鍾芭‧拉希莉(Jhumpa Lahiri)的小說《同名之人》(The Namesake, 2003)被視為近年來探討移民問題深刻的作品之一，書中描述移民家庭的新舊拉扯與兩代之間的文化難題。在此跨世代與跨文化背景下，拉希莉以文化翻譯者的角度述說移民過程中的困境、糾葛。 本論文將透過對於當代翻譯理論的引用，探討拉希莉如何運用翻譯策略書寫《同名之人》並論述拉希莉如何以翻譯為主要概念開展書中角色的離散經驗與身份認同。 第一章略述《同名之人》的梗概、介紹其相關評論與說明本論文理論架構。第二章藉由對當代翻譯理論的發展回顧建立對翻譯的重新認知；同時，也將詳述拉希莉與其作品以及翻譯的密切性。第三章檢視離散理念，進而分析離散主體在居間性(in-betweenness)中的文化翻譯。第四章透過對身份認同的探究，釐清翻譯對於離散主體身份建構的不可或缺性。第五章重新討論翻譯與起源(the origin)的問題，並點出翻「異」的價值性所在。 / Jhumpa Lahiri’s The Namesake (2003) has been regarded as one of the most brilliant literary works that deals with immigration in recent years. In the novel, Lahiri takes the readers into a full picture of an immigration family, unfolding the hardships of preserving traditions in a new world and the conflicts of seeking roots between two generations. Writing against the background of cross-generations and that of cross-cultures, Lahiri plays the role of a cultural translator, who detailedly narrates the predicament in the process of migration. The present thesis would like to adopt translation theories to examine how Lahiri writes The Namesake through translation. In addition, the present thesis also aims to shed light on the concept of diaspora as well as the notion of identity by taking translation into consideration. Chapter One begins with the introduction of The Namesake and the methodology used in the present thesis. Chapter Two focuses on reviewing the development of translation theories and on building the interrelationship among Lahiri, Lahiri’s literary works and translation. Chapter Three concentrates on the study of diaspora and cultural translation practiced in in-betweenness. Chapter Four pays attention to the concept of identity and its association with translation. Chapter Five reconsiders the question of origin in translation and validates the value of “translating hybridity”.

臺灣，與其它後共國家政治發展經驗極為相似的，在後冷戰時代屬於身份認同的衝突成為每一個解脫威權桎梏的國家皆經歷過的歷史，政治轉型中「被壓抑者的重返」所激起的社會矛盾成為政治學與社會學研究的主題。而在民主化眾聲喧嘩的後解嚴階段，每一種集體身份在言論市場中都獲得出賽的機會，能夠囊括最大多數人的國族身份認同成為文化、社會與政治力量爭論的焦點，而能夠使大部分民眾接受的國族自我意象就越有可能取得執政的可能性，因此，國族自我意象內涵的填充以及管理是每一個政黨每日都在進行的工作，掌握意識型態領導權者就掌握了決定國家未來方向的權力 臺灣在國際社會的特殊處境使得被壓抑者的重返過程中不只要面對過去的威權體制，即便掌握國家權力者也直接面對不放棄武力犯台以及在國際上擠壓臺灣生存空間的北京政權。如何面對海峽對岸國力與國際影響力迅速增長的大國，成為國內政治、社會與文化力量在界定我們是誰、我們要往何處去等集體身份與目標時，都無法迴避這個無所不在的中國因素。在台灣每一種國族自我意象的生成過程都無法迴避中國因素，臺北的中國/大陸政策的制定過程即國族身份政治投射其熱情與利益的訴求的過程，過去的研究已經花費相當多的資源在探討臺灣社會面的國族身份形成與動員，而未系統性地對國族身份認同政治與政策產出之間的關係進行探究。 有鑑於每一位總統都反映與代表了在社會中流行的國族我意象，作為某特定國族自我意象的代表，他根據國族自我意象而揭示的國家政治目的以及提昇集體尊嚴感的目標制訂與執行的中國/大陸政策。因此，本研究從執政者每日的言論進行系統性的分析，主要探究的是不同的國族自我意象變成具有官方身份的國族身份之後會如何形塑對中國的認知，本研究的焦點是中國威脅的認知，當中國威脅認知升高，臺北制訂緊縮性的中國/大陸政策的可能性就提高了。國族自我意象固然有其穩定性，但也具備流動性，國族自我意象是靈活還是僵固地就「中國威脅」進行協商，成為臺北制訂中國/大陸政策的依據，從而帶來緊張還是和緩的兩岸關係。 / Taiwan’s post-cold war national identity issue is quite similar to other post-communist countries. Free speech made national identity issues going public much easier as Marshall Law was lifted. The social conflict agitated by “The Return of the Repressed” during democratic transition era was not only make new social cleavage possible but also giving birth to new political landscape. Every fractions of national identity has the chance to win the game but only those who supported by most of the population could arouse societal attention and get more chances to win the election. The social engineering of contents and contestations of national identities is so important to those who dedicated to their political life. As George Orwell ever mentioned 66 years ago: “Who controls the past controls the future, who controls the present controls the past.” The Chineseness and Beijing who acclaimed PRC is the only legitimate country that represent China become very “significant other” to Taiwanese national identity formation from 1980s to now. Many scholars have been studied the nation-formation and state-building process but a few of them linking that processes and cross-strait and diplomatic policies made by Taipei altogether. This study is trying to fill this gap. As every president of the state is the symbol and entrepreneur of distinct national identity, getting at the root of state or national interest means digging out what elites’ identified as nation’s political purposes and international status of the state. This thesis focused on how national identity, the broadest collectively held idea in one country, brings about Taiwan’s state interest where Taipei’s China policy and its implications for cross-strait relations lied.

