中共與泰國於1975年建交後，雙方關係發展漸趨密切。1999年所簽署之《中華人民共和國與泰王國關於二十一世紀合作計畫聯合聲明》，明確指出雙邊關係的發展方向，兩國不斷推進在政治、經濟、軍事、及社會等各領域之合作。本論文主要探討新世紀迄今兩國在此四項領域之關係發展。 2001年雙邊簽署關於戰略性合作的《聯合公報》，2007年簽署首份《中泰戰略性合作共同行動計畫》，2012年簽署第二份《中泰戰略性合作共同行動計畫（2012-2016）》，並發表《中華人民共和國和泰王國關於建立全面戰略合作夥伴關係的聯合聲明》，雙邊關係再創高峰。 身為東協創始會員國的一員，泰國與中共密切合作以促進東協與中共之關係，並持續為地區之和平、穩定及繁榮而努力。泰國對東協及中共採取靈活外交政策，以獲取自身政治及安全利益之考量不言而喻。 分析顯示1999年所簽署之二十一世紀合作計畫聯合聲明，的確成為拓展雙邊關係之政策指導，論文中將探討中共與泰國於新世紀初期之關係進展，並分析在此時期影響雙邊關係之相關因素。 / The relations between the People’s Republic of China and the Kingdom of Thailand have developed steadily and closely since the two countries established diplomatic ties on July 1, 1975. The signing of the joint statement on a plan of action for the 21st century in 1999 has made clear the future direction of bilateral cooperation. The two sides continued to push forward cooperation in political, economic, military and social fields. The main contention of this thesis is about the development of these four dimensions from 2000-2012. The PRC and Thailand have continuously signed the joint communique for strategic cooperation in 2001, the first joint action plan on strategic cooperation in 2007, and the second joint action plan (2012-2016) in 2012. They also signed the joint statement on establishing a comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership to further promote and greatly enhance the bilateral relations. As an original member of ASEAN, Thailand works closely with the PRC to promote ASEAN- PRC relations, and continuously contributes to peace, stability and prosperity in the entire region as well. However, it is clear that Thailand has implemented active foreign policies toward ASEAN and the PRC to achieve its political and economic interests. The analysis shows that the two sides expand their relations under the guidance of the joint statement on a plan of action for the 21st century. This thesis is to study the development of the new relations between the PRC and Thailand in the 21st Century, as well as to analyze the factors cultivating bilateral relations during this period.

為維護海上人命、船舶及財產安全，各國均依「1982年聯合國海洋法公約」規定，建立區域搜救合作機制，並參考相關國際公約及搜救作業手冊，規範海上航行安全及緊急事故處理程序，惟因各國地理、水文及氣候不同，執行航行安全維護能力有限，皆必須透過多邊或雙邊搜救合作，強化區域航行安全，藉由搜救交流、兵棋推演或聯合演習等方式，提升彼此搜救合作默契及技能，以保障海上航行安全。 臺灣海峽自古以來即為東亞重要航道，兩岸航運亦自1987年開放兩岸探親，2001年金馬小三通，直至2008年正式海、空運直航以來，臺灣與大陸人民往來逐漸到達頂峰，而海難事故發生頻率亦不斷提高，藉此搜救合作契機在此為氛圍下形成，並在簽署「海峽兩岸海運協議」基礎上，透過輪流舉辦演練、搜救交流互訪及建立緊急聯繫管道等工作，逐步建立兩岸海上搜救合作機制，以「就近就便、及時救援」之原則，共同合作展現兩岸「人道救援」之普世價值。 在兩岸海上搜救合作機制下，兩岸搜救機關不斷共同執行海上搜救合作，增進彼此合作默契與搜救技能，但在兩岸分治的政治現實下，合作機制僅能透過民間團體的協助逐漸常態化，卻未能明文制度化，且隨著政治環境的轉變，搜救合作機制似有停頓，但海峽海域環境依然惡劣，往來人民持續熱絡，因此，為維護海峽航行安全，兩岸搜救機關仍應持續努力，共同完善合作機制，以確保兩岸人民生命財產安全。 / For the sake of maintaining people’s safety and property at sea, every coastal State establish the regional search and rescue (hereinafter SAR) cooperation mechanism in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982, and formulate the navigation safety rules and standard operation procedure of responding to the emergency cases at sea. Due to the discrepancy of geography, hydrology and climate as well as limited ability for maintaining the navigation safety among counties, every state shall enhance the regional navigational safety by lateral or multilateral cooperation in SAR exchange, table-top exercise and joint SAR drill to strengthen the SAR cooperation mechanism and technique in order to provide the safe environment for navigation. Taiwan Strait is the pivotal shipping route of Eastern Asia through the ages. The shipping of the cross-strait starts from visit relatives between both sides in 1987, and gradually increases after the transport links between the Kinmen, Matsu areas and the Mainland area in 2001. The air and sea transport between Taiwan and Mainland area begin in 2008, and the number of Taiwanese and Chinese travel between Taiwan and Mainland reaches the highest record which leads to the increasing disasters at sea. In order to respond to this situation, the cooperation between the cross-strait are needed and the SAR drills are held in turns and officials’ visiting as well as emergency communication channel in accordance with the Cross-Strait shipment agreement which came into effect in 2008. Those measures concrete the SAR cooperation mechanism of the cross-strait on the basis of saving life and property at sea promptly when one side is close or ready for it and demonstrate the common vision of humanitarian rescue. According to the cross-strait’s SAR cooperation mechanism, the rescue authorities of both sides conduct the SAR mutually to enhance the coordination and SAR skills for their work. However, due to the politic relationship of the cross strait, the cooperation is under the non-official channel. Since the political change with the new government in Taiwan, the cooperation between Taiwan and Mainland China is suspended. The Taiwan Strait is a high risk area for people of both sides. Furthermore, in order to provide the safe navigational area, the cross-strait SAR authorities shall continuously establish the cooperative mechanism to maintain the people’s safety and their property.

