifs de l’écheveau des pratiques de représentation. / This thesis aims at analysing the methods of representing during wealth tax debates in the French Assemblée nationale and in the German Bundestag. Based on empirical researches (semi-direct interviews, non-participating observations, prosopographic data, coded archival work), this research aspires to explain the variety of identified practices. The research shows on one hand that debates around wealth tax are characterized by the central position of concerns and businesses, highlighting the following acknowledgment: the inequity in accessing speaking time for social groups mentioned in both Parliaments. The thesis also underlines that members of parliament develop differentiated practices between groups by using multiple register of representation, which aim at justifying and legitimating all the different ways of commitment observed in both countries.Facing this observation, the thesis strive to provide a review of the causes of the observed phenomena. More than thirty explanatory factors are taken into consideration on micro, meso and macro sociological levels (political history, individual provisions, political/economical/professional socialisation processes, influence of close circle, effects of positions and environment). The thesis therefore demonstrates that the practices of representation are the result of a very high number of diversifying factors, which prevent from thinking those practices on a reified way. While trying to understand the complexity of new elements intervening in elected representatives’ position statements, the thesis aspires to untangle the explanatory threads of political representation. / Diese Doktorarbeit vergleicht die Modalitäten der politischen Repräsentation in Bezug auf die Vermögensteuer im Bundestag und in der Assemblée nationale. Die Recherche will Erklärungen geben für die Vielfalt der hierbei beobachteten Praktiken. Dafür stützt sie sich auf komplementäre empirische Materialien (Gespräche, Beobachtungen, prosoprographische Daten, codierte Archivarbeit). Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt, dass die Debatten um die Vermögensteuer durch die zentrale Stellung der Unternehmen geprägt sind. Es existiert eine Form von ungleichem Zugang zur parlamentarischen Rede für die sozialen Gruppen innerhalb der beiden Versammlungen. Oft werden bestimmte soziale Gruppen einfach ignoriert. Die Studie verweist auch darauf, dass die Abgeordneten Praktiken von differenzierter Repräsentation zwischen Gruppen entwickeln, indem sie mehrere Register der Repräsentation benutzen, die darauf aus sind, verschiedene Modi der Investitionen zu rechtfertigen und zu legitimieren- in beiden Ländern. Vor diesem Hintergrund bietet diese Arbeit eine Analyse der Gründe der beobachteten Phänomene an. Dazu werden mehr als dreißig explikative Faktoren unter micro-, meso- und makrosoziologischen Gesichtspunkten untersucht (politische Geschichte, individuelle Dispositionen, Prozesse politischer, ökonomischer und professioneller Sozialisierung, Einflüsse des Umfelds, Einflüsse von institutionellen Positionen und Kontexten usw.). Diese Doktorarbeit will nachweisen, dass die Praktiken der Repräsentation das Ergebnis eines sehr hohen Anteils verschiedener Faktoren sind, die es untersagen diese Praktiken gedanklich zu verfestigen. Indem wir versuchen, die Komplexität und die Verstrickung der zahlreichen Elemente zu verstehen, die in den Stellungnahmen der Abgeordneten zum Ausdruck kommen, will diese Doktorarbeit die erklärenden Fäden des Knäuels der Repräsentationspraktiken entwirren.

