「公共領域」是個有待詮釋的概念，任何關於公共領域的理論必然預設了某些存在於公╱私之間的區別，但是並沒有一個簡單的邏輯可以用來處理「公」與「私」這一組相對的概念。本文的主旨在於探討哈伯瑪斯理論架構下，公共領域所面臨的問題以及可能的解決之道。 根據哈伯瑪斯的分析「公共性原則」在由自由主義民主轉向福利國家的過程中，受到包括市場經濟、媒體、文化消費、利益團體、廣告宣傳等因素的影響而造成的破壞，造成公共領域功能衰退、公共性式微的各種問題。為了重建公共性，使公共領域能恢復不受扭曲的溝通功能，哈伯瑪斯轉向對溝通行動理論的建構工作。在第三章中，本文以漢娜•鄂蘭對公共空間的闡釋來和哈伯瑪斯做比較。藉由哈伯瑪斯在「權力」和「真理」的概念上對鄂蘭的肯定與批判，帶出哈伯瑪斯在溝通理論上的建構工作。 哈伯瑪斯的溝通理論應用在民主政治理論上，成為所謂的審議式政治。其特色在於：（1）重視理想的程序性設計。其成功不在於一個有集體行動能力的全體公民，而取決於相應的溝通程序和程序的制度化，以及程序與非正式的公共輿論之間的共同作用。（2）雙軌的審議式政治概念，其中一方面指的制度化的民主程序，通常指的是議會的運作；另一種則是不受制度規範的非正式意見形成過程，也就是一般意義下的公共領域。其中公共領域扮演的是發現問題、確認問題的有限角色，並不能取代政治系統進行治理和決策。 雙軌的審議式政治提醒我們公共領域角色的有限性，以及公共領域和政府職能不可置換的特點。政治統治機制有其不可懈怠的責任和義務，而公共領域中的溝通互動也不必以得出「共識」為導向，因為它並不需要承擔任何決策的成敗，而主要是一種鄂蘭所說的展現功能。

基於有線電視系統多頻道資源及其準公用事業之責任，有線廣播電視法規定有線電視系統業者需提供公用頻道，以落實媒介接近使用權，其積極目的在保障言論自由，保障民眾擁有表達意見之管道，促進社會多元發展。理論上，公用頻道作為公共論域之角色甚明，實務上，期待有線電視公用頻道能結合有線電視區域性特色，對保存區域內的文化以及對區域內民眾的教育，能展現區域性媒體功能，對社區發展有所貢獻。爰此，有線電視公用頻道的節目內涵及對該頻道節目內容的檢核指標，自與媒體公共論域理論及媒介多元化理念關係甚巨。 本文從公用頻道的理念出發，探討媒體公共論域理論以及多文化主義論說，作為公用頻道結構面的探討，並結合區域性媒體於實務面所應具備的功能，提出對公用頻道節目內涵的建議，復以媒介多元化指標作為評鑑公用頻道內容表現之依據。 最後舉台北市公共頻道為例，探討其營運情形與節目表現，作為理論與實務的對照。台北市公共頻道因已具備相對完整的監督機制，經費來源，頻道播出流程等，故以此為例，統計分析該頻道在開播第二年起一年半間所有之申請單位及節目內容，以來源面向、內容面向、議題面向三項指標檢核台北市公共頻道多元化的表現，完整呈現台北市公共頻道節目內容現況，最後回歸公共論域理論與多文化主義論說，提出對我國公用頻道經營之建議。 / Based on the responsibility of semi-utility and the resource of multi-channel in cable operator, Cable Radio and Television Law regularizes the cable operator is obliged to provide the public access channel in order to carry out the right which accessing the media. The positive purpose is to protect the freedom of speech, to protect the channel which people can express their opinions, to facilitate the various developments in the society. Theoretically, it is very obvious that the public access channel is done as the role of the public sphere ; practically, it is expected that it can be combined the features of the cable operator, to preserve community cultures and educate community citizens as well as to develop the function of the community media. Therefore, the contents of the public access channel concern the theory of the public sphere and the belief of multiculturalism very closely. This essay starts from studying the theory of the public sphere and multiculturalism . Meanwhile, it combines the functions of community media in practice . Finally, taking the public access channel in Taipei city as the example, to study the operating and the performance of programs as the contrast between the theory and practice. Finally, citing the theory of the public sphere and multiculturalism again in order to submit the suggestions of operating for the public access channel in Taiwan.

