諾貝爾文學獎得主奈波爾(V. S. Naipaul)可以說是當代文學中最具爭議性及最難以捉摸的一位作家，因為他對自己祖國千里達的前殖民國英國懷有一種好惡相參的矛盾態度。奈波爾的自傳性小說《抵達之謎》，故事橫跨三十年，描述一位曾被殖民的離散敘事者其人生旅程。旅程始自敘事者還是一個得到牛津大學獎學金的十八歲學生，終至敘事者成為在英國有立足之處的作家，其間歷經迷惘、錯置、覺醒、安頓等過程。在後殖民批評及文學的「信條」下，奈波爾的作品理應對大英帝國表示出一種明確的對抗態度，但其作品卻幾乎未能達到此一預期，而這也使得他必須承受遭指控為背叛者的衝擊。批評家普遍將奈波爾稱為英國的喉舌，而本論文旨在提供一個有別於此的觀點。本論文想要處理的關鍵問題如下：奈波爾是否真的是大英帝國的擁護者？如果不是的話，他如何與英國性(Englishness)協商以換取發言位置？ 論文首章對奈波爾及《抵達之謎》的批評做簡短的回顧。第二章以法農(Frantz Fanon)的觀點來檢視敘事者與白人女性角色的關係，以說明敘事者從崇拜英國文化到擺脫對英國謬誤幻想的發展。筆者也嘗試描繪出敘事者成為一個作家的軌跡。藉此，筆者認為敘事者經歷一段從目光狹隘的英國經典作家模仿者，到寫自己人生故事的作家的歷程。在第三章，本文認為在倫敦及英國鄉間的停留期間，敘事者看出帝國中心的破敗以及英國文化核心中英國性的矯揉造作。第四章首先就「離散」這個概念做一回顧，並說明奈波爾及《抵達之謎》如何能置於這樣的概念之下來解讀。筆者指出，敘事者同時身為離散者及流亡者的身份，使得他能夠取得一個「對位」的觀點，而此觀點幫助敘事者發展其後殖民牧歌，揭發英國性背後的殘酷。第五章揭示筆者對現存奈波爾批評中潛在缺陷的根本關懷。本論文希望藉由提供非主流但具建設性的觀點來補足現存的奈波爾批評。 / A Nobel laureate in literature, V. S. Naipaul is arguably the most controversial and elusive writer in contemporary literature because his signature is his ambivalence on England, a country which once colonized his mother country Trinidad. Spanning thirty years, The Enigma of Arrival, Naipaul’s autobiographical novel, delineates an ex-colonial and diasporic narrator’s life journey—from an eighteen-year-old schoolboy granted a scholarship to Oxford University to a writer gaining a foothold in England—of disorientation, dislocation, awakening and anchorage. Under the “doctrine” of postcolonial criticism and literature, Naipaul’s works are expected to express an explicit and confrontational attitude towards the British Empire, but his works hardly come to terms with such expectation, which makes him bear the brunt of the accusation of being an apostate. This thesis aims at providing a different viewpoint from criticism in general which labels Naipaul as the mouthpiece of England. The pivotal issues this thesis intends to tackle are as follows: Is Naipaul really an exponent of the British Empire to the core? If not, how does he negotiate with Englishness for a position of enunciation? The opening chapter offers a brief review of criticism about Naipaul and The Enigma of Arrival. In Chapter II, I examine the narrator’s relationship with white female characters in the light of Fanon’s perspective, trying to illustrate the progression in which the narrator at first worships the English culture but at last sheds his false fantasy. I also try to chart the trajectory of the narrator’s becoming a writer. By doing so, I intend to argue that the narrator undergoes a course from a blinkered colonial emulating English canonical writers to a writer writing his own life story. In Chapter III, I argue that during his stay in London and the English countryside, the narrator discerns the dilapidation of the imperial center and the artificiality of Englishness in the heart of English culture. Chapter IV begins with a review of the concept “diaspora” and how Naipaul and The Enigma of Arrival could be situated in this concept. I point out that the narrator’s identity as a diasporan and an exile enables him to obtain a “contrapuntal” perspective that contributes to the narrator’s postcolonial pastoral which exposes the cruelty behind Englishness. The concluding chapter reveals my ultimate concern about the latent flaw in the established Naipaul criticism, unfolding my intention to make this thesis complement the Naipaul criticism by contributing an alternative yet constructive perspective.

