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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
31

《一無所有》中的旅行辯證 / The dialectics of Travel in The Dispossessed

秦小玳, Ching, Shiau Diy Unknown Date (has links)
本論文是以旅行敘事的角度來解讀魏勒恩 (Ursula K.Le Guin) 的科幻小說《一無所有》(The Dispossessed),討論在旅行至異地時,自我與他者的相遇,他者的「異質性」(the alterity of the other,簡稱「他異性」)如何影響甚至改變個人的自主性與既有的社會認同。本論文首先以佛洛伊德 (Sigmund Freud) 所提出的「怪異經驗」(the uncanny experience) 理論,以及克莉斯緹娃 (Julia Kristeva) 對此經驗的闡述,說明人對「他異性」所引起的反應,其實是來自於其本身早已具有的異質性。 克莉斯緹娃認為人之所以會將他者視為不可理解的陌生人,是因為人的內心也蘊藏著一個陌生人。本論文接著引用列維納斯 (Emmanuel Levinas) 「絕對他者」(the absolutely other) 的理論,延伸克莉斯緹娃的主張,並且將自我與他者的關係構築成一個倫理關係。列維納斯認為他者的激進他異性無法整合進入自我的知識系統,因為它只能被經驗感知,既不能被概念化,也不能被智性思考。因此,他者的無限內在性無法被掌握,而主體有選擇是否回應他異性的自由。對於列維納斯而言,選擇回應並超越自我中心,或者不回應且拒絕面對他者之無限性,二者並無對錯可言,皆為可接受之選項。 《一無所有》的主要人物薛維克 (Shevek) 的故事敘述他如何成為列維納斯倫理的見證人。他的故事提供了一種另類模式,用來觀照現代殖民旅行小說 (modernist colonial odysseys) 中主要角色的旅行經歷。亞當斯(David Adams) 主張這些小說中的主角旅行至殖民地,是尋求在家鄉已不復見的神聖他者,換言之,即上帝的角色。西方世界因宗教的絕對權威崩潰,導致人類的存在價值無法再由神來保證,而有關存在的問題無法由神學來回答。這些小說的主角在異國土地上找不到答案,無功而返,甚至釀成悲劇。列維納斯認為尋找上帝的路是透過對他者沒有保留的仁慈與慷慨而展開,薛維克的故事正好詮釋了列維納斯的主張。 本論文的主要論證是將《一無所有》這本小說定位成繼承現代殖民旅行小說的脈絡,卻成就另一番文學風貌,不僅因為此書解決了現代殖民旅行小說的神學難題,也因為早在十九世紀末,當地球上已無多餘之地可供殖民時,已有作家在文學的領航下,開始了在異想世界或外太空的殖民。 / This thesis tries to examine Ursula K. Le Guin’s work of science fiction, The Dispossessed, as a travel narrative in terms of the dialectical relation between the self and the other. The term dialectics means the condition of the tension or opposition between two interacting forces or elements. The thesis aims to discuss how encountering others exerts the impact on the self whose autonomy and identity structured in the homeland are re-structured during travel in a foreign land. It will first explicate that the uncanny response to the otherness arises from one’s own otherness by employing Freud’s theory of the uncanny and Kristeva’s re-investigation of Freud’s. Secondly, Emmanuel Levinas’s theories concerning the absolutely other is used to broaden Kristeva’s contention that one is always already a stranger in her/himself, and to turn the relation between the self and the other into an ethics. Levinas maintains that the otherness of the other (“alterity” by Levinas’s term) is radical and cannot be incorporated into the self’s totality; the alterity in the other is as infinite as that in the self. Neither the other nor the self is graspable. The subject is free to choose between responding to the alterity of the other in order to transcend its own solipsism, and incorporating the other and treating it simply as a reflection of the self. To Levinas, there is no right or wrong with either choice. The story of the protagonist, Shevek, delineates how he becomes a Levinasian ethical man. His travel experience provides an alternative model that would otherwise accomplish the quest that the modernist colonial odysseys have failed—according to David Adams, to seek the divine absolute in an age when the theological questions in the Western world are no longer answered as God has been perceived to be absent. Levinas suggests that the way to the divine absolute, that is, God, is through the detour of opening oneself to the other with generosity and hospitality, which Shevek demonstrates in his travel. The theoretical argument of the whole thesis expects to put The Dispossessed in the continuum of the modernist travel narratives because it offers the solution to the theological problems embedded in those travel narratives, and because to colonize or to transform a familiar place into an imagined land has, since the late 19th century, long been manifested in the works of those writers of science fiction.
32