本論文旨在探索民意的公共性與公眾意涵，亦即從公共／眾的角度探討民意的概念。此外，本文也將進一步地剖析媒體再現民意公共／眾的問題，並實際檢驗報紙民調報導與電視談話性節目再現民意及其公共性的真正意涵。 為了有效瞭解媒體再現民意的問題，本論文建構了觀察民意公共性的指標，並以此作為觀察分析報紙民調報導與電視談話性節目的依據。在報紙民調報導方面，本文採用了論述分析的方式檢驗報紙民調新聞再現民意的表現，並以聯合報：中國時報與自由時報三大報為分析對象。電視談話性節目方面則以個案研究的方式進行，並選擇TVBS「2100全民開講」為研究對象。至於研究時間則區分為選舉期間與非選舉期間。 本研究發現，不論是報紙民調新聞或是電視談話性節目，其所再現的民意公眾皆具有虛構／想像公眾、集體公眾、斷裂公眾的意涵。但民調報導則以統計數字建構了型式理性的公眾內涵，並以隱喻的論述方式轉喻了搖擺公眾成為民意公眾；談話性節目則利用公眾聲音建構了談話公眾的特色，而節目的內容型態也展現了非理性的情緒公眾意涵。民意公共場域方面，以上兩種媒體所呈現的公共領域皆具有政治領域的型態（民調報導議題與談話節目討論議題大部份皆以政治議題為主），而民意的批判公開性也轉變為媒體操縱公開性的意涵，甚至於談話性節目已成為代議政治政黨運作的公共場域，再次賦予了傳統代表公開性的重生機會。至於民意的批判與溝通意涵，報紙民調的固定量化報導型式並無法展現民意理性溝通與批判的精神；而談話性節目的談話論述充滿了二元對立、衝突以及戲劇化的效果，不但無法反映理性批判的本質，也使得溝通論證失去了民主論證的意涵。因此，本文認為現代民意經由媒體再現後，民意的公共/眾精神不再，只成為一種對實在主義的宣稱以及符號建構民意的概念。 關鍵詞：公共、公眾、民意、民意公共性、媒體再現、公開性、論證民主。

公共投資是政府施政的表現，以提升國民生活品質；民主國家的政黨在選舉前多以公共投資作為政見訴求重點，而執政後的政黨，更是利用掌握國家資源分配權力之便，積極進行各項公共投資，以突顯政績。這是為何在過去四十年裡，自由世界許多國家藉凱因斯的「擴張總需求」主張，大肆以赤字支用方式擴大政府規模，恣意揮霍國家資源從事各項硬體軟體公共投資。但是造成的後果是國家財政赤字龐大，陷入以債養債的困境。近年來，時代潮流猛然反轉，多數國家都自「大政府」的迷夢中省悟，努力抑制財政赤字的進一步擴大，採取緊縮性政策逐步削減長年累積的龐大公共債務之際，我國恰好在此時放棄了保守穩健的作風，於民國七十九年推出涵蓋七七五項計畫項目，金額高達八．二兆元的六年國建計畫。計畫推出初期，引起了排山倒海的質疑，以如此龐大的公共支出驟然在短短六年期間投入，是否超出政府財政負擔能力範圍﹖對總體經濟以及產業､就業結構之衝擊是否太大﹖公共投資的財源問題，關係了計畫的成敗，行政官署在規劃公共投資計畫時，是否對「成本效益」作了澈底的考量，並且以其為計畫推動與否的評估指標﹖如果決定推動一項需要龐大資金的計畫時，財源在那裡﹖由現有稅收支應，或以「受益者付費」原則開闢新的財源，以免增加國庫負擔。如果公共投資計畫牽涉了不同的各級政府，經費要如何分擔﹖這些都是在計畫付諸執行前必須先予確定的。我國公共政策的規劃一向有不夠嚴謹的缺失，致使執行時遭致諸多障礙，是政府施政上的弱點。六年國建計畫在整體財源籌措方面，受到了最多議論。探討六年國建中個案計畫的財源籌措過程，可以提供政府未來在規劃公共投資計畫時 ，一個檢討的方向。

台灣在解嚴以前，是個威權體制的國家，政府的統治透過龐大而嚴密的黨國機器，滲透並支配了大部分的公私領域，一般民眾鮮少有參與的機會，政策過程對於民眾而言，是個真正的大黑箱。在這種威權統治下的社會特性，就是去政治化和公民資格的無能化，，各種意見能夠相互交流詰辯的「公共領域」sphere）無由產生，民眾的「公民意識」無法形成，「公民 社會」的理想更只是個空中樓閣。解嚴之後，民主、自由的呼聲高漲，舊有的體制與規範土崩瓦解，新的價值和規範卻未能及時建立，導致社會處於一種混亂失序的狀態。國家與社會、政府與人民之間，仍舊是一種非對話的關係，政策制定仍崇尚科學技術的專業應用，獨尊專家的意見，所制定的公共政策重生產不重分配，且以犧牲部分階層利益來達成經濟成長 和升級的目標，致使追求效率與效能、經濟與管理的風潮，淹沒了昔日屬於人們社會生活與公共領域中較為崇高的道德理想和價值信念。在此同時，政策問題的本質也隨著科技與經濟的發展而產生變化：一方面由於各種科學技術的使用逐漸產生後遺症，，另一方面由於生活環境與生活品質的惡劣，使得不同類型的政策之間相互糾葛纏結，多元的利益互相競逐，這些型態的政策問題也因此在「公正」和「能力」兩個問題上，質疑了既存決策制度與決策程序的功能。而Habermas的公共領域和溝通理性的概念正好提供我們一個省思與解決的方向。本論文旨在探討公共領域在政策制定與執行過程中的角色和重要性，並運用Habermas的公共領域概念及其溝通行動理論，尤其是他對公共領域的結構變遷與生活世界的內在殖民化的分析，來澄清及探討形成前述政策困境的原因及癥結所在。其次透過溝通理性的彰顯，使公共性與公共利益得以具體呈現，確立公共哲學為公共領域中的核心哲學，及其在公共行政理論及實務中的重要性。進而以公共哲學為根基，探討重建公共領域之道，藉以形塑健全的公民社會，建構良性互動的國家與社會關係。