小額付款為電信業者預設開通功能，也就是使用者不須特別提出申請，就可以直接開通使用。小額付款的美意主要是為了取代小額的現金交易，增加民眾的便利性，但卻被詐騙集團利用，成為新興的詐騙手法。有網路罪犯疑似利用惡意app誘導用戶下載，等用戶下載安裝後，網路罪犯便開始擷取用戶的手機資訊，甚至攔截「小額付款」的通知簡訊，讓手機用戶在收到次期帳單後才發現莫名被消費。本篇論文將針對利用手機APP後門攔截簡訊刷小額付款提出改善方法，利用基於身份的加密系統(Identity-Based Encryption)將簡訊加密，使用者收到簡訊時，必須使用向電信公司所申請的「簡訊解密」APP才能解密讀取簡訊，這可有效解決攔截簡訊之問題，即使攻擊者攔截到簡訊，也會因為沒有解密金鑰而無法順利讀取簡訊。另外，解密金鑰利用通行碼(password)加密，所以亦不用擔心金鑰外洩之問題。由效能分析得知，將簡訊加密， 對送信方與收信方而言，其通訊成本(communication cost)與計算成本（computation cost）並不會產生太大之影響。此研究不僅可以解決攔截簡訊刷小額付款問題，其餘的重要資料的傳輸，例如：傳送用戶密碼、傳送用戶個人資料、傳送用戶金融帳戶資訊等，只要將簡訊加密，這些資料即使被攻擊者惡意攔截，也無法輕易讀取簡訊內容。 / Micropayment is the default available function opened by the telecom operators, that is, users can directly use it without making an application specially. The micropayment is mainly to replace cash transaction involving a small sum of money, so as to bring more convenience to users. However, it may be utilized by frauds, which becomes a new scam means. Some cyber-criminals are suspected to induce users to download malicious APPs. After the users download and install them, the cyber-criminals will start to retrieve users’ mobile phone information, even intercept notification SMS sent from micropayment. Consequently, until the mobile phone users receive the bill in the next term do they find the unknown payments. This paper will put forward a method to prevent intercepting the micropayment notification SMS by using the malicious APP installed on the mobile phone. It encrypts the SMS by Identity-based Public Key Cryptosystem. After the users receive the SMS, they must decrypt to read the message by using the “SMS Decryption” APP applied from the telecom company. In this way, it can effectively solve the problem of SMS interception. The attackers cannot successfully read the content without the decryption key even if they intercept the text messages. In addition, the decryption key is encrypted by password, thus users do not need to worry about the information leakage. The performance analysis shows that encrypting the text messages will not have a big effect on communication cost and computation cost of senders and receivers. This research cannot only solve the problem of swiping micropayment by SMS interception, but also protect the transmission of other important data.

本論文試圖探究多數具有宗教信仰的臺商，在管制宗教政策下的大陸移居地如何進行宗教活動、維持信仰需求；同時，在此處境下，宗教信仰是否會影響他們的身份認同，彼此間有何變化關係和意義。本論文根據2009年至2010年間在上海地區以半結構式深度訪談法，蒐集34位受訪臺商的訪談記錄及相關文獻與資料，並運用美國認同心理學家Erikson的宗教認同理論，與相關研究案例比較、分析之後，可提出以下四個主要的研究結果：(1)臺商為因應大陸管制宗教政策之環境，衍生其因應策略，發展出以定期集體運用私人籌措宗教資源為主的幾個宗教運作模式。(2)宗教信仰對臺商在移居地的工作與生活仍有影響力，不僅運用為企業倫理，也發展為產業項目。(3)縱使身處管制宗教與無神論意識形態的環境，臺商仍有其宗教本質層面的需求而皈依或改宗。(4)臺商原有的宗教信仰對其影響越大，越能維持對原居地的認同；相對地，臺商若對移居地認同漸增時，也會對當地宗教事務產生認同感，進而又增進對移居地的認同。本研究可證明宗教信仰與臺商的身份認同及其變化之間具有相關性，可補充學界對於臺商、移民與宗教等相關議題的研究成果與範圍。