日治時期台灣共同體意識與台灣民族獨立論述產生之研究

陳昭圻 Unknown Date (has links)
本論文是針對一九二○年代台灣人在政治社會運動中所培養形成的「台灣共同體意識」,以及列寧主義的「殖民地解放」論述的分析,來解釋日治時期台灣共產黨之所以會提出「台灣民族獨立」論述的原因,以及該論述主張的內涵與意義。 台共之所以會提出「台灣民族獨立」論述,是因為在日本殖民統治之下台灣人逐漸形成了「台灣共同體意識」。而為了實現脫離日本帝國的統治,達成「台灣是台灣人的台灣」的目的,運用了符合台灣當時情況的列寧主義的「殖民地解放」論述,所形成的一套「台灣獨立」的主張。 在一九二一年開始推動「台灣議會設置請願運動」,打出了「台灣是台灣人的台灣」的響亮口號之後,台灣人逐漸開始覺醒,慢慢的凝聚了台灣人的「台灣共同體意識」。然而,雖然同樣是出於「台灣共同體意識」,但透過對社會主義的信仰、透過對國際共產主義的「殖民地解放」論述的期待,使得台灣的左派產生與右派保守主義完全不同的思維,使左派他們更勇於、更大膽的去想像台灣的未來。而左派這種對台灣未來想像的具體呈現,就是一九二八年台共成立時所提出的「台灣民族獨立」論述。 隨著一九二○年代台灣共同體意識的形成,台灣人努力著多方嘗試為當時的台灣尋找出路。而由於台灣人所具有的台灣共同體意識,使得台灣人產生強烈脫離日本帝國統治的願望,而列寧主義的「殖民地解放」論述就是提供台灣人一個似乎可行的出路。
33

殖民地前衛──現代主義詩學在戰前台灣的傳播與再生產 / Colonial Avant-Garde: The Spread and Transformation of Modernism Poetics in Prewar Taiwan

陳允元, Chen, Yun Yuan Unknown Date (has links)
風車詩社的文獻在1970年代末出土以來,使得戰前台灣的現代主義活動的存在被認知。但三十餘年過去,在詩的領域風車詩社仍是唯一孤例,研究者對風車的種種既定認知,某種程度限縮了我們對於「戰前台灣現代主義」或「現代主義在戰前台灣的傳播與再生產」的課題想像。在這一部論文,我從對於既有台灣新文學史建構背後的三個框架:本島人中心、本島文壇中心、台灣新文學運動(寫實、抵抗)中心的檢討著手,在詩人身分上採取複數的「台灣出身」──台灣血統(本島人)、土著化於台灣的在台日人(第一代移民‧久居者)、出生於台灣的日本人(灣生)──取代本質主義的血緣論、在地理空間上則著眼於戰前東亞文學場域內的人員移動及文本交涉,解開幾乎定著的「戰前台灣現代主義詩≒風車詩社」的「文學史孤例」想像,重新就戰前誕生於殖民地台灣的、或複數「台灣出身者」的現代主義實踐,進行更大規模的基礎性研究,在日本帝國圈內中央文壇與台灣文壇交織連動的脈絡之下,論其生成、文學表象、發展軌跡,連繫的美學系譜與轉化,並在文學史的層次上探問以下三個問題:一、現代主義美學的引進如何衝擊殖民地台灣既有的文學場域?二、殖民地台灣及其出身者如何參與世界性的現代主義運動並將之進行改造?或者說,現代主義的傳播以台灣為介質產生了什麼樣的變化?三、如何給戰前台灣的現代主義文學一個解釋?其前衛性究竟為何?   本論文的研究對象有四組案例,包括了:一、風車詩社1910代的楊熾昌、李張瑞;二、1915代的林修二、張良典以及日籍的女性詩人戶田房子;三、土著甚深的在台日人作家西川滿;四、花蓮出生、台日混血的饒正太郎。他們進行現代主義實踐的場域與脈絡,彼此緊密連動、又各有不同,卻共同構成了一幅以「殖民地台灣」為中心輻射而出的1930年代東亞殖民地現代主義詩歌活動的圖景,既體現了前衛思潮傳播的世界性與同時代性,同時也是台灣出身的台日作家在殖民地的複雜情境下的在地回應。   本研究除了勾勒出諸多個案的現代主義的文學軌跡與美學表現,在整體上主要得到幾個結論:一、現代主義詩學在戰前台灣的傳播並非僅是「帝國→殖民地」的單線、單向的傳播,而是複線的、往復的。二、台灣的現代主義發展雖與帝國中央文壇有緊密連動,但並非亦步亦趨,案例間也呈現了系譜的非均質性與發展的非同步性。三、在殖民地台灣,現代主義的前衛性基礎是由於時差所致,但對於世界性的現代主義運動而言,其前衛性毋寧是因為透過台灣的在地轉化而產生的「現代主義的台灣解釋」。
34