公民參與是民主化程度的重要指標。對於公共建設而言，因為公共建設要解決的問題涵蓋面較廣，從概念構想經過可行性研究、規劃、設計、施工、使用、營運的期程較長，總經費也高。公共建設牽涉的利害關係人層面較廣，以往民眾參與困難，近年來民眾要求更深入的參與，除了環保、生態的顧慮之外，對於建設要解決的問題、建設目標、建設方式、建設內容、替代方案的選擇都要求參與。深度化參與之後，政府機關推動公共建設的難度也提高，對於公共建設的決策模式也需要考量增加公民參與的程度。 新公共服務的主要核心概念是將「人」作為公共政策的核心，重視公民的參與過程勝於行政本身重視的績效。強調與民眾分享權力，共同解決問題之外，公務人員更需要著重治理過程負責參與的角色，在民主、社區、公共利益系統中建構公民參與及責任共承的架構。公共建設所追求的公共利益是經過公民不斷地對話、價值分享而形成。公民的對話內容因涉及公共建設的專業性、不確定性與複雜程度，因而對於公共建設計畫執行交易頻率的高低產生不同的效果。 本研究發現：公民參與公共建設適合前階段為完全參與；後階段為形式參與。前階段是指公共建設生命週期的企劃調查階段、規劃階段和使用管理階段，以建設功能探討、自然現象科學調查、住民經驗蒐集、公民偏好討論為主；後階段是指公共建設生命週期的設計階段、工程採購階段和施工竣工階段，以專業技術團隊的技術工作為主，透過細部設計圖、工程規範、施工標準的表現，移轉給施工廠商以誠實、成熟的工藝技術達成公民所託付的公共建設完成。辦理公共建設的公務人員具有新公共服務的核心概念—服務公民而不是顧客，願意與民眾分享權力，後現代公共行政需要公民參與來啟動解決問題的過程。公民參與對於公共建設的執行效率初步是降低的，但是整體效率可能是提昇。沒有公民支持的公共建設是無法執行。公共建設的專業技術團隊要增進公民參與首先要以公民為公共建設的主人，接著要設法以模型、3D影像等新方式，讓民眾易於明瞭公共建設的內容，來增進公民參與程度。專業技術團隊要忠實的幫利害關係人推估出各個替選方案的優勢和缺點，提供民眾充分討論了解以利明智選擇。 / Citizen participation is one of the most important indexs about degree of democratic development.For the complexity of public construction, from the original concept, feasibility study, planning, design, implementation to the operation, it takes time and cost a lot. Citizen participation in public construction is not a easy way to involve in many issues such as environment protection, ecology, construction content, the alternatives. There are more difficulties in decision making to public construction the more deeply degree of citizen participation. The “people” is the core concern in public policy from a view of the New Public Service. Sharing power and co-solving problem with the public, civil servant needs building a structure between democratic, community and public interests during the governance process. The public interests for the public construction come from the dialogue of the public and sharing values. The contents of public dialogue about the public construction are professional, uncertainty and complexity. It makes different effects when the trade-off frequence in public construction is changed. The Study found that the most suitable access about citizen participation in public construction is fully participated in pre-stage of construction and tokenism participation in late-stage of construction. The pre-stage of public construction life cycle is from investigation to planning and the operation. The late-stage of public construction life cycle is from design, implementation and completion. The civil servant who is in charge of public construction knows that serve in the public not customer, sharing power with the public and