本論文的研究對象是台灣有些日治時期原本是天理教佈教所後來卻變成佛教(當地人所認為)的寺廟，其信仰型態和信徒的行為深受天理教影響，又與筆者在日本所觀察的天理教宗教實踐相當不同。透過深度訪談、參與觀察與文獻分析等方法，本文嘗試瞭解當地人的歷史經驗和緣於其自身宗教文化的詮釋。相關宗教實踐反映了天理教的社會背景、在台灣的傳教史和當地特有的宗教文化。這些實例的研究不僅呈現了一個新的層面—台灣漢人民間信仰和天理教的關係，也有助於台灣民間信仰的研究。 本文先首先指出十九世紀後半到二十世紀初期當時的天理教作為一個新興宗教，其發展受到日本明治政府宗教政策例如神道國教化所影響，在傳教和儀式上都受到政府的管制，在宗教組織方面則受到日本社會文化如傳統村落組織和「家制度(ie-seido)」的影響。並參考渡邊雅子的分類，指出天理教是「親子型」和「信徒萬人佈教師」型態的宗教，這種特質影響了日治時期天理教在台灣的傳教方法，是所謂「組織性傳教」和「單獨傳教」。本文指出傳教師個人傳教的解釋方式對於在異文化中傳教是非常重要的，由於「親子型」的傳教方式重視以信徒為傳教士，天理教本部在台灣缺乏正式的傳教方針和教義翻譯，此一狀況為日本傳教士對台灣本島信徒傳教過程中，提供了自由、寬鬆的解釋教義空間，以使用台灣當地的解釋，採取適合台灣人風俗的傳教方法。例如重視「神授(治病儀式)」、「神水(治病和保持平安)」等，因此避免了在異文化中傳教的衝突。此外也有以像父母和子女的關係來養成當地菁英的傳教方法，積極將信徒和其子女送到「原地」留學或拜領「神授方式之理」，這些當地人日後對教會的貢獻相當大。 本文也指出台灣的去殖民化與特有的後殖民狀況，造成在台灣戰後獨特的天理教變遷的型態。台灣齋教的齋堂真一堂不同於大陸佛教，對其他宗教較為寬容，能夠適合已經娶妻、吃葷的佈教所長們，因此提供了一個天理教和佛教融合的空間。例如：天理教西螺佈教所系統下信徒和佈教所整體到中國佛教會雲林縣支會辦公室的真一堂學習佛教的教義和儀式，使原本天理教的佈教所成為中國佛教會團體會員的寺廟，開始具有佛教的認同，但還是保留了天理教的要素。 另外，其用民間信仰的方式和佛教經典舉行天理教祖的聖誕儀式，反映了對神明的詮釋上的融合。例如日治時期用台灣漢人民間信仰中最高位的「天公」來比喻「天理大神」，替其供奉玉皇大帝的神像。祖靈神龕也隨著台灣民間風俗，變成「天理公媽牌位」。當地人並透過天理教祖的供品，生米和鹽跟其它供奉的神明區別，以意含其神明由來的特殊性。同時他們的寺廟名稱也表達與暗示了與天理教時期系統的連結。 最後，本文分析、比較明修堂法會、明道堂收驚儀式和天理教的神授儀式，探討儀式的變遷，指出私人建立寺廟的優點，如和信徒保持密切的關係，能夠對信徒提供非常貼心的服務。因此法會也有使用信徒各自準備的衣服舉行保持平安的儀式，收驚儀式用佛教經典舉行等，這些都是儀式為因應當地信徒的需求，以及與鄰接廟宇的競爭等相互影響所形成的。本文引用三尾裕子對中國宗教的說法，寺廟為了確保存續，必需要有理論上的武裝，所以民眾操作各種理論，必須重視菁英所有的文化和大眾所有的文化之間的相互作用。筆者將此一觀點與Lévi-Strauss提出的「bricolage」概念加以聯想，希望據以繼續發展未來相關的研究。 / According to the research of Fujii Takeshi, professor at Tokyo Gakugei University, there are 19 kinds of Japanese new religious organizations carrying out mission works in Taiwan now, and the earliest of them is Tenrikyo. Tenrikyo started their mission works during Japanese rule of Taiwan, and had acquired Taiwanese believers. Therefore, Tenrikyo is a very suitable example for the study of Japanese new religion’s development and changes in Taiwan. The object of this paper is the unique religious phenomena that is found during my study in Taiwan, the temple(natives call ‘miao’ in their language), namely the religious center of Taiwanese popular beliefs but used to be Tenrikyo’s branch in Japanese colonial period. This paper analyzes the syncretism of their religious ceremonies and beliefs, which have elements of both Chinese popular beliefs and Tenrikyo. It bases on qualitative interviews, participant observation and methods of textual analysis to make clear the historical and cultural contexts, changes of Japanese new religions there, to interpret their meanings and explicate causes of the transformations. This paper contains four chapters besides the introduction and conclusion. Its organization and summary are presented as follows. In chapter one, it explains teachings, the organization and history of Tenrikyo, focuses on the relations between god and