企業內勞資雙方所扮演的角色屬於社會夥伴的形式，此種社會夥伴關係的發展，牽涉到整體經濟發展的成果分配形式；然而社會經濟的發展不應僅以工資及盈餘作為分配企業經濟成果的唯一管道，加上我國近年來貧富差距不斷的擴大，政府應當盡可能擴大勞動者的儲蓄，直接參與生產資本的投入，分享企業的經營成果，以創造更多的社會財富分配管道。 所謂勞工財務參與乃勞工參與企業經營成果之形式，不論是以利潤分享或是股票持有的形式，均得以自歐盟過去十五年的議程之間所見。因此，本研究透過比較研究之方式，以歐盟六個成員國（包含法、德、 英、愛爾蘭、荷蘭及比利時）為研究對象，藉此分析其勞工財務參與制度及社會夥伴觀點。此外，本文歸納整理歐盟成員國實施勞工財務參與所產生之問題，並介紹其建議解決方法，作為我國參考之經驗。 最後，本研究自歐盟勞工財務參與之角度，將我國企業內勞工財務參與計劃之內容（包含年終獎金、利潤分享計劃及員工所有權計劃三種類型）作一比較後，提出相關制度缺失；透過檢視歐盟勞工財務參與之八大原則，我國於制度上缺乏平等原則，成為圖利少數管理人員之工具。因此，為有效推行我國勞工財務參與制度，本研究建議勞資政三方自以下方向著手：一、政府層面：明確定義計劃中「勞工」之範圍，董監事兼具勞工身分者應排除適用；條件式地提供稅賦誘因，以促進計畫的實施；儲蓄理財制度的健全發展，協助勞工財產之形成。二、勞工層面：加強勞工財務參與之教育宣導，增進勞工的認知；建議政府設立專責主管單位監督勞工財務參與計畫之設立及運作，以確保計畫之公平性。三、雇主層面：促進企業實施勞工財務參與制度；實施廣泛勞工基礎的財務參與計劃，避免淪為少數高階人員自肥的工具；不應限制計劃的投資標的，分散投資風險性；並訂定實施辦法及專責機構辦理，以便於企業推行、增加勞工的參與率。

以絲綢之路作為文明接觸的和平場域為概念，探討中國正在推動「一帶一路」─以連結中歐為終極目標的道路、基礎設施、投資、政策互聯及人民交流網路─的全新重大外交體系。針對當前國際地緣政治的環境，中歐領導人近期確實強調了布魯塞爾與北京關係的重要性。儘管如此，很多中歐關係的專家也指出這種夥伴關係，還沒有達到雙方所預期的那樣快速及深刻。 本文的第一個研究問題「進一步發展中歐關係的障礙是什麼，以及如何克服這些障礙？」，便是基於對此國際情勢的考量。透過建構主義理論，本文對深化中歐關係的真正障礙進行討論，認為這些障礙來自於中歐人民身份、價值觀與文化的差異，並提出促進中歐人民之間的文化交流來加強中歐關係的可行方案。因此，本文提出第二個研究問題，「一帶一路在中歐文化關係中扮演什麼角色？」，對前項結論接續探討，發現由於一帶一路為中歐雙方提供了文化專案及人際交流合作的動機和框架，因此這一政策對中歐關係具有正面影響的潛質。 本文的最後兩個研究問題「一帶一路將帶給歐洲怎樣的風險與利益？」與「歐盟應如何應對一帶一路？」是相互關聯的。通過對一帶一路將帶來的風險與利益的分析，筆者對中歐雙方如何更有效地推進一帶一路提出了一些政策建議，其中重點分析了歐盟領導人如何與中方開展合作，並認為歐盟必須回應中國的倡議，與之合作，確保中歐雙方實現共贏、對國際規範的遵守、以及幫助中國保持一帶一路所經之地的穩定。 / By recalling the idea of the Silk Road as a place of peaceful encounter of civilizations, China is promoting its new, major diplomatic outreach system called the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a network of roads, infrastructures, investments, policy connections and people to people exchanges with the final objective of connecting the PRC to Europe. Indeed, in view of the current international geopolitical circumstances, the Chinese and European leaders are recently emphasizing the importance of the Brussels-Beijing relationships. Nonetheless, many experts complain that this partnership has not yet developed as fast and deeply as the two sides originally hoped. This leads to the first research question addressed in the thesis:"which are the obstacles to a deeper EU-China partnership and how to overcome them and improve the overall relations?". By borrowing the constructivist theories, this thesis argues that the real obstacle to deepening the China-EU partnership are the differences in identities, values and culture, and that the improvement of the people to people and cultural interactions will enhance the general bilateral relations. Consequently, the second research question is "which role does BRI play in the China-EU cultural relations?". BRI has the potential to have a positive impact on their relations by providing a new framework and incentives for the collaboration on cultural projects and people to people interactions. The last two research questions are related to each other: "what are the risks and benefits that BRI will bring to the EU?" and "how should the European Union respond to BRI?". By analyzing the risks and benefits that will derive from the implementation of BRI, the author provides some policy suggestions to both sides on how to efficiently implement BRI, and especially to EU leaders on how to cooperate with their Chinese counterparts: the EU should definitely cooperate in the Chinese initiative, to ensure a win-win outcome for all, to guarantee the respect of the international norms and to help the PRC maintain the stability in the areas crossed by the BRI network.