encourage citizen participation to solve problems. Efficiency in public construction pre-stage is lower than ever for the citizen participation, but it is grown up in public construction late-stage for the citizen participation. The professional engineers must translate their planning into easy understanding by model or 3-Dimension drawing. Be a faithful designer to serve in the public in order to make a good choice in public construction.

本文所要處理的問題為：「公共」的內容究竟為何？以及在福利國家的脈絡下公私之間如何互相滲透？本文採用Naomi Pfeffer與G. Majone的見解，將福利國家分為命令與控制型模式(command and control model)與規制型國家(regulatory state)。而這二種模式的差異可以由統治(government)和治理(governance)兩字得到說明，前者與命令與控制型相關，後者則與規制型相關。而所謂「治理」之概念，即一種國家權力向社會回歸的現象。本文以哈伯瑪斯《公共領域的結構轉型》為理論背景，探討現代國家職能由福利國家的興起與轉型之國家與社會關係與公私融合的過程。 / The main purposes of this thesis are: (1) discuss the transformation of the relationship of state and society under the process of “‘societalization’ of the state” and “‘stateification’ of society” through the rise and transformation of the welfare state; (2) examine the theories of “publicness”, “public/private distinction”, and the phenomena of “public-private mix” to study the mutual relation between the public and the private; (3) review and criticize the selected public policy. The public/private distinction has declined under the welfare state nowadays. On the topic of welfare state, this thesis applies the opinions of Naomi Pfeffer and G. Majone that divide the welfare state into the command and control model and the regulatory state. The words “government” and “governance” could interpret the difference of these two kinds of patterns: the former is relative to the command and control model, while the latter is relative to the regulatory state. In addition, the conception of “governance” indicates the process of authority returns from the state to the society. On the topic of public/private relation, this thesis adopts the theories of Jürgen Habermas in his book: The Structure Transformation of Public Sphere, through his ideas of public sphere and its relation among the intimate sphere and the state to explore the relation between the state and society. In practice, this thesis takes the case of turning the national university into the corporation (juridical person) in Taiwan, and introduces to the theories discussed above: see the university as a public sphere and its reform as the transformation of welfare state.