human, influences of Japanese religious policy and the related socio-cultural system during the latter half of the nineteenth and early twentieth century. According to the classification proposed by Masako Watanbe, Tenrikyo is define as of “Vertical axis Parent-child model” and “Laity-focused propagation model”. This paper shows that one can find the same pattern working in missions in Taiwan. In chapter two it analyzes the methods of Tenrikyo’s mission work during the colonial period in Taiwan, especially the so-called “individual mission” and “organizational mission” and explains its manner of training for native elite believers. It also focuses on the intercultural processes in the mission work, which adapt to the differences between diverse cultural contexts and religious schemas, and the transformed interpretations of Tenrikyo’s doctrine and meanings of ceremony for Taiwanese native believers. Based on the analysis of historical materials and statistic records, characteristics of the development of Tenrikyo in the colonial period are presented as well. It finally presents accounts for some Toroku churches, which used to belong to Tenrikyo and have changed their identification in the postcolonial period after the World War II. In chapter three, this paper attempts to explain causes and the background of transformations of Tenrikyo beliefs and ceremony. One reason is due to the cultural policy of KMT government, and influences of the policy to Tenrikyo in Taiwan are analyzed. It also makes clear other related historical and cultural situation and context. For the adaptations under changes of the social and political situation, this paper especially draws attention to the unique process of decolonization in Taiwan. In chapter four, based on the author’s participant observation, it focuses on some religious practices in related temples and rituals, analyzes their transformations and provides interpretations of the changes and their meanings. With reference to the concept and schema about Chinese popular beliefs provided by previous Japanese scholars and the concept of ‘bricolage’ by Levi-Strauss, this paper’s contribution and interpretation will be able to lead the author for the research in the future. Despite many Japanese new religions implement their mission works in Taiwan, there is few research so far to mention it. This paper has introduced previous researches on it, and tries to point out the value and position of the study on Japanese new religions in Taiwan. Focusing especially on tasks and difficulties special for Japanese new religions, it actually has provided suggestions about prospects for anthropological study of Japanese new religion and Chinese popular beliefs in Taiwan.