本論文以歐盟防制人口販運之實踐做為實例，驗證全球治理下聯合國及歐盟等領導性的國際行為者，對於國際人權發展與人權保障除正面的發展外，亦可能造成負面之影響，國際人權規範擴散面臨一定之侷限性與挑戰。全球治理下之國際人權規範擴散，對於人權的保障有時是種助力也是種阻力。 歐盟雖然倡導針對防制人口販運議題之合作應當採取一個包括查緝起訴、保護以及預防三大面向的全面性解決途徑，但實際上，歐盟防制人口販運之合作制度架構初期仍是以維持境內安全的安全途徑為主軸，而非關注受害者人權之保障；幸而歐盟於2011年通過「預防及打擊人口販運與保護受害者指令」後，防制人口販運的政策更加強調必須以人口販運受害者為核心。然而，在將以受害者為核心的人權規範擴散至成員國方面，卻仍受到極大的挑戰，蓋歐盟成員國多將人口販運視為非法移民議題，故其防制人口販運之作為實仍環繞著以打擊犯罪為主的思維，人口販運受害者時常被視為非法移民而使其人權遭到侵害。 全球治理下，歐盟等人權法律規範相對完備之國際行為者，其人權規範與建制的推廣與擴散，確實有其值得肯定的正面意義。然而，當歐盟等全球治理行為者不能有效地實現其宗旨，或是其行為違背其理當服膺之價值而削弱其公正、客觀及道德性角色時，其規範性權威亦會受到挑戰。

農業是人類最基本的經濟活動。儘管隨著科技及社會的發達，農業在一國的總產值或就業人口所佔比例逐漸降低，然而在國際貿易的舞台上，農業貿易的重要性卻不減反增。世界貿易組織（World Trade Organization, 簡稱WTO）之杜哈發展議程（Doha Development Round, DDA）曾一度中止的原因即為各國之間對於農業貿易存在極大的分歧，尤其歐洲聯盟（European Union，簡稱歐盟） 的「共同農業政策」（Common Agricultural Policy,簡稱CAP）更是備受爭議。歐盟共同農業政策係指歐盟為其農業發展所實施包括農產品價格支持、最低保證收購價格、對歐盟境外產品實施關稅及配額等相關補貼制度。「共同農業政策」所以深具爭議，主要在於其對農業有補貼或境內支持政策造成對貿易不公與市場扭曲現象，尤其以農產品出口為大宗的發展中國家受害最深。因此，在多次談判回合中，歐盟共同農業政策常常為其他WTO會員國所詬病。在WTO逐漸成為各國無法忽視的規範力量，以及各國與歐盟的農產品貿易爭端層出不窮之下，歐盟行之有年的「共同農業政策」面臨重大調整。 / Agriculture is the basic economic activities of human beings. Though the relative size of agricultural sector has been declining as the society and technology develop, the importance of agriculture in the international trade is still growing. The Doha Development Round of the World Trade Organization had once suspended because of agriculture negotiations, on which WTO member countries could not reach agreements. Among them, the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union is the most controversial. The Common Agricultural Policy combines a direct subsidy payment for crops and land which may be cultivated with price support mechanisms, including guaranteed minimum prices, import tariffs and quotas on certain goods from outside the EU. The reason why CAP is so controversial is for its high amounts on agricultural subsidies and domestic support, which amount to unfair competition and market distortion. In this regards, CAP damaged the interests of agricultural exporting country, especial those developing countries. Thus CAP had always been criticized by other WTO members in the WTO agriculture negotiation. Since WTO has become the dominant regime of international trade, and there are more and more agricultural disputes arising between EU and other WTO members, EU has to undertake substantial reform on CAP.