2000年Denhardt夫婦提出了新公共服務理論，且於2003年及2007年出書，詳細論述此理論的7項核心理念：服務公民而非服務顧客、公共利益的追尋、重視公民精神更勝於企業精神、策略思維與民主行動、理解「課責」並非單純簡易的事、服務而非導航、重視人性價值而非生產力。而隨著民主的蓬勃發展，自我意識亦隨之高漲，對於公共議題的關注及公共利益的追求，伴隨著公民社會的形成，全球民主國家亦極力於促成公民社會的實踐。基於新公共服務及公民社會在時代的發展歷程中重要角色，國家之中央及地方各級政府組織應致力於運用與實踐，以落實地方治理，進而達成全球化下國家之競爭力。 村、里是政府地方自治制度中最基層的組織，地方制度法所明定之鄉、鎮、市、區內部編組。而村（里）長，受鄉村（鎮、市、區）長之指揮監督，辦理村（里）公務及交辦事項。本研究以基隆市里辦公處為個案，運用文獻分析法及深度訪談法，建立新公共服務與里辦公處的組織與功能兩者的關係，探討基隆市里辦公處如何本著為民服務之精神，運用新公共服務理念，繼續發揮其時代功能，進而順利達成最基層在地化的為民服務工作，並期能提供相關實務建議。 / In 2000, Robert B. Denhardt & Janet V. Denhardt put forward the theory of new public service and published books in 2003 and 2007 to discuss 7 core ideas in detail: serve the public but not the customers, pursue public interest, place more emphasis on civic spirit than enterprise spirit, strategic thought and democratic action, understand that accountability is not just a simple issue, serve but not navigate, value humanity but not productivity. With the prosperous development of democracy, self-awareness is also enhanced. As to the concerns on public issues and pursuit of public interest, together with the formation of a civil society, global democratic nations also try every effort to promote the implementation of a public society. Based on the important role played by public service and civil society on era development programs, the central and local governments and organizations should commit to application and put local governance into practice so as to achieve national competitiveness in the context of globalization. Villages and neighborhoods are the most fundamental organizations in the local autonomous system. The Local Government System Act specifies the sub-groups consisting of the villages, towns, cities and districts. Besides, the village (neighborhood) head is directed and supervised by heads of the towns, cities and districts to deal with the affairs of the village (neighborhood). This study, taking the neighborhood affairs office in Keelung City as the study case, applies literature review and in-depth interview methods to explore and establish the relationship between organizations as well as the functions of new public service and the neighborhood affairs office. It also aims to determine how the Keelung neighborhood affairs office employs the concept of new public service to continue its functions in the spirit of service, so as to successfully achieve the goal that the most fundamental organization serves the local people. This study is expected to provide related practical suggestions.

2001年5月交通部電信總局決定，我國數位電視地面傳輸標準以往訂定為美規ATSC系統，但由於科技不斷進步，電總將採技術中立，由業者自行決定採用歐規DVB-T或美規。技術的意見未受到政治干預而予實踐，在台灣政策科學發展過程中，係一重要的案例。 就歐規的整體發展來看，傳統無線電視產業的垂直整合，已逐漸被數位無線電視產業的垂直分工及水平整合趨勢所取代，台灣從垂直壟斷系統電視體制轉移至水平整合垂直分割，如此標準化的轉移自有其意義。本研究以DVB的歷史來源脈絡導入作為分析的起點，探討台灣從美規轉換為歐規所帶來產業革新的意義，及導引政策的落實。 南韓在政府的強力主導下，其數位無線電視的規格採用美規ATSC，但是行動接收則開放給了歐規，其數位電視規格消長過程和台灣極為類似，係一比較性研究之對象。 2003年及2006年台灣公視基金受新聞局委託，建置第二單頻網傳輸系統，準備建立製播分離與共同傳輸平台機制的公共政策，公共廣電媒體身處於多媒體、多頻道競爭的生態環境中，面對數位科技的挑戰，亦有其角色定位的變化。 依據本研究的理論架構，台灣的標準化模式係已轉移為在地特有的樣貌。 台灣實踐歐規標準除了目前15個數位電視台產業的發展，還導引出公共政策的決策，公共電視台扮演「機制黏著劑」的功能，建立參與者之間的共識基礎，最後形成相關的產業政策，其顯示的意義係由市民社會為了共同的理念建立往上推的範例。由DVB-T政策的制定，導引出這些現象觀察，DVB-T確有改革的意義。 / May 2001 Directorate General of Telecommunications, Ministry of Transportation and Communications made a bottom-up decision due to consecutive development of science and technology. The Directorate General took a neutral stand to let digital TV enterprises select freely whether they preferred still attached to the existed ATSC or switched to DVB-T once their standards needed to be adopted. Such a new technical idea, not only without meddling by political forces, but also smoothly put into practice, indeed became an important case in the evolving communications policies in Taiwan. From the viewpoint of general development of DVB, the vertical integration of the traditional broadcast industry has been gradually replaced by the horizontal integration of video broadcast industry. In Taiwan, the transfer of standardizations from ATSC to DVB-T has its own significance. This study began with the analysis of the origin of DVB as research guidelines, in order to comprehend the significance of industrial innovations in the transferring from ATSC to DVB-T, and understand what policy concern been put into practice. Complied with the clear state’s guidance, South Korea’s digital TV adopted ATSC, however its mobile application adopted T-DMB. The similarity of digital TV adoption between Taiwan and South Korea turned out to be a typical subject for comparative study. In both 2003 and 2006 Government Information Office entrusted Taiwan Public TV a fund to conduct single frequency network in preparation for establishing a transmission platform. Competing with the multi-media and multi-channel business and facing the challenge of digitization, public service broadcasting is entitled to many different roles it plays during transition. Based on the framework of this study, the DTV standardization in Taiwan obviously belongs to a local version of its globalization. In practice, DVB-T in Taiwan has not only been applied by five terrestrial broadcasters, but also brought the concept of DVB into practice. Public TV, functioning its “institutional glue”, reached a consensus among participants, and eventually facilitated concerned industrial policies been set up, which indeed indicating a multilayer of civilian forces were grouped together through a bottom-up decision model. All those observations of policy decision and its application have certainly generated from the adoption of DVB-T.