En 1837, le château de Versailles est « converti » en un vaste musée visant à « réunir tous lessouvenirs historiques nationaux qu’il appartient aux arts de perpétuer ». Durant près d’unsiècle, cette histoire muséale de la France est reconduite, remaniée et actualisée jusqu’auprésent du Second Empire puis de la Troisième République. Notre thèse tente de comprendre,à partir d’un matériau archivistique dense, la contribution du musée à l’élaboration tout autantqu’à la diffusion d’un imaginaire national et civique.L’analyse iconographique de près de 1300 peintures, réinscrites dans leur cadre palatial,permet d’approcher les mises en forme picturales et matérielles du politique, ses variations etses invariants. Dès lors, l’enjeu est d’appréhender comment ces visions historicisées d’unÉtat-nation ont pu tenir et être appropriées. Leurs succès ne relèvent pas seulement d’uneaction politique et administrative mais s’arriment à l’agencement réciproque de différentessphères sociales et strates d’appartenance. Cette histoire nationale se forme en retraduisant lesunivers les plus familiers des acteurs, en empruntant à la mémoire domestique des « grandsnotables », aux normes et aux enjeux de groupements professionnels (peintres, historiens,militaires) ou encore en solennisant les pratiques routinières d’un « public mêlé ». L’histoirede France s’objective dans cette interpénétration des identités et des loyautés, dans cesconsolidations croisées de secteurs sociaux, dans ces dynamiques de politisation du social etde socialisation du politique. Saisir la formation, le contenu et la diffusion de cet imaginairenational équivaut alors à scruter des systèmes de relation entre groupements sociaux, desarticulations variables entre le quotidien et le national, entre l’art et l’histoire, entre le social etle politique. / In 1837, the Palace of Versailles was « converted » into a vast museum aiming to « gather allthe national historical memories that it belongs to the arts to perpetuate ». For about a century,the Second Empire, followed by the Third Republic, maintained, reshuffled and expanded themuseum, to include representations of contemporaneous events. This thesis aims tounderstand, based on a dense network of archival materials, the museum’s contribution to theelaboration and diffusion of a national and civic imagination.The iconographic analysis of nearly 1,300 paintings within the context of their palatialframework allows us to explore the pictorial and material representations of the political, theirsimilarities and differences. The issue, therefore, is to apprehend the manner in which thesehistoricized visions of the nation-Statecould hold and become internalized. Their success isnot only the result of political and administrative action, but also finds its source in the mutualreinforcement of different social spheres and loyalties. This national history takes shape byreproducing the actors’ most familiar environments, by borrowing from the domestic memoryof the “great notables” and from the norms and issues of professional groups (painters,historians, the military), or by solemnizing the popular habits. The history of France becomesobjective through this interpenetration of identities, through this mutual reinforcement ofsocial sectors, in these processes of politicization of the social and socialization of thepolitical. To understand the formation, content and diffusion of this national imaginationamounts to scrutinizing the systems of relationships between social groups, the evolvinginterrelations between everyday life and the national, between art and history, and betweenthe social and the political.

The work deals with the comparison of classes that have taken part in an adaptation course to those that have not. The theoretical part describes a class as a small social group and refers to its structure. It also deals with group dynamics and explains developmental stages of a small social group. Further, the theoretical part of the thesis focuses on class climate, environment and atmosphere. It describes the adaptation course and defines its aims as well. The practical part of the thesis contains a description and an analysis of questionnaires that were assigned to the first year classes of the four-year grammar schools in the early days of the school year 2011/2012 and in the beginning of November the same year. Based on the analysis of questionnaires, this part also deals with identifying differences among these classes. It points out that the differences among these classes are small but, nevertheless, the adaptation courses are of benefit to the whole class.

This paper examines how the eight parties in the Swedish parliament pit different social groups against each other, in the 2015 Almedalstal compared to the 2016 Almedalstal, when using the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde’s definition of populism. The speeches are analysed using a qualitative content analysis. The results show that several parties are more populist in the 2016 speech than the 2015 speech and that the parties have shifted focus from solutions to blaming as well as elevating their own core electorate and their primary areas of confidence with the electorate. The analysis shows that some parties have tendencies to use some populist discourse. The paper identifies that the Swedish Democrats continues to use a populist discourse while the Left party has become more populist in their discourse in the 2016 speech. The Christian Democrats and the two major political parties, the Moderate party and the Social Democrats, tend to accentuate more of a populist discourse in the 2016 speeches but not to the extent to say that they use a populist discourse as defined by Mudde.