雲端運算的特性在於只要連線上雲端服務提供者的平台，隨時隨地就可以享受到最新最便利的雲端服務。雲端運算因此具有使用彈性、接觸容易、擴充迅速及即用即付費的優勢，不用在像過去套裝軟體時代花費成本在軟硬體升級上，所以有愈來愈多的使用者踏入雲端行列，雲端運算技術及服務已成為資訊產業關注的焦點。但是雲端運算的這項優勢卻容易讓人忽略是建立在將資訊傳至雲端伺服器來進行處理、運算及儲存的模式，這固然讓使用者享受到雲端服務，但雲端服務提供者也同樣掌握了使用者資訊，使用者因而不再完全控制資訊的應用及流向，使得資訊外流的可能性大幅增加。這些資訊安全風險可能來自於雲端平台的穩定性或安全漏洞，或者是雲端業者基於商業考量的洩漏給其他廣告贊助商等第三人。雲端服務提供者針對這些資訊隱私安全的疑義，訂立許多雲端隱私權政策及使用條款來規範與使用者間的法律關係。本研究即先從美國法及歐盟安全指令等國際公約著手，探討可以作為網路雲端時代的規範基礎，並以此分析雲端服務的隱私權政策及服務條款。根據這些分析討論的結果，再探討在我國民法、消費者保護法及新修正通過之個人資料保護法之體系下，這些雲端隱私權政策及服務條款的適法性問題。 關鍵字：雲端運算、雲端服務、隱私權政策、服務條款、歐盟安全指令、 個人資料保護法

於1991年底蘇聯解體後正式獨立的白俄羅斯共和國，其與俄羅斯之間特殊的地緣政治因素、經濟上的依存關係、相近的種族文化與歷史傳統，促使兩國建立相較於獨立國家國協（Содружество Независимых Государств, СНГ/ Commonwealth of Independent States, CIS）更為緊密的政治、經濟、軍事、外交組織，亦即使兩國走向整合的白俄羅斯─俄羅斯聯盟（Союз Беларуси и России/ Union State of Russia and Belarus）。自1996年4月始，時任白俄羅斯總統的盧卡申科（Лукашенко, Александр Григорьевич, Alexander Grigoryevich Lukashenko）與前俄羅斯總統葉爾欽（Ельцин, Борис Николаевич, Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin），就俄白聯盟簽署一系列協議，諸如《俄白共同體組織條約》（Договор об образовании Сообщества Беларуси и России）、《俄白聯盟條約》（Договор о Союзе Беларуси и России）、《關於進一步整合宣言》（Декларация о дальнейшем единении России и Беларуси）、《兩國公民權利平等條約》（Договор между Российской Федерацией и Республикой Беларусь о равных правах граждан）、《建立國家聯盟經濟共同體協議》（Соглашение о создании равных условий субъектам хозяйствования государств-союзников）和《建立聯盟國家條約》（Договор о создании Союзного государства）等，朝俄白整合目標邁進的條約。 然俄白聯盟自成立之初至今，負面批評不斷，且除了在軍事同盟上兩國具有較為成功的碩果外，其他領域均無突破性的進展。此外，俄白雙方兩次的油氣之爭與白俄羅斯兩次經濟危機俄羅斯態度不明的事件，使俄白整合蒙上陰影。另一方面，歐盟與北約的東擴，明顯以白俄羅斯、烏克蘭與喬治亞等前蘇聯衛星國為主要拉攏目標，在此國際因素影響下，如何解釋俄白雙方政府仍決定繼續俄白聯盟，是為此論文關注的焦點，並試圖以新古典現實主義的角度，由個案研究的途徑，分析解釋並預測俄白聯盟的發展。 / After the Soviet Union disintegrated, post-communist countries in East-Central Europe were either divided (the USSR, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia) or were reunited (the German Democratic Republic with Federal Republic of Germany). Meanwhile, these countries developed different patterns of association. Some of the newly independent states joined the European Union and NATO, while others formed the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) at the collapse of the USSR. Six of the former Soviet member states established the Collective Security Organization. Five of them established the Eurasian Economic Community. Four of them—Belarus, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Ukraine—formed the Single Economic Space. Among these nations, Belarus and Russia have built the closet relationship, first with a “Community” and then a “Union” in 1997. Belarus sits between Europe and Russia, but history shows its ambiguous leaning towards the latter. The country had been incorporated in the Russian Empire for two hundred years, and later also in the USSR. Belarus was also the Slavic republic that supported the USSR the most its the referendum on a “renewed union” held in March 1991. Furthermore, the referendum in November 1996 reconfirms the Russia-leaned stand of Belarus, which differs from other former Soviet member states in Middle-East Europe. Despite conflicts between the two countries and the political advancement from the West, Belarus and Russia still tend to compose Belarus-Russia Union on international platforms. This research focuses upon several analytic factors from the viewpoint of Neoclassical Realism, including ethnology, culture, geopolitics, economy, security, political interests, international environment, and leadership factors to examine the relationship between Belarus and Russia.