自911事件後，西方國家意識到貧窮為恐怖主義產生之源頭。貧困問題產生時，通常會引起政局混亂、族群衝突、難民、饑餓、疾病與環保等種種困境，使先進國家不得不積極面對。為了要解決貧困所衍生的各種問題，美國提出“馬歇爾計畫”。後來隨著時代變遷、經濟崛起，對外援助計畫也在21世紀後再度成為國際關注趨勢。 為因應國際潮流趨勢與改善第三世界之貧困問題，世界各國開始發展NGO(Non-Governmental Organization，非政府組織)來解決貧困問題，世界先進各國政府也開始對非洲援助。政府對外援助之具體措施包含了恢復國家治理、穩定國家政局、縮小先進國與第三世界國家之貧富差距、協助開發中國家政經發展等。為呼應世界潮流之走向，本研究將著手於探討對外援助之議題上，並選定兩個亞洲區域內經濟大國(中國與日本)為比較分析對象。 近年來，不僅日本與中國對非洲實施援助策略，也有越來越多國家開始重視對第三世界之援助，且援助金額有逐年遞增之趨勢。就非洲而言，日本對非洲援助金額比中國多，但中國與非洲貿易往來卻多於日本。在內外部因素影響下，非洲會不會對中國與日本產生不同態度，這是本研究欲探討之議題。因此，本研究將進一步分析中國與日本在對非洲援助策略下，內外在動機、援助方法、援助型態、援助層級以及援助內容上之差異，並作為比較。

中國經濟現形於中歐與東歐近期備受關注。16+1合作機制在四年前開始發起，號召增進雙方經濟交流往往被視為中國藉由經濟管道，嘗試提升其在歐洲的政治力量。媒體報導，特定歐盟代表以及研究學者有意識到中國在此地區的投資計畫。然而，OFDI真正的目的是什麼? 抑或中國的動機和其他國家的投資者有所不同? 這篇研究會透過相關分析，試著分析中國決定在這個地區投資的最重要決定因素，同時解讀結果。這些結果也會和其他同行研究做深入探討，來駁斥或是證明現今中國FDI的理論；還有比較中國的投資CEE的基本原則和其投資其他地區的動機。 / Chinese economic presence in the region of Central and Eastern Europe has attracted a lot of attention recently. The establishment of the so called 16+1 initiative four years ago, calling on increase of mutual economic exchange is often believed to be a Chinese bid to increase its political power in Europe by economic means. Media coverage, certain EU representatives and researchers became rather aware of Chinese investment projects in this region. However, what are the real aims this OFDI? Does the rationale to invest in CEE differ from motivations to invest elsewhere? Or are Chinese motivations different from investors from other countries? This work will try to analyze the most important determinants of Chinese decision to invest in this region by correlation analysis and while interpreting the results, those will also be investigated along with other peer studies to dis/prove current theories on China’s FDI; and to compare China’s rationale to invest in CEE with motivations to invest elsewhere.