本文即根據政治發展的概念和理論假設，選擇菲律賓為個案研究的對象。這一選擇乃 是基於下述考慮： 第一：菲律賓為具馬來文化特質的東方國家。 第二：菲律賓歷西班牙、美國、日本之殖民統治，其政治社會與文化適應情形頗引人 注意。 第三：菲律賓有「亞洲民主櫥窗」之美譽，卻在一九七三年轉變為個人獨裁統治，此 種轉變涉及學者爭辯的政治發展底目標問題。 全文分為六章，各章要旨如后： 第壹章為緒論。闡釋政治和社會現象變動的狀態，並舉述思想家的觀點，以資佐證。 其次討論政治面的發展現象，並解釋政治發展概念在本文所指涉的範圍。 第貳章討論生態與社會結構。國家的政治發展與其生態與社會結構。國家的政治發展 與其生態環境及其所反映的社會結構有密切的關係；本章僅討論與國家整合和發展有 關的生態與社會結構的特點。 第參章討論政治制度化。本章首先將菲律賓政治體系之發展分為八個政治變遷階段， 依次探討每一階段的合法地位、層級分工與執行能力，以期瞭解制度建立的過程與體 系能力的範圍，以及菲人認同支持的程度。其次探討官僚體制的發展及菲化的過程。 第三，是探討官僚體制在制度化過程中發生的貪污與腐敗現象。 第伍章討論國家整合。政治制度化與政治參與的平衡關係，可以決定政治體系的穩定 ，換言之，這兩者的關係平衡，國家整合的能力強；如果不平衡，國家整合的能力弱 。 第陸章為結論。綜合上述五章的分析結果，做一全盤性的敘述與解釋，並且試以簡單 的公式表達第三個假設的關係。最後，則提出菲律賓政治發展的困難與應解決的問題 。 /

本文從日據時期殖民地媒體檢閱制度的要素，來觀察台灣左翼文學的發展，試圖對前行研究指出台灣左翼文學於發展歷史中所呈現的特點，作一補充性論述。首先，針對當時台灣檢閱制度來龍去脈和殖民地前期媒體實際概況的論述，我們可以看到，檢閱制度如何作為當時日本帝國殖民地特殊政策的一環，在媒體環節上發揮嚴苛於內地的箝制作用。這種影響不僅使得由殖民地台灣人自辦的刊物直至1920年才出現，而且能發展的空間在總督府密切關注下也一直相當有限。這種情況在1927年台灣政治運動的突破(分裂)局勢中獲得了轉機，一些具左翼色彩的刊物藉由「出版物」的合法型態取得發行機會，替台灣左翼文學打開了契機。但相對來說，檢閱制度因應著殖民地文化空氣的轉變，也提升了媒體檢閱工作的細膩度和專業度，其中特別是針對這個時期開始增加的中國輸入出版品。在檢閱制度下，原本這些期待能運用出版物合法型態來推動左翼思潮的刊物也一一面臨查禁停刊的命運，使得台灣左翼文學被迫走入一種最低程度的左翼文學類型。1931年日本侵略中國的局勢，進一步內縮了台灣的媒體空間，台灣左翼文學開始在文學領域中尋求與右翼文人的聯合，但這種聯合卻也曝露出路線不明確、或自我淡化左翼色彩來保住發言權的現象，左翼文學必須受限於種種掣肘，最終在1937年中日戰爭全面升級後再也無法堅持下去。

本研究利用電影院的殖民建築、設計以及週遭的城市歷史變遷過程，探討「上海電影院」的空間歷史與殖民性。 　　進入本文分析之前，先從文獻中了解「後殖民」意義與源起。建立基本認知後，一併對後殖民理論重要概念，「東方主義」、「戲擬」與「混雜性」加以耙疏，歸納整理出後殖民主義的批評觀點，以作為本文在探討上海殖民及後殖民現象在問題上提供反思與運用。緊接著透過對「全球化」理論的認知，勾勒出上海作為後殖民城市的全球及在地思考。同時，為了讓思考更為緊密，分別就「後殖民主義與全球化」、「後殖民主義與民族主義」、「後殖民主義與帝國主義」作一整組概念的理解，以作為本研究的理論與概念架構。 　　本文分析十九世紀末到二十世紀的上海電影院與城市之歷史系譜，檢視上海殖民租界時期的影院建築與城市。其次，在殖民之後，對中國社會主義主政下的上海影院與城市做一發展脈絡的理解。最後，基於對上海影院與城市歷史的認知，進一步探求當前全球化架構下，「西方」與「中國」對上海城市及影院所採取的觀看方式與干預形式，是否存在著（後）殖民文化意義的肇因轉變。 　　研究結果發現，進入九○年代後，上海存在著「向前看」與「向後看」的兩股想像力量，同時影響上海城市與影院發展：一股「向前看」的想像力量，是在全球化架構下，國家與跨國資本合力打造了一座座新式電影城的崛起，淘汰了老舊電影院的動力來源。同時，在上海城市空間的劇烈變動過程中，中國有意引渡香港作為「第三勢力」，以便在上海城市影城發展上與西方跨國資本勢力抗衡。另一股「向後看」的想像力量則存在於後殖民語境裡。中國政府投入大量資金進行影院改建工程，大面積的修改、摹仿了原初殖民影院建築，以展露出一個全新的歷史空間。在這種狀況下，當前標誌著殖民霸權的上海影院跟過去有了分別：現在的上海殖民影院是中國政府通過與資本共謀，戲擬式的營造出三○年代老上海電影宮的摩登形象，以投射出中國政府積極推動下新的混雜產物。這一切的改變，使得原初上海影院空間所夾雜的殖民符號在意義的閱讀與指涉上有了不同。新創建的殖民影院不僅成了上海城市產業上文化空間及休閒娛樂的消費賣點。同時在九○年代上海懷舊熱潮席捲影響下，也開啟了殖民影院被重新閱讀及詮釋的可能。本文以為，當西方帝國以戀物凝視姿態持續對上海殖民影院刻版印象作確認，以維持“殖民凝視（殖民規訓）”穩定的同時，也一併在國家意志與懷舊氣氛當中，經由各種懷舊媒材創作、重寫，賦予了過去特性新的內涵，虛構了新的歷史深度。 / The study aims to explore the spatial history and colonialism of cinema, process as cinema of architecture, design and urban evolvement in colonial Shanghai. Prior to embarking on the textual analysis, a concise literature review has been made to instill a rudimentary conception on the significance and origin of post-colonialism, which is then used to discern some of the crucial concepts of post-colonial theories: Orientals, mimicy, mestizo. Drawing from post-colonialism, these critical viewpoints are adopted to facilitate the attempt of this study and to examine the issues of colonial and post-colonial phenomena in Shanghai. What follows is, through globalization theories, to map out a global and local thinking on Shanghai as a post-colonial city. In order to conclude the theoretical examination and conceptual ascertaining, this study sorts out the serial subjects of “Colonialism vs. globalization”, “Post-colonialism vs. nationalism”, and “Post-colonialism vs. imperialism” as a comprehensive understanding. 　 