地中海島嶼賽普勒斯，於1960年脫離英國統治，建立賽普勒斯共和國。島上兩大族裔－希臘裔與土耳其裔居民，長久以來對於生存權力之競奪，導致國內動亂不斷。1974年，賽普勒斯發生憲政危機，土耳其派兵佔領賽島北部36.4%之領土，賽普勒斯遂成為分裂國家。 1990年，賽普勒斯向歐盟提出入會申請。賽普勒斯入會案，為其本身之政治分裂問題、聯合國調停行動，以及土耳其、希臘、歐盟三方關係，投下新的變數。在歐盟第五波擴大的十個新會員國當中，賽普勒斯之政治情況最為特殊，所牽涉之議題最為廣泛。本文旨在研究賽普勒斯加入歐盟之過程，並分析其動機、影響其入會過程之變數、以及入會後所產生之影響。 / As a small island located in the East Mediterranean, Cyprus decolonized from British domination in 1960. It was named The Republic of Cyprus. The perennial political distemper in the country is derived from contending for political powers and living resources between the two main ethnic groups – the Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 1974, after the constitutional crisis of Cyprus, the Turkish army invaded the northern part of the country and occupied 36.4% of its territory. Thereupon Cyprus became a divided country. In 1990, the Cyprus government applied to the European Union for membership. Cyprus’ application for EU membership had unprecedented effects on Cyprus’ political problem, particularly for UN mediation in Cyprus and the tripartite relationship between Greece, Turkey and the EU. Compared to the nine new member states that joined the EU in 2004, Cyprus is in the most complicated political situation. This thesis focuses on Cyprus’ accession to the EU. The author analyzes Cyprus’ motivation for its application for EU membership, variables which affect its accessing process and the effects after joining the EU.

跨國間的政策學習與政策移轉有逐漸增加的趨勢，但國內的相關研究仍在發展階段，本文以Rose的政策學習及Dolowitz與Marsh的政策移轉為理論架構，並以行政院勞委會2001年推出的永續就業希望工程為研究個案，以深入訪談法訪問當時參與政策規劃的三位學者顧問與兩位幕僚，探討國內參考國外經驗的政策設計過程，並分析勞委會參考歐盟第三系統就業方案的動機、政策移轉程度，最後並從政策移轉角度，對將來的政策設計提出建議。 　　本文的研究發現如下： 一、永續就業工程參考歐盟第三系統政策方案的動機在於國內九二一災區重建大軍的在地創造就業經驗與歐盟第三系統與就業方案具有相似性，兩者以第三部門創造就業管道的作法，均發揮輔導就業的成果，增加政策的可行性。此外，由於地方政府對第三部門及新的就業輔導措施成效存疑，因此，基於政策行銷的動機，永續案以「參考歐盟經驗」，與國外最新政策搭上關聯，以便說服地方政府及加強國人信心。二、政策移轉程度屬於政策移轉程度最淺的「啟發」（inspiration）程度，永續案僅參考歐盟的政策精神與概念，並非政策方案的全盤移植。由於永續案政策規劃時間不足，沒有時間及資源更深入探究歐盟作法，此外，由於台灣與歐盟的社會條件差異性大，政策方案需符合台灣社會條件與需求，因此永續案並未全盤移植歐盟方案。三、政策執行遭遇的障礙包括（1）地方政府缺乏相關經驗，因此開創的就業工作多為清潔等發展性較低的工作。（2）國內NPO、NGO的管理、人事及財務會計制度不健全，缺乏能企劃提案的人才。（3）政府初期對非營利組織的投資仍較保守，後期才投入協助NPO管理與行銷。（4）地方派系瓜分資源，公器私用。 　　本文提出的政策建議如下： 一、未來國內在進行政策移轉時，應避免外界質疑政策移轉徒具形式，國外政策經驗淪為替政策背書，可更細緻的探究國外政策方案的利弊得失，深入探討對我國政策方案的啟示及適用於我國社會環境的可行性。二、政府參考國外政策方案的研究工作，平時應有專責的研究單位負責，改善目前政策研究案委託外包、卻缺乏實際效用的情況。在短期的政策方案規劃上：應增調人力及預算支援業務主辦單位，分兩組人同時進行政策研究與政策方案的設計。三、政策可行性不確定性高時可先以小規模的先導計劃實驗，修正後再大規模實施。在沒有時間進行小規模先導性實驗計劃的情況下，從做中學、從執行中發現問題，再對政策方案本身進行微調、修正，也是一項折衷的選項。四、移轉他國的政策方案，需考慮在本國社會的條件與系絡下，政策方案需作那些調整與配套，以避免移植的方案水土不服，並應考量國內的政治生態會對政策方案造成何種影響，可如何事先預作制度設計與規劃。 　　本文並嘗試結合政策規劃與政策移轉理論（見圖5-2，頁141），在決策模式理性程度高低的分類之外，從政策移轉的視角，補充政策學習、政策擴散的觀點，解釋為何一國的政策會採納他國或國內其他機關已採行的決策，以增強對政策決策過程的解釋力。但本研究僅以永續就業工程計劃一個案為例，未來仍待相關研究繼續深入分析。 / Increased international policy learning and policy transfer have drawn high academic attention. However, there is little research to unravel both the motivation and content of policy transferred from abroad in Taiwan. This paper applies Rose’s (1993) lesson-drawing theory and Dolowitz’s (2000) framework of policy transfer to analyze how EU’s employment project, The Third System and Employment, has influenced the Sustainable Employment Plan in Taiwan and why Taiwan learns from the EU. Three academic consultants and two public officers of the Labour Affair Committee were interviewed and the process, motivation and content of policy transfer have been analyzed. There are four key findings of this paper. (1) Far from making rational decisions, policy makers stopped search for policies in other countries when the first acceptable alternative arrived. Although the local experience of job creation through the third sector in the areas devastated by 921 earthquake shares similar spirit with EU’s policy project and thus facilitates policy transfer, policy makers admit that relating policy to experience from abroad is also a technique of policy marketing to enhance policy legitimacy and public acceptance. (2) The extent of policy transfer is low and only limited to the ‘inspiration level’ due to two reasons. Besides time pressure and resources constrains during the policy making process, which refraining policy makers from more in-depth research of EU’s policy project, the recognition of heterogeneous context and social conditions in Taiwan and EU countries also leads policy makers to design policy and details of execution locally rather than copying from EU. (3) Promoting job opportunities through the third sector in Taiwan encounters several obstacles in implementation, including that most jobs created were low-skilled ones rather than sustainable ones; NGOs lack sufficient ability to execute, or even to propose employment projects; government mistrusts of NGOs; and local political fractions misuse of project budget to treat their political alliance. The policy implications from this case study are: (1) Policy makers should avoid using policy transfer as a tool of policy marketing. Rather, in-depth research of foreign policies and applicability to local context is warranted. (2) While the results of the contract-out policy research projects are usually found less practical to help policy planning, it is necessary to establish policy research centers within the government to draw lessons from abroad in the long run. In the short term, it is useful to allocate adequate research resources, including budget and manpower, during the process of policy transfer and planning to improve the quality of public policies. (3) Use policy pilots to avoid great policy mistakes when the feasibility of the policy transferred is highly uncertain. (4) Consider local context and conditions when transferring foreign policy experiences and make adjustments in advance. This paper also tries to combine policy planning and policy transfer theories (see Graph 5-2) to enhance the robustness of interpretation of the policy process which involves policy learning. While traditional analysis focusing on the extent of rationale of policy-making, this paper adopts the perspective of policy transfer and attempts to locate an improved model of policy planning. However, only one case was researched in this text and more in-depth studies are needed to adapt the analytical framework in the future.