依據我國促進民間參與公共建設法，民間機構參與公共建設之主要方式有六種，其中又以BOT模式最具代表性，最常為世界各國所採行。 BOT專案融資之償還責任，由傳統的政府機關移轉到民間企業集團承擔，而民間企業集團除有限的自有資金部位之外，大部分資金仍需仰賴金融機構融通，亦即，政府機關移出之風險，到頭來還是會轉嫁到融資機構。因此，融資機構除了審慎評估專案融資風險或尋求其他有效方法轉嫁風險如保險或共同承貸等之外，另需透過契約妥適規範風險分攤，才能有效控制風險承受程度。 鑒於「專案融資」為BOT專案計畫最重要關鍵變數之一，本研究除了深入探討BOT專案計畫之定義、適用之先決條件、法源依據、基本契約架構、民間參與公共建設涉及政府出資樣態，並述及可行性評估、先期規劃、招商作業、甄審及評決、議約及簽約、興建、營運及移轉等作業流程，再就攸關BOT專案計畫成敗之「專案融資」起源、意義、計畫、類型、優缺點、與傳統融資之差異、當事人法律關係、法令規範、風險管理、政府提供融資協助機制等進一步研析；最後援引並評析臺北縣政府刻正辦理之重大BOT「徵求民間參與淡水鎮漁人碼頭休閒專用區觀光旅館暨藝術大街計畫案」，俾結合專案融資理論與實務。 綜上研究，歸納提出5項結論併相關建議，備供學界及實務界人士參考。 一、BOT專案成功關鍵繫於當事人間之風險認知與有效溝通協調。 二、政府融資協助機制相對保守。 三、現行BOT計畫之融資管道仍以間接金融為主。 四、實務上，融資機構評估意見之甄審評分權重比率並不高。 五、促參案件爭訟之實務判決案例仍然不多。 / According to our Act for promotion of private participation in infrastructure projects, the private institution may participate in an infrastructure project by six means but BOT is the typical model that usually be adopted in the world. The responsibilities of the debt of BOT project finance have transferred to private institution from the authority in charge of government. Nevertheless, except limited private capital, lots of capital for BOT still needs to depend on the financing institution. That is, the risk of the debt of BOT project finance will transfer to the financing institution finally. Therefore, besides evaluating the risk of project finance deliberately or looking for the effective methods to transfer the risk by insurance or consortium loan, the financing institution needs to plan the appropriate risk distribution via the contract for controlling the risk that can be accepted. Because project finance is one of the most important key factors of BOT, besides fundamental characteristics, suitable conditions, law bases, contract frame, the investment types of government and the process of feasibility study, preliminary plan, announcement by a public notice, evaluation and selection, negotiation and signing of concession agreement, construction, operation and transfer, this research will further study BOT project finance, relevant risk management, law relation between the persons involved, the financing assistance by government . Then, proceeded with the representative case study domestically and laid the special emphasis on both of principal plan terms and important financing conditions. According to the research as above, summarized five conclusions combined with suggestions as following for reference. 1. The key factors of success about BOT depend on the risk understanding and effective communication between the participators. 2. The regulation of financing assistance by government is conservative relatively. 3. Indirect finance is the principle channel for BOT at present. 4. The weight of opinion of financing institution evaluating BOT is not enough. 5. There are still a few cases with regard to the law suit about promotion of private participation in infrastructure projects.