This paper reviews the paradigmatic relation between the city and the colonial cinema of Shanghai from late 19th to 20th century. Then, after the colonization, a comprehensive discerning of Shanghai cinemas and the city as a whole under the control of Chinese socialism is examined. Lastly, based on the understanding of Shanghai cinema and the city history, a further attempt is to figure out if there’s catalytic change of significance of the Shanghai City and its cinemas on (post) colonial culture from the West’ and China’s viewpoint and intervention. The study findings reveal that in the 90’s, there are two imagined forces: “looking forward” and “looking backward” that exist in Shanghai and the two forces have influenced the development of Shanghai cinemas and the city. The “looking forward” imagined force had spurred the mushrooming of cinemas, which are advocated by cross-nationally joint venture under the framework of globalization, and that became the dynamic for eliminating the old cinemas. Meanwhile, with dramatic changes in Shanghai, the Chinese regime intends to bring in Hong Kong industry as a third counterforce to withstand the dynamic of Western multinational capital in Shanghai city’s cinema development. On the other hand, the “looking backward” imagined force can be seen in the post-colonial context of China. In order to demonstrate a new historical space, the government of China invested quite a lot to reconstruct cinemas via simulating but refining the original colonial architecture style. Thus, it can be distinguished form the present Shanghai cinemas to the past: the present colonial cinemas in Shanghai are the new mestizo by the efforts of China government, and they have built a modern mimicry of old Shanghai cinemas in the 1930s. The process of transferring has made a difference in the textual meaning from old Shanghai cinemas to the new ones. As the cultural and entertaining space in Shanghai, the newly constructed cinemas has not only become the popular area for consumption, but also turned on the possibility of re-read and re-interpretation under the trend of nostalgia. As a result, when the Western imperialism continues to acknowledge its stereotype and takes a materialistic stance toward Shanghai to maintain the stability of a colonial doctrine, those old features are new-minted different meanings by various kinds of nostalgic creature, so that a new historical depth is fabricated at the same time.