日本殖民主義下的滿洲國法制 / The Legal System of Manchukuo under Japanese Colonialism

吳欣哲, Wu, Hsin-che Unknown Date (has links)
這是一篇法制史論文,主旨在以宏觀角度來研究日本殖民政策與傀儡政權「滿洲國」法制之間的關係。 在「九.一八」事件之後、滿洲國成立之前,日本方面曾就滿洲何去何從有過爭論,日本最後確定了「滿洲建國」之方針。透過滿洲國中央政府體制之設計、「日系」官吏掌握樞要,日本建立起對滿洲國「內面指導」的體制,實質上操控滿洲國法令之制定。 滿洲國成立之初,日本對地方各省的實質控制程度尚淺。日本先與地方勢力妥協,進而仿效明治維新「廢藩置縣」之經驗,以制度設計及政治運作為手段,漸進地達到中央集權的目標。而在基層地方行政組織方面,日本原本師法統治台灣、關東州、朝鮮之故智,採傳統中國的「保甲制度」;惟滿洲國後期則改採類似日本近代法的「街村制度」。總之,日滿當局相當成功地將國家權力深入地方基層。 日本人相當重視滿洲國的司法建設,致力於司法機關之改組與增設、司法人員換血及日系人員之引進、在地司法人員之培養與考選...等等。為了塑造滿洲國「獨立國」的假象及整合權力機制,1937年日本撤廢在滿洲國的「治外法權」,惟在滿日人的實質地位並未受太大影響。 在鞏固政權及維護治安的要求下,滿洲國的刑事法制究竟呈現何種面貌?其與「全體主義」(totalitarianism)時代思潮之間的關係又是如何?日滿當局如何在滿洲國建立起近代化的治安體系,也是本文關心之所在。除了法制面的論述之外,本文將分析滿洲國刑事司法的實際運作、對當地人民帶來何種影響。 日本拓殖政策,在何種程度上影響了民商經濟法制?這個問題將分為三部分回答。第一部分探討滿洲國民商法典之制定及其與日本法之關係。自始至終未完成立法的親屬、繼承法,本部分亦對其延遲的原因及其立法「要綱」加以分析。第二部分乃以日本移民滿洲政策與滿洲國土地法制間之關係為主題,研究日滿當局藉由何種制度設計來便利日人取得土地,並探討此種制度對當地華人造成的影響。第三部分則以「特殊會社」為中心,論述「計畫經濟」、「統制經濟」下的滿洲國經濟法制,及其實際的運作成效。 本文認為,滿洲國法制,不能單純地視為日本攫取殖民利益的工具。它的某些部分,吸納了當時日本學者、政治人物的改革理想,故有一定的進步性、實驗性。而在實踐上,日本殖民統治者,尤其是司法部門,在滿洲國奉行了相當程度的「形式法治主義」。因此,滿洲國法制及其運作,雖不脫「殖民地體制」之本質,卻仍具有其獨特的歷史地位。
35

Habermas 論社會化與溝通行動:對 Mead,Durkheim 及 Parsons 的詮釋

柯勝文, KE,SHENG-WEN Unknown Date (has links)
當代德國社會學理論家 Jurgen Habermas在其「溝通行動理論」一書中,檢視西方社 會的理化過程,發現在現代社會中,因為系統力量的不當膨賬而導致生活世界之溝通 脈絡受操縱媒介控制,因而扭曲了語意的面貌,並且產生「生活世界殖民化」的病態 現象。他認為要扭轉此一病態發展,唯有寄望於溝通行動的開展。 本篇論文主要將針對 Habermas 在「溝通行動理論」下卷中,對 Mead 、Durkheim 、 Parsons 等人的討論進行再詮釋,試圖由其中了解生活世界與系統之關係、溝通理性 理性與功能主意理性之區別。並且討論溝通行動之三方面:社會化、社會整合及文化 再製,藉以了解溝通行動之動態過程,最後建構-由個人(自我)到社會的分析架構 以明瞭 Habermas溝通行動理論的貢獻及其限制。
36