La question de la cristallisation des classes sociales objectives (en soi) en classes sociales subjectives (pour soi) est au cœur de cette étude. Plus précisément, l’objectif est de mettre en évidence les médiations spatiales d’un tel processus de cristallisation. En effet, les individus qui constituent les classes sociales vivent dans des territoires spécifiques chargés d’héritages, et la prise en contexte de ces contextes permet d’éclairer les comportements politiques des groupes sociaux. <p><p>Ces questions seront abordés à différentes échelles dans les contextes de la Belgique et de l'Europe occidentale en utilisant des sources diverses, en particulier les scores électoraux et les enquêtes individuelles.<p><p>La prise en compte des contextes locaux ou régionaux et l'élargissement du champ des études électorales aux attitudes politiques ont permis de mettre en évidence l'importance encore décisive des classes sociales dans l'explication des comportements politiques. / Doctorat en Sciences / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

El marco político español de la década de 1960 hubo de adaptarse a los nuevos valores y actitudes sociales que cambiaban más allá del contexto jurídico. La Ley de Asociaciones de 1964 creó un espacio legal, con las restricciones propias del franquismo, para una extraordinaria proliferación de viejas y nuevas formas de asociación. Una voluntad asociativa que generó espacios de sociabilidad, contribuyendo al mismo tiempo a la reconstrucción de la sociedad civil, sirviendo de base legal para la gestión de unos nuevos movimientos sociales que participaron en el proceso político de transición a la democracia en España.El estudio de las asociaciones civiles a lo largo del periodo comprendido entre 1964-1986, permite observar además la evolución de la sociedad española entre el franquismo y la consolidación democrática, con toda la serie de cambios que se producen en un país que en poco tiempo alcanzará las pautas globales del mundo occidental. / The political Spanish framework of the decade of 1960 had to adapt to the new values and social attitudes that were changing faster than the juridical context. The law of associations of 1964 created a legal space, with the own restrictions of the Franco's regime, for an extraordinary proliferation of old and new forms of association. An associative will that generated spaces of sociability, contributing at the same time to the reconstruction of the civil society, using as legal base for the management of new social movements that took part in the political process of the Spanish transition to democracy. The study of the civil associations along the period among 1964-1986 shows in addition the evolution of the Spanish society between the Franco's regime and the democratic consolidation, with the whole series of changes that are produced in a country that in a little time will reach the global guidelines of the Western World.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This study utilizes an ideological rhetorical analysis, applying Marxist and Feminist lenses, to artifacts from Kiwanis International, a prominent global service organization. These artifacts are: "The Permanent Objects of Kiwanis," guiding principles that were codified in 1924; "The Man Who Was God": a brief story about transforming from Kiwanis member to "Kiwanian," published in 1935 and 1985, respectively; and the 2012 "Join the Club" Membership Brochure. The rhetoric of discursive materials is one of the most salient representations of group ideology. In turn, ideology, particularly when it reflects and perpetuates social hegemony, has a normalizing effect on itself. Ideology shapes identity; identity shapes strategies to set process norms that create social cohesion. Norms of social cohesion become culture; culture reinforces ideology. When these components mirror social hegemony and replicate hegemonic power, they create institutions, like service organizations; these institutions then legitimate and normalize positions of social privilege. Ultimately, ideology and social hegemony reveal themselves through organizational and member practices and organizationally-produced discursive material. The purpose of this study is to analyze the historical, socio-political, and socio-cultural roots of Kiwanis International in order to draw logical conclusions about the organization's ideology for the purposes of understanding how that ideology contributes to, justifies, and perpetuates an unconscious, neo-colonial view of philanthropy. Kiwanis International, on an organizational (macro) level and at the club/member (micro) level, is structured around positions of racial, ethnic, socio-economic, linguistic, gender, and religious privilege, and so mimics the hegemonic power centers and dominant ideologies of society at large. In turn, the products and practices of the organization reflect these positions of privilege and inhibits the organization's ability to attract traditionally excluded, disenfranchised, or under-represented groups. Understanding that it is a contentious and futile to simply point where power relations exist and assert themselves, this study emphasizes where "othering" occurs in hopes of mitigating relations of domination and oppression between Kiwanis members and perspective members, and of moving forward the interests of those who have not traditionally been counted among Kiwanis' members but whose presence could save the organization.