本研究主要以衝突論(CONFLICT THEORY) 的觀點, 探討教育成就 (以教育程度為代表 ) 對社會流動(SOCIAL MOBILITY) 的影響. 研究目的有三: 一．探討我國收入的分配是否不均 ? 二．探討不同的從業分析（EMPLOYMENT STATUS） 中, 教育成就對收入的影響力如何 三．探討教育成就對於個人進入不同從業身份的影響力如何? 研究以民國七十三年行政院主計處家庭收支調查資料為樣本. 全文共一冊, 約六萬言 結果指出, 樣本顯示不同從業身份會造成收入不均, 而教育成就對不同從業身份的收入有不同的影響力, 但是教育成就對於個人進入不同 從業身份影響力顯著, 亦即只部份支持衝突論的看法.

This thesis examines the politics of history education, collective memory and identity in contemporary Taiwan through a qualitative case study of the high-school history curriculum reform and controversy from 2002 to 2012. Through eight elite interviews, the evaluation of an extensive amount of primary sources, and the quantitative and qualitative analysis of the relevant history curricula and other official documents, I find that the most visible part of the controversy is a conflict between advocates of a “China-centered historical perspective” and the representatives of a “Taiwan-centered historical perspective”, who both try to reclaim the territory of national history to have their collective memory represented in it. Furthermore, my analysis of the relevant history curricula indicates that all of them are representative of the collective memory of more than one group. This demonstrates that the influence political parties can exert on history education is constrained by competing versions of collective memory. The thesis also shows how the strong tendency towards Taiwan-centered view on history within society has been translated into the history curriculum after the DPP created conducive conditions for meaningful change. Subsequently, the KMT tried to exert influence on the revision process, but continuous attention from the public prevented major changes. In the final analysis, it is very difficult for any political party or powerful group within contemporary Taiwan to impose one exclusive version of the past as national master narrative on the whole society. Competing collective memories of sub-national groups continue to co-exist within civil society, which demands for a more pluralist history curriculum that incorporates smaller “memory communities” in the national narrative to forestall social disunity and further controversy.