原教旨主義政治理論在埃及的發展

陳漢傑, Chen,Han-Chieh Unknown Date (has links)
原教旨主義是穆斯林世界回應現代化所產生的政治與社會思想,尤其當時代表穆斯林世界的鄂圖曼帝國在現代化的過程中逐漸崩解,不僅結束一統的伊斯蘭社群,同時因財政與內政問題下喪失政治與經濟的主權。現代化伴隨著西方殖民主義在穆斯林世界投下負面陰影,卻也激發了Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani等人,期望以社群團結回應殖民主義的思想,是為現代伊斯蘭原教旨主義的濫觴。 al-Afghani的思想為後人繼承,弟子Muhammad ‘Abduh建立了伊斯蘭的理性主義,一方面回應西方對伊斯蘭的誤解,另一方面論證穆斯林及其社群自身權利的來源。Rashid Rida則透過al-Afghani的政治架構來表現‘Abduh對社群權利的肯定,提出「新哈里發制度」作為嘗試。原教旨主義的嘗試,雖然沒有成功,迄至二十世紀,民族主義成為穆斯林爭取獨立的意識形態,尤其埃及受到英國勢力的入侵,企圖更形強烈。埃及民族主義日趨世俗化,卻遲遲未能解決問題,終於導致日後伊斯蘭原教旨躍然而起。 第一次世界大戰結束後,創立穆斯林兄弟會的Hasan al-Banna以行動發起伊斯蘭原教旨主義的運動,以積極而群體的方式涉入政治與社會事務,並指出伊斯蘭和民族國家之間的融通,期望以穆斯林社群作為「跨國之國」來統整穆斯林世界的力量。在政治體制上,甚至主張神聖統治下的伊斯蘭民主。這種具有政治與文化歸屬感的政治體制,既是一種追求政治、經濟獨立自主的力量,同時也是文化認同與原生的產物。 然而,原教旨主義的政治理念從未落實。埃及在歷經三十餘年的君主立憲後為軍人推翻,一九五二年由那瑟主導的社會主義共和國取代。新政府名義上保留立憲民主,實質上卻走向社會主義的集權統治,引發伊斯蘭原教旨主義者強烈的批判,視為仿效西方失敗後變形而成的「新暴政」。 其中影響廣泛的伊斯蘭激進主義思想家Sayyid Qutb,重新定義「蒙昧」與「奮戰」(Jihad)的教義,鼓勵民眾用和平或暴力的手段積極參與政治。除了對於西方文明、資本主義、工業化社會,以及物質主義等大加撻伐,並試圖從伊斯蘭的宗教內涵提出神聖主權的政治法理與正義的社會型態,逐漸周延原教旨主義的政治、社會、經濟藍圖。
37