2001年9月11日發生在美國本土的自殺式恐怖襲擊事件之後，當時的小布希總統堅決宣示展開全面性「全球反恐怖主義戰爭」（Global War on Terrorism）。美國不僅以其強大的軍事力量，對付支持及庇護蓋達組織及其分支的國家，也與各國合作共同打擊恐怖主義。由於這是一場與傳統戰爭迥然不同的鬥爭，因此美國反恐的策略不但依賴軍事武力，還必須透過政治、外交、情報、金融與教育等多元途徑，並靈活運用國際的力量，徹底打擊恐怖主義。其中情報工作在反恐戰爭中扮演著非常重要的角色，因為恐怖分子在發動任何攻擊之前，可能會有些徵兆，若在事先能獲得蛛絲馬跡的情報，就能夠防患未然並且將危機消弭於無形。 在國際方面，9/11反而促成各國的合作，美國情報單位在這場反恐戰爭中也被賦予重要的任務，將反恐情報合作的觸角伸向全世界各個角落。由於美國與各國的合作程度影響全球打擊恐怖主義的成效，故有必要對美國主導的國際情報合作進行研究。美國在國際間致力反恐情報合作之際，同時也對其國內情報機制進行改革與重整。因為9/11的發生，很多人歸咎於國內情報單位的失職，美國政府於是開始對其情報圈，展開自杜魯門總統於1947年7月26日簽署《國家安全法案》以來，最重大的改革。因此也有必要對美國在9/11後的情報改革進行探討，以瞭解美國在此事件後所進行的國內情報改革情形及成效。 / In the immediate aftermath of the September 11 attacks on the United States in 2001, the U.S. President George W. Bush launched the “Global War on Terrorism”. The U.S. has fight against countries that support Al-Qaeda and its affiliate with powerful military strength and cooperated with various countries on combat terrorism. This is a disparately untraditional war and consequently America’s counterterrorism strategy is multi-faceted that includes not only military but also diplomacy, financial action, intelligence, education, etc. Intelligence, in particular, plays a pivotal role in this war. Signs of terrorist threat may be discovered and attacks can possibly be prevented if intelligence agencies received information about the plots in advance. The September 11 attacks have facilitated bilateral and multilateral cooperation between countries in the globe. The U.S. especially undertakes great responsibilities in fighting against Al-Qaeda and its affiliates, and attaches strings to its counter terrorism cooperation around the world. Since the strength of the cooperative movement between the U.S. and other countries may affect the outcome of the global cooperation, conducting a study on the U.S.-led international intelligence cooperation is critical. While endeavoring to enhance international intelligence cooperation on anti-terrorism, the U.S. has conducted reform and adjustment of the domestic intelligence community. Owing to its intelligence failure on the September 11 attacks, the U.S. government initiated the greatest reform on intelligence mechanism since the former President Truman had signed the National Security Act of 1947. Therefore, study on and analysis of the results and achievement of the U.S. intelligence reform after the September 11 attacks is a must-do.

The introduction of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) signed between China and Taiwan in 2010 has added a significantly important economic element to cross-strait relations. Little research has been done on cross-strait integration from an economic standpoint, and to analyze the potential for successful economic integration between the parties it is necessary to determine whether their political economies are compatible for integration. In this research comparative studies of the political economies of Taiwan and China are conducted with focuses on industrial orientation, market mechanisms, and the motivations driving major economic actors. This research focuses on Fujian and Guangdong, Taiwan’s closest economic partners on the mainland and the cornerstones of Beijing’s integration incentives, with a minor study conducted on Hong Kong-China integration due to similarities of economic integration mechanisms. This study uses models constructed by scholars on Chinese provincial protectionism and trade barriers to determine whether Taiwanese integration with the “Common China Market” will be mutually beneficial for the economies on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. Economic indicators, trade trends, and economic policy incentives indicate that integration under ECFA is amplifying trade asymmetries and is stalling real economic growth in Taiwan. Findings also show that trade liberalization has allowed major trade barrier and protectionism-creating phenomena that were once limited to the mainland to contribute to cross-strait competition regime among the economies studied. This research contributes to the fledgling body of academic research on cross-strait economic integration and its impact on the parties directly impacted by it. Implications of this study show that it would be beneficial for the speed of ECFA integration to be reigned in, and for Taiwan to use the trade agreement as a counter to pursue bilateral regional trade that can ensure its competitiveness.