近年來保險經紀人、代理人公司家數及市場占有率逐漸上升，並且因為監理政策調整，保經代公司越來越朝向大型化發展。保險經紀人、保險代理人已成為保險行銷、仲介極重要之通路，其招攬之話術、資訊之揭露、適合度之評估等對於消費者權益影響重大。立法者、主管機關金融監督管理委員會基於保護消費者權益，對於保險經紀人、保險代理人等保險輔助人之規範政策及管理態度，從過往寬鬆，皆轉向積極立法、緊縮監理，且嚴加查核，近期做出之裁罰案甚至超過過去數十年之總和。 由於保險經紀人管理規則於2011年2月25日修正發布全文49條條文，12月29日再修正11條條文、新增3條條文並刪除1條條文，修正幅度接近三分之一，對保險經紀人公司營運具重大影響性。本文遂以2012年為界，蒐集自2012年來主管機關金融監督管理委員會對於保險經紀人公司之裁罰案，分析其裁罰原因、理由；並類型化成三種主要之裁罰類型，包含：一、未落實保險經紀人簽署制度；二、違反禁止策略聯盟、轉單掛件制度；三、所使用之廣告、文宣用品未經保險業同意；逐一詳細探討其適法性，並提出修正本文看法。 由於探討上開三類裁罰案類型之法律依據的適法性，與學說、實務上對保險經紀人之定位、保險經紀人與保險公司、要保人間之契約關係屬性，甚至是現行我國對保險經紀人之管理制度等，皆密切關連。故本文開頭，先詳細介紹我國保險經紀人管理制度，並參考歐盟保險仲介指令、紐約州保險法第二十一章、以及國際保險監理官協會所頒佈之保險核心原則第十八點，有關保險經紀人之監理規範，定位我國保險經紀人之地位後，才進入本文重點，探討常見裁罰案背後規範的妥適性。 希冀藉由本文分析能稍釐清取我國保險經紀人之定位，並且取得主管機關所欲達成保護消費者權益，以及業者經營保險經紀人公司成本之平衡，提升保險經紀人之專業及信賴性，創造整體社會最大之福祉。

本論文旨在論述中國大陸學術界在中共外交政策的決策過程中所扮演的角色，並聚焦在值得外界特別關注的個案─中國大陸的歐洲研究學界與中共的歐盟政策。在面對愈來愈複雜的外交關係環境下，無論是在正式或非正式的層面，有更多外圍組織或人員被納入中共的外交決策結構之中，其中最貼切的例子就是學術界。隨著中國大陸地區外交相關科系或研究機構的演變、多元性和優質化的發展，其對外交政策之決策過程與範圍的潛在影響力正在增長。學者與其相關的研究機構透過各種可能影響的途徑、層次和來源，來鞏固其研究的影響力。中國大陸歐洲研究的領域目前正蓬勃發展，有些傑出的專家經常被約見來提供建言或評論。除此之外，2003年中國政府公布了中共的歐盟政策官方文件，這是中共有史以來唯一宣布過的外交政策文件，其展現中歐關係的重要性。本研究除了將論文中所界定的學術影響力框架應用於該歐洲研究的個案之外，也提供學界對此一領域主要研究範圍和學術論述的一個初步調查，以及其對中共的歐盟政策決策上實務性的關聯。 / This thesis discusses the role of academia in foreign policy-decision making in the People’s Republic of China, considering in particular the case of European Studies academia and China’s European Union policy, which merits greater scrutiny by outside observers. Faced with ever more complex foreign relations, the structure of Chinese foreign policy making is incorporating a growing number of external actors at both formal and informal levels. Academic circles are a case in point; as foreign policy research institutes evolve, diversify and optimise, their potential influence within policy making processes and circles is expanding in scope, and academics and their respective institutes are able to consolidate the impact of their research through a range of pathways, levels, and sources of influence. The European Studies field in China is robust and certain noteworthy experts are regularly called upon for advice and comment. What’s more, China’s only ever foreign policy paper in 2003 dealt with European Union policy, demonstrating the significance of Sino-European relations. In addition to applying the framework of academic influence identified herein to the case of the European Studies field, this thesis also provides a preliminary investigation of some of the field’s key research issue areas and current academic discourse, as well as connections with China’s European Union policy decisions in practice.