香港區議會與基層政治 / A study of district council and local politics in Hong Kong

郭展瑋, Kuo, Chan Wei Unknown Date (has links)
長期以來,因為「九七回歸」、「一國兩制」等因素,台灣對香港的政治研究,多半將關注的焦點放在上層的政治制度,如行政長官(特首)、立法會的選舉和職能,亦或是政治民主化的討論。本文認為,一個地方的基層政治,如何的發展?具有什麼樣的成長過程?才是影響其政治文化產出的基礎。因此,本文以Lefebvre、Soja的空間理論、後殖民學者Chatterjee的政治社會理論,做為進入香港基層政治田野中的認識論基礎;透過歷史和社會學新制度主義的途徑,以區議會和區議員做為研究標的,來瞭解現今香港基層政治的面貌與對於香港政治文化發展的意義。 / 研究結果發現,香港雖然經歷了1997年的「解殖」,但因為來自《基本法》和「主權」的制約因素,所以基層政治制度發展仍然無法脫離過去殖民時期的脈絡。區議會擁有在最多數直選代表的組織,仍是被「吸納」、「鎖進」特區政府的地方行政管治主導架構當中,讓區議會只能發揮它代表基層民意接受來自特區政府的「諮詢」,而無法在制度上發揮充份制衡或影響行政權的能力。這符合了「政治社會」對於後殖民時期下的政治制度與底層人民參與之間距離的解釋。此外也發現,1997年之後來自於中國的新移民,在漸漸取得香港選舉的投票資格之後,也將開始影響未來香港的選舉和政治發展。 / 雖然香港的民主派持續地將民主制度、普選制度,放在香港政治發展過程中,作為一個很重要的追求目標。但是從回顧過去歷史的發展,到現在香港基層代議政治運作,以及未來發展的模式來看;代議民主、地方自治的那種「自主性」,並不是香港基層政治制度演變的重心。而基層民意代表組織對於民眾的意義,也集中在於提供類似「社會服務」的功能。即便所謂擴大區議會職能的改革計劃,也是包括在「地方行政」的思維中來推行,區議會仍然是輔助「行政權」的「委託」組織,而不是有能力和行政權並行的「自治組織」。如此,這就是本文所言,在民眾、區議會和區議員對於地方代議組織,角色認知的「異化」。毫無疑問地,這樣的「異化」,對於如民主派想建構的「民主政治制度」是有不小的落差。甚至最後就有可能將解殖後的香港政制,不斷地鎖回到殖民時期的風貌上。而這究竟是集體政治文化的選擇?亦或是主權者有意識的操作?不可否認的,本文認為,這兩種特性都存在於現在香港的基層政治文化當中。區議員的價值和地位,因為角色認知的「異化」,有可能不會更加弱化,但暫時似乎也找不到往地方自治方向再提升的動力了。脫離了殖民統治之後,香港市民應該有更多的正當性可以藉由選舉投票、公民集體運動來展現他們的聲音;香港未來的政治文化會往哪個方向走,現在的基層政治將會是塑造的起點。 / For a long terms, due to factors such as ”Handover in 1997”, ”One Country Two Systems”, Taiwan’s political research on Hong Kong is usually focused on the political system on the upper layer, for example, the administrative officer (Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region), the election and function of Legislative Council, or the discussion on political democracy. In this article, it was thought that how the Local Politics is developed, what kind of growth process it has is the basis to affect the political and cultural output. Therefore, in this article, the Space Theory of Lefebvre, Soja, the Political Society theory of Post-colonialism Chatterjee is used as the basis to enter the rural epistemology of the Local Politics of Hong Kong; through the path of historical and social new system principle, District Council and District Councilor are used as research targets to understand the meaning of the current Hong’s face of Local Politics on the political and cultural development of Hong Kong. / It is found from the research result that although Hong Kong has passed through the ”de-colonialism” in 1997, yet because of the limiting factors from “Basic Law” and ” sovereignty”, its development in Local Politics system still can not escape from the past path of colonial period. District Council is an organization that owns the largest number of directly elected representatives, yet it is still ”absorbed”, ”locked into” the main structure the local administrative government of the Special Region Government; therefore, District Council can only exploit its function to represent the people’s opinions to accept the ”consultation” from the Special Region Government, and its capability to fully balance or affect the administrative power in the system can not be exploited. This meets the explanation of the distance between the political system and the participation of the people in the bottom layer in the post-colonialism period from ”Political Society”. In addition, it is also found that the new immigrants from Mainland China after 1997, after the gradual acquisition of the election right in the local election of Hong Kong, they start to affect the future election and political development in Hong Kong. / Although the democratic party of Hong Kong continues to put democratic system and general election system into the political development process of Hong Kong to be used as a very important pursuit target, yet if we take a look from a review of the past historical development to the to the basic representative politic operation in modern Hong Kong, as well as future development model, Representative Democracy and “autonomy” of local self-government is not the evolution center of Local Politics system in Hong Kong. Meanwhile, the meaning of the basic representative organization of the public’s opinion is centered around the supply of the function similar to ”social service”. Even the improvement project for the expansion of the function of District Council is also included in the thinking of ”local administration” for the implementation; District Council is still a “consigned” organization to assist ”the administrative right” but not a ”Self-government organization” that has both power and administrative right. Therefore, this is what is mentioned in this article, this is ”alienation” among the public, District Council and District Councilor on the recognition of the local representative organization and role. No doubt, such ”alienation” has a pretty much gap to the ”Democratic political system” that the democratic party is going to build. It is even possible that the political system of Hong Kong after de-colonial period is continuously locked into the look in the colonial period. But is this the choice of group political culture or the conscious operation of the top level people who owns the power? Undeniably, it is thought in this article that both these characteristics all exist in the current Local Politics culture of current Hong Kong. The value and position of District Councilor, due to the ”alienation” of role recognition, might not be further weakened, but it is temporarily difficult to find power for the enhancement toward the direction of local self-government. After the escape from colonial governing, residents of Hong Kong should have more justification to send out their voices through voting in an election and the civic group movement; where the future politic and culture of Hong Kong is going to head toward, the current Local Politics is going to be a starting point for its final shape.
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南方作為帝國慾望:日治時期日人作家的台灣書寫 / South as Empire's Desire:Writing Taiwan by Japanese Authors under Colonial Rule