中共與中華民國在台海維持對峙局面近四十年，從一九七九年起，兩岸的緊張關係已 轉趨緩和。本篇論文的研究動機在透過交涉理論分析以尋求下面問題的答案。從一九 七九至一九八九年之間，台海兩岸兩個政治實體之間的政策互動經過情形為何? 海峽 兩岸的互動情況如何轉變? 彼此之間敵對與妥協取向的起伏變化如何? 目前海峽兩岸 關係朝向那個方向發展? 全文共一冊，共分六章二十二節，凡七萬字，各章內容摘要 如下： 第一章 導論：主要分為研究動機及研究方法與範圍。 第二章 說明國共兩黨約七十年的發展史，由於歷史仍深刻影響兩岸的互動，筆者乃 提出幾項國共兩黨歷史發展的特徵。 第三章 敘述一九七九至一九八六年之間，海峽兩岸政策互動經過，並經由政策分析 說明兩岸政策形成的原因。 第四章 敘述一九八七至一九八九年之間，海峽兩岸政策互動的新發展，並注重分析 經濟與民間交流對兩岸互動的影響。 第五章 結論與展望。 中共與中華民國在這十一年來的互動，是延著兩條主軸而發展，即：國家必須統一及 兩岸關係必須改善。但是目前兩岸所進行的是一場「囚徒困境遊戲」的互動，所以如 何使雙方降低採取「對抗」而願意採取「合作」戰略，是展望未來最大的課題。

本論文共分六章，旨在研究中共政權建立以後中共領導人對所有制之觀念及運用，並 以「人民公社」為例說明所有制變革的情形。 第一章為導論，說明研究動機、研究範圍、研究方法與研究資料。 第二章分析中共領導人對所有制之觀念。本章依據中共領導人之「選集」「語錄」及 其他重要文件，分析各時期領導人對所有制之觀念，並從內部與外部因素來探討影響 其觀念變化之原因。為了便於分析，筆者將他們的看法分為兩個時期：一為毛澤東統 治時期，二為毛澤東死後，並細分各觀念之變化情形。 第三章分析土地改革到合作社時期所有制變革的情形，分析重點包括在推廣土地改革 和合作社所有制之過程中所有制的特色及其變革之原因。 第四章分析「人民公社」之建立及經濟體制改革前之所有制變革的情形。為了便於分 析，本章將人民公社所有制分為三個時期：一為大躍進時期(1958–1960)；二為經濟 調整時期(1961–1965)；三為文化大革命時期(1966–1976)，進而從各個時期人民公 社所有制之變化過程中，探討中共之所以推行人民公社所有制之原因。 第五章分析毛澤東死後所有制改變之方向，尤其看重於探討鄧小平於一九七八年十二 月推動經濟改革後所有制變化的情形。主要內容包括農業生產責任制之抬頭及各種生 產責任制的推行；政、社分開過程中，「政治、行政、經濟」三合體之解體情形；實 施多種所有制的情形。 第六章為結論，說明由於中國大陸領導人對所有制觀念的不同，因而在變革所有制的 過程中，爭論始終存在。同時說明公有財產制與私有財產制的優缺點。最後，筆者認 為私有財產制度是合乎人性的制度，它好比沙漠中的綠洲，為人類進步的原動力。

第一章說明本研究之目的在於系統地了解我國信用合作社與商業銀行之諸種比較。并 說明研究範圍、限制、方法及資料來源。 第二章則比較信用合作社與商業銀行本質、功能及現存環境。并以統計數字來佐證之 。 第三章則根據有關法令整理出信用合作社與商業銀行有關內部組織之異同及上級監督 輔導的比較。 第四章以統計數字來表達、分析信用合作社與商業銀行之業務項目、資金來源、資金 運用、業務現代化及經營成果等等，并加以評估之。 第五章則比較兩者之人事制度及行銷組合。 最後一章則提出結論與建議。

第一章緒論；略敘東南亞人文背景及戰後國際政治概況。第二章東南亞國際政治的幾 個背景；第一節民族主義，第二節共黨革命，第三節種族問題與領土爭執，第四節經 濟因素。第三章國際強權在東南亞的角逐；第一節美國，第二節蘇聯，第三節中共， 第四節日本。探討強權的利益，競爭的模式，以及東南亞各國在強權競爭下的適應。 第四章中立化的構想，問題及定義；說明中立化提出的背景及其實質。第五章各國對 中立化的看法；第一節東協各國的立場，第二節緬甸及共黨印支的態度，第三節強權 的反應。第六章中立化的展望；第一節瑞士，瑞典的先例，第二節區域安全，第三節 經濟合作，第四節權力平衡。尋出各種可能達成的途徑。第七章結論。