21世紀是中國的世紀。自1978年改革開放以來，以漸進式的經濟改革政策成功發展出「具有中國特色的市場經濟」型態，使得經濟成長迅速。在2010年時，中國已經領先日本躍升為僅次於美國的世界第二大經濟體，累積雄厚經濟實力的中國，綜合國力迅速從亞洲崛起。隨著經濟力量、綜合國力的提升，中國在國際的地位也水漲船高，影響力日益升高，因此，中國在對各國的經濟外交運作上更具有著力度。 中國對非洲的經濟外交已經長達半個多世紀，從改革開放前的經濟無償援助關係，到改革開放後的雙方合資合作關係，再發展到現階段互利的「新型戰略夥伴」關係，中國以本身的經濟發展進程對非洲展開階段不同的經濟外交內容。 進入21世紀，崛起的中國需要更多的原物料、能源來維持經濟成長，而天然資源豐富、石油天然氣能源相繼被發掘的非洲，正是中國所需，加深中非經濟關係為中國本世紀要務之一，「中非合作論壇〈Forum on China – Africa Cooperation—FOCAC〉」基於這種背景下應運而生，透過論壇對話平台，中非關係在政治、能源和經貿關係上快速發展。同時，中國也認真落實歷屆論壇中對非洲所宣布的各项援助措施，因此，中國在非洲的影響大幅增強，中非關係更趨緊密。 另一方面，由於全球能源稀缺，西方大國也急於涉足非洲，密切的中非關係引來「中國威脅論」及「新殖民主義」的負面評論。“新非洲爭奪戰”在遙遠的非洲悄然掀起，也間接對全球國際關係產生了影響。 / The 21st century is the century of the Chinese. Since the reform in 1978, the progressive economic reform policy has successfully facilitated the development of the “Market economy with Chinese characteristics” model, thereby allowing the economy to achieve rapid growth. In 2010, China became the world’s second largest economy, ahead of Japan and second only to the United States. Having accumulated solid economic strength, China has increased its national strength and has soared in Asia. With this new economic power, combined with the increase in national strength, China’s international influence soared and its influence continues to increase. Therefore, China’s economic diplomacy in different countries has become more intense. China’s economic diplomacy in Africa has been progressed for over half a century. From the Aid for Debt Relief before the reform and opening-up, the joint venture partnership after the reform and opening-up, to the current mutually-benefiting development of the “new strategic partnership” relationship, China has launched economic diplomacy, the content of which has been carried out in different stages in connection with China’s own economic development process. In the 21st century, China has been the rise and is in need of more raw materials and energy to sustain its economic growth while Africa with abundant natural resources and natural gas energy being discovered is exactly what China is after. One of China’s priorities in this century is to deepen its economic relations with Africa. This background has led to the establishment of a platform for open talks: Forum on China-Africa Cooperation-FOCAC has undergone political, energy, and economic and trade relations with rapid development. Meanwhile, China has earnestly implemented the various assistance measures for Africa in the previous FOCAC sessions. Thus, China’s influence has intensified and China-Africa relations have become closer. On the other hand, due to the global energy scarcity, countries in power in the west have anxiously set food in Africa. The close relationship between China and Africa has led to negative comments such as the “China Threat Theory” and “New-colonialism. The “new scramble for Africa” has been quietly set off in Africa with an indirect impact on international relations.

隨著世界各國在民主化後對重新審視、扭轉過去壓迫性政權作為的嘗試，近年來以臺灣史料為題材的研究中，以轉型正義為主題的論文也有逐漸增加的趨勢。不過多數研究習慣將視野集中於國民黨來臺後的族群歧視、整個國家退守臺灣後基於反共／防共的白色恐怖對人權的侵害、或是臺灣政治民主化後的補償與歷史正義，相對少有探討臺灣戰後初期對日本統治的反省內容，同時也缺乏比較性地跨越不同政權統治時期，嘗試從外來政權如何統治社會與汲取資源方式的角度，研究國家建構如何影響轉型正義主張與行動的作品。 　　相較先行研究，本論文以從日本殖民時期以至戰後初期的臺灣與朝鮮為研究對象，指出日本對新領土的國家建構工程使兩地在戰後初期都出現了轉型正義的行動與主張，而兩地在遭受殖民前與殖民期間發展出的共同體意識、社會成員處境、和殖民者建構國家的手段與過程均影響了兩地轉型正義的內容與強度；而兩地在戰後分別受到外來政權統治，再次出現國家意圖控制社會的國家建構行為，使兩地原有的轉型正義主張遭到壓抑－在臺灣，新統治者與臺灣社會認定的犯過錯者結合，以自己的轉型正義標準壓制臺灣人的權利和對政權的批判，臺灣人因此重新審視共同體界線；朝鮮／韓國對民族獨立與犯過錯者的究責要求則一直未滅，然而新統治者與其後繼者為了穩定政權，出現了無視社會要求，以新標準區別敵人並阻礙轉型正義的情形，最後，戰後初期統治兩地的新政權皆為其國家建構目的犧牲了社會的轉型正義要求，同時製造了新的不正義。 / With countries of the world tried to review and redress doings oppressive regimes did in the past after democratization, the number of theses topic on transitional justice by studying Taiwan historical resources increases recently. However, most of the researches focus on ethnic discriminations after Kuomintang seized Taiwan, human right violation and persecution in white terror era, and redress or historical justice after political democratization. There come relatively fewer discussions on reflections on Japanese rule in early post war Taiwan, and lack of comparative, cross-regime works try to explain how state-building influenced transitional justice ideas and actions, by applying viewpoint that different alien regimes carry out ruling and extraction resources from society. 　Compared with former researches, I adopt the era Taiwan and Korea under Japanese colonization to early post war period as research subjects. I first point out Japanese state-building crafts brought out transitional justice ideas and actions in early post war Taiwan and Korea, different development degrees of community imagines, situation of society members, means and process colonizers took to build state before and in the colonial period made postwar transitional justice different in the two places. Next I point out new alien regimes befell post war Taiwan and Korea, new state-building process came out once again, and transitional justice was repressed. In Taiwan, new rulers built a patron-client relationship with local wrongdoers, they put Hanjian accusation standard on Taiwanese, suppress their political right and critique, and therefore Taiwanese started to review the boundary of community. In Korea, desires to nation independence and punish wrongdoers never faded, however, post war rulers ignored society requests and used new standard to mark new enemy within, blocked transitional justice for stable regime. At last, regimes ruled Taiwan and Korea in early post war days sacrificed society requests for transitional justice, instead by pursuit of state-building goals, and brought out new injustice.

國家認同指涉的是涵蓋傳統、語言與政治的整體國家文化，經過學者在各學術領域的討論，此一概念已經變得普遍。既有的研究主要則是對國家認同概念持續建構，以及瞭解個人、團體以及「國家」之間的複雜互動關係。本論文以臺灣為例，嘗試點出歷史與國家認同關係的重要性，並從1895年日本在臺灣開始殖民政策開始，到國民黨在臺灣威權統治期間，再到2000年臺灣的民主轉型之間，瞭解究竟是哪些因素，以及這些因素如何，與何時，對臺灣國家認同的發展產生影響等問題，提供重要的支持點點。其間重要的研究問題也包含究竟國家認同所指為何？以及歷史經驗，諸如日本的殖民統治時期、228事件、白色恐怖、國民當的威權統治，以及2000年之前的民主轉型等，會如影響國家認同的變化？本論文在一開始對認同發展的研究進行一總體式的回顧，接著討論社會、政治與文化認同彼此之間如何互動，以及這些認同如何與前述歷史經驗影響國家認同的發展。在此同時，本文也將評述其他學者對於1895年到2000年之間臺灣民眾國家認同發展的相關研究與論點。 / National Identity, the depiction of a country as a whole, encompassing its culture based on traditions, language and politics. This concept has grown to be common, lectured by scholars from various disciplines. Existing studies have fabricated piece by piece the definition of national identity, to comprehend the complex interaction within individuals, groups and a “Nation”. This paper seeks to provide the importance of the relationship of history on national identity, using the case of Taiwan, also known as the R.O.C (Republic of China). The importance of this research is critical to support how, when, and what variables during the time period of 1895 (Japanese Colonial Period) to 2000 (KMT Authoritarian Rule and Democratic Transition Period) were the main causes for Taiwan’s national identity to evolve. What exactly does national identity refer to? And how do historical experiences such as, the Japanese colonial era, the 2-28 and White Terror period, and KMT’s authoritarian rule and democratic transition before 2000, can systematically cause change? Prior to analyzing Taiwan, we first conduct a general review on the development of identity; the interconnection between the social, political, and cultural identities and how those identities along with historical experiences impact national identity evolution. At that juncture, we will question other scholarly works on the development of people’s national identity from 1895 to 2000 and its impact in Taiwan.