邱雅芳, Chiu, Ya-Fang Unknown Date (has links)
南方想像是日本帝國主義的慾望產物。在廣邈的南方想像中,台灣是帝國慾望主軸。明治中期開始,南方作為日本投射帝國慾望的一個想像地理,透過各種文本的鋪陳漸漸建構出一套南進論述。不論是公共政策的社會層面,或是私人意識型態的精神層面,南方論述慢慢滲透成為帝國主義的文化血脈。本論文的研究主題,即在於探討從明治中期以降日人作家的台灣書寫,尤其聚焦在小說與紀行文體。筆者縱貫討論1910年代前後以降至1940年代的日人作家作品,主要對象包括1910年代前後的竹越與三郎、中村古峽,1920年代的佐藤春夫,1930年代的中村地平、真杉靜枝,1940年代的西川滿與《文藝台灣》。誠然,不同的歷史階段,往往會呈現殊異的南方論述。會選擇這些日人作家與文本,源自於他們在各年代的象徵性意義。不難發現,日人作家的「南方」觀,除了帶有異國情調的異色幻想,也投射強大的帝國慾望。 從明治時期到1940年代,日人作家所帶來的文學/文化/地理想像問題,充滿無數臆想。檢視他們南方書寫的內涵,可以發現其中歷經了三個階段的衍變:從領台初期混沌未明的南方憧憬階段,藉助各種文化與帝國論述的傳播,逐漸成為日本人集體的政治無意識,最後在戰爭期則演進為日本帝國的強大意志。台灣作為被觀看的南方客體,透過各種話語敘事,從模糊概念而逐漸顯現清晰的形體。到了南進政策明確的階段,「前進南方」不再是潛藏在個人內心的集體無意識,它一躍而為昭然若揭的意志、隨處可見的口號。就東亞文學與後殖民主義的觀點而論,日治時期日人作家台灣書寫的發展,誠然具有複調的文化意涵。文化自身是一個包含細緻化與提升性要素的概念,它也會被許多政治與意識形態主張在其上彼此相互交涉對話。這些帶有豐富暗示的帝國文本,和日本從明治時期以降的南進論述,甚至昭和時期的大東亞共榮圈構想,在政治對文學的動員關係上形成深刻的影響。不可否認的,作品所呈現出來的文化思維與美學形式,乃是衍生自每位作者的歷史經驗。南方作為帝國慾望的一部分,自明治中期以降逐漸在文學之上形成一條「南方」系譜,追根究柢,帝國的政治與文化之間的聯繫誠然極其貼近。本論文企圖以再閱讀與再詮釋的方式,進入日至時期日人作家台灣書寫的歷史脈絡,探討他們所形塑的南方憧憬,進而解構日人作家所建構或虛構的南方敘事。 / The imagination of South was the product of Japanese Imperial desire. In its extensive imagination, Taiwan was the pivotal axis of the imperial desire. Since the mid-Meiji era, South had been seen an imaginative geography projected from this desire, based on which various kind of literary texts were developed in the construction of discourse on military advance to south. Discourse on advance to south was gradually becoming a major thinking of Japanese imperialism, in the forms of public policies on social level or in the forms of personal ideology on the mental level. This dissertation proposes to examine Japanese authors’ writing of Taiwan from the mid-Meiji era onward especially by focusing on the genres of novels and travel writings. The texts in the discussion include works by Takekoshi Yosaburo and Nakamura Kokyu in the 1910’s, Sato Haruo in the 1920’s, Nakamura Jihei and Masugi Shizue in the 1930’s, and Nishikawa Mitsuru and his magazine Bungei Taiwan in the 1940’s. It is indeed that in the different historical stages, the contents of the discourse on advance to South varied. The reason why these authors and their texts are selected for examination is because each of them possessed symbolic meanings for their own times. It is not hard to find that Japanese authors’ perspectives on Taiwan were not only tinged with exotic and erotic fantasies, but also strongly implied their imperial desire.   As we can find, there were three stages of development when examining the contents of Japanese writing of South: first, in the initial acquisition of Taiwan in the early 20th century, the longing for south remained vague; second, during the 1920’s and 1930’s, thanks to the spreading of cultural elaboration and imperialist discourses, the image of south steadily became a political unconsciousness; and third, during the war period in the 1940’s, the ideas about south were finally elevated to a strong will of the empire. The south as an imagination for imperial expansion was not any more a hidden consciousness, but an overt action as embodied in its military advance to Southeast Asia. From the context of East Asia literature and viewpoint of post-colonialism, therefore, it is truth that the development of Japanese authors’ writing of Taiwan during colonial period, did have its plural political implications. These imperial texts with ample implications had mutual influences with the discourse on advance to south in Meiji era and the formation of ideas about Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Circle in Showa period. It is no doubt that the cultural thinking and aesthetical forms as expressed in literary works were derived from each author’s historical experience. The purpose of this dissertation, with rereading and reevaluating source materials, aims to investigate how Japanese authors, when writing Taiwan, developed their imagination of south and further reconstructed their south narratives.
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自由的束縛—伊朗革命前後的政治論述與被建構的穆斯林女性主體 / Bonds of freedom: pre- and post- revolutionary political discourses and the constructed subject of Muslim women in iran

鄭慧儀, Cheng, Huei Yi Unknown Date (has links)
伊朗自進入二十世紀遭受西方帝國的殖民後,穆斯林婦女的穿著問題一直成為殖民者與被殖民者討論的焦點。本文以「後殖民」理論學者Gayatri C. Spivak所認為主體與政治的關係,說明女性在歷史、文化論述之中所居「賤民」地位,實與知識暴力、文化霸權等議題相連結,從而影響女性地位的說法,試圖由伊朗在巴勒維時期過渡至伊斯蘭共和國此階段歷史(1953-1989)中對於穆斯林婦女穿著(hijab)論述,商榷或討論Spivak理論與實際上存有的差異。 巴勒維國王延續其父改革意志,並欲以「白色革命」帶領伊朗進入現代之林,利用一系列現代化計畫與執行全國的波斯化鞏固其王權。其所提出的女性政策中,為朝向「偉大文明」之國發展,要求婦女為增加建設、擺脫國家落後形象、投入公共領域而脫下hijab。 左派知識份子如Jalal Al- I Ahmad、Ali Shariati,以及宗教學者Murtaza Mutahhari等人,分別以「中西毒」概念,聖女法蒂瑪形象,以及伊斯蘭公、私領域的概念,批判時下盲目西化的人們,藉此釐清社會現象背後的帝國症狀,與有心人士摧毀伊斯蘭的詭計,他們共同指出復興伊朗的唯一途徑即在於伊斯蘭。 經過其他知識份子的理念鋪陳,何梅尼所建構的「伊斯蘭政府」,其重心在於神聖的律法與合法的統治者,配合精神聖戰的呼籲,扭轉什葉派傳統權威者限制,將治國權威交付通曉伊斯蘭法、且具正義感的教法學者。順利推翻巴勒維政權、確立其個人無可取代領導地位的何梅尼所認定婦女於該理想國度的職責、行為舉止,皆必須與伊斯蘭共和國對於虔信、道德等訴求互為表裡。 本文以殖民者與賤民史家對於女性的論述個別分析,並以何梅尼所建構的「教法學者權威」(wilayat al- faqih)作為「女性賤民可否發言?」此提問的重點,探視伊朗革命的發生,與女性參與此中所指涉的意涵。在後殖民研究的脈絡裡,由宗教角度的分析,能更清晰地描繪出在帝國主義與傳統父權勢力雙方交織下的個別論述,使婦女之聲顯得微弱的現實。 / The attire of Islamic women has been the point of concern for the colonist and the colonized since Iran has been colonized by Western Imperialism. Departing from the Postcolonial theorist Gayatri C. Spivak’s concern of the relationship between the subject and politics, this thesis intends to explicate that the issue of women as the subaltern in the historical and cultural discourses is closely associated with epistemic violence and cultural hegemony and this has greatly affected the status of women in Iran. I will then go to the discourses of Muslim women’s attire, hijab, from transitional Pahlavi regime to the Islamic Republic(1953-1989)to discuss Spivak’s theory and the actual condition. Mohammed Riza Pahlavi, King of Pahlavi regime, followed in his father’s footprints and led the White Revolution to modernize Iran. To consolidate his power, Pahlavi employed a series of modernization programs and carried out persianization. In terms of his policies toward women, he wanted women to take off their hijab and participate in public affairs so that they can help establish the State of Great Civilization. Leftists such as Jalal Al- I Ahmad, Ali Shariati and the ulama Murtaza Mutahhari applied the concept of occidentosis, the image of Saint Fatima, and the differentiation of public and private spheres in Islam to critique people’s blind westernization. They intended to uncover the Imperialist symptoms behind social phenomena and pro-westernizers’ schemes to destroy Islam and pointed out that the only way to revive Iran lies in Islam. Through the theories the various intellectuals proposed, the Islamic government propounded by Khomeini focuses on Divine Laws and legal rulers and through appeals to the spiritual jihad, he maintains that the power should be consigned to the al-faqih (jurist) who has not only excellent knowledge of Islamic law but also a sense of justice. After overthrowing the Pahlavi regime and establishing himself as political authority, Khomeini holds that in the Islamic Republic, the duty a woman needs to fulfill is to act according to what this ideal state requires: to be moral as well as pious. In this thesis, I will analyze respectively discourses on women from colonists and subaltern studies theorists and concentrate on Khomeini’s wilayat al- faqih (the governance of the jurist) in order to respond to the question: Can the Female Subaltern Speak? Therefore, we can take a closer look at the eruption of the Islamic Revolution and the significance of women’s participation in political activities. In postcolonial studies, a religious perspective can help us see even more clearly that women can hardly speak for themselves between Imperialism and traditional patriarchal powers.
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以台灣不同族群之對日態度看台、中、日三角群際關係

莊靜怡 Unknown Date (has links)
現在台灣的國家(族群)認同正處在一個不明的階段,不僅是族群間有對立的國族意識型態,對第三國-日本的態度似乎也出現族群之間的不同。本研究目的就在瞭解台灣的不同族群之間是否有不同的對日態度,以及族群認同的工具性是否涉入其中。抽樣295位台灣民眾所得的研究結果顯示,不同族群認同者確實有不同的對日態度。族群自我認同為「台灣人」者比起其他族群認同類別者給予日本比給予中國更多的好評,另外,他們也覺得中國比較沒有那麼親近,同時也對日本負面歷史行為做出更有利的歸因。此外,台灣人民的台灣意識為其「族群認同」對親日態度預測力的中介變項。研究結果以選擇性遺忘、建構認同及三角群際關係來加以解釋,亦即,後殖民時期台灣人民的對日態度為建構自身認同所展現的工具性態度,目的在對抗主要外團體中國,不能只是解釋為殖民主義的影響。 / This study was set to investigate how people in Taiwan perceive Japan and China differently in terms of their ethnic identities. Taiwan has experienced the Japanese colonial regime and the Nationalist regime consecutively each for about fifty years. Over the century, Taiwan has kept searching for its collective identity, and China remains the number one threat to its nation-building project. From 295 sampled Taiwan people, we found different ethnic self-identifiers showed different attitudes toward Japanese. Those who identify themselves with Taiwanese showed most positive attitudes toward Japanese, regardless of the fact that they are mostly offspring of people having been through Japan colonial regime. To be more specific, they tended to evaluate Japan better than China, to rate China less close, and to make more “Japanese-serving attribution” when reasoning about Japanese's historical brutality during the Second World War. Moreover, the correlation between Taiwan people's ethnic identities and their attitudes toward Japanese has been found mediated by Taiwan political ideology. The results were discussed by referring to instrumentality of ethnic identification and selective forgetting of collective history in order to reconstruct a new ethnic identity.

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