近年來，有關文學和殖民宰制之間關係的研究一直是文學研究中重要的一個主題。在我論文的序章，阿圖塞有關意識形態的看法就被拿來詮釋這層共謀的關係。身為文學作品中一份子，蜜雪兒•克莉芙的作品《天堂無路可通》卻藉著呈現後殖民情境下的克蕾兒•薩維巨和她家人的故事試著去翻轉和顛覆主導的意識形態。我就針對變易位置、歷史書寫、身份認同三個糾結在整個故事中的重要主題加以討論。 我的論文的第二章是對後殖民漂泊離散的現象和與這現象相關的放逐和移民的概念加以詳細的說明。在這部分中，柯恩關於文化上飄泊離散的四個標準，用來衡量在《天堂無路可通》中薩維巨一家人的移民狀況是很有幫助的。此外，對於「家」這個概念的政治考量也納入這部分的討論中。克蕾兒遊蕩的旅程引導她去思索在她周圍所圍繞的一些問題：其中之一便是對於「歷史」可信度的疑惑，另一個則是對於自己身份認同探究。因此，在第三章中，我探討的是再現的機制和歷史書寫再現的是宰制意識形態。在《天堂無路可通》中，克蕾兒的個人記憶/個人歷史於是成為了對官方歷史可靠性詰問的對抗力量，也提供了另一版本的歷史。 交織在漂泊離散經驗和對歷史和記憶質疑之中的課題是關於身份的認同，特別是文化上的認同。在我的論文的第四章，我所討論的是身份認同形成的過程和文化認同的轉變。在這章中，首先，以「旅行」的概念來解釋克蕾兒的游牧式旅程。接下來，我陳述有關於本質主義者和非本質主義者個自對於身份認同的看法和他們之間對於這個議題的爭論。而他們之間對於身份認同的不同看法正好明白地昭示在霍爾對於文化身份認同的定義中。此外，巴霸創新的「第三空間」和「居中」的想法也納入這部分關於身份認同的討論中。如何去面對由於移民、放逐和飄泊離散所產生的文化認同危機，如何去調合和重建一個新的文化上的身份認同，和如何以這個新的身份認同去詮釋故事中克蕾兒的回歸牙買加是我最後一部分的討論。希望，經由我對《天堂無路可通》這本小說的研究，能提供一些對了解後殖民小說的見解，特別是本於/有關/來自加勒比海的小說。 / The discussion of the relationship between literature and the colonial manipulation has been an important theme in the study of literature in recent years. In the introduction of my thesis, Louis Althusser’s concept of ideology is utilized to interpret this complicity relationship. As a literary work, Michelle Cliff’s No Telephone to Heaven tries to reverse and subvert the dominant ideology by presenting the story of Clare Savage and her family under postcolonial condition. My discussions are aimed at three important themes, displacement, history, and identity, interwoven in the whole story. The second chapter of my thesis is the elucidation of the postcolonial phenomenon, the diaspora experiences, and the relative concepts of exile and migration. In this part, Robin Cohen’s four criteria of cultural diaspora are useful to assess the immigrant condition of the Savages in No Telephone to Heaven. Moreover, the politics of “home” is associated within this part of discussion. What Clare’s wandering journey leads her to is the contemplation of the questions arising around her: of these questions, one is the suspicion of the reliability of “history,” and another is the inquiry about her own identity/identities. So, in the third chapter, I discuss the regime of representation and the historiography as a kind of representation of the dominant ideology. The personal memory/history of Clare in No Telephone to Heaven, then, becomes a counter-force to interrogate the reliability of the official history, and provides another version of history. Interweaving with the diaspora experiences and the interrogation of history and memory is the topic about identities, particularly the cultural identity. In the fourth chapter of my thesis, I discuss the process of identity formation and the transformation of cultural identity. In this chapter, first, Clare’s nomadic journey is explained by the concept of “travel.” Then, I state the thoughts about identity between the essentialists and non-essentialists and the debates of identity between them. Such different views of identity are prominently demonstrated in Stuart Hall’s definition of cultural identity. Besides, Homi Bhabha’s innovative idea of “the third space” and the concept of “in-between” are included in this part of discussion about identity. How to face the crisis of cultural identity out of migration, exile, and diaspora, how to negotiate or reconstruct a new cultural identity under postcolonial condition, and how to interpret Clare’s return to Jamaica by virtue of this new identity, are the last parts of my discussion. I hope, through my reading of No Telephone to Heaven, I might provide some insights for understanding the postcolonial novels, especially the novels of/about/from the Caribbean area.

在托克維爾政治思想中，民主一直是核心的議題，也引發大西洋兩岸知識界熱烈的爭論。直到今天，政治、學術、新聞等各界仍經常引用他的觀點。本文即就托克維爾有關民主體制的思想進行研究，並發現可分梳為民主社會一般傾向、民主社會潛在的腐化危機，及民主體制存續之道三個面向進行討論。而這三個相關的部分，更可就其內在邏輯整合而成共和主義研究途徑。 首先，在民主社會的特徵及其發展方面，托克維爾認為民主社會強調國民主權及身份平等，雖然使社會充滿活力；但也易於衝動，缺乏遠見，造成庸俗的中產階級政治。同時在資本主義及工業革命影響下，可能會形成個體主義，使得人際關係疏離，且對公共事務冷漠；也造成物質主義，只想追求物質享受。大多數勞工也會有異化現象，淪為工作的奴隸。不過，民主社會也會發展出諸如結社、地方自治等鍛鍊政治自由的機制，提供個體自主性及公民性格寬廣的公共領域。托克維爾並主張國家利用宗教、法律培養公民參與的熱情與美德。這種觀念下的國家對人生計劃並不中立，顯現共和主義多於自由主義的立場。 其次，在民主體制潛藏的腐化危機方面，托克維爾指出三種可能形式。一是因身份平等可能切斷封建社會原有的社會紐帶，使得個體孤立無援，必須服從統治的多數，終而導致一種多數專制─以一種社會一致性窒息個體的思想。二是因公民追求物質主義過甚，竟而完全退出公共領域，並召喚一種保護性權力，在民主自由的形式下，溫柔親切地奴役人民。此亦即民主專制。三是在民主革命初期或資本主義發達之後，必將出現中央集權。國家為解決工業社會複雜的問題，因應人民龐雜的需求，在多數授權下集中所有權力，破壞了政治自由得以維繫的各種機制。 第三，在民主體制的維繫方面，托克維爾的主張也充滿共和主義的色彩。例如，為使公民保持自由的技藝，他認為，公民應參與鄉鎮自治、結社（特別是政治結社）、陪審團。而在培養公共精神的美德方面，托克維爾強調宗教的重要性。藉由教條式信仰，宗教可培養公民認識「適當理解的自利原則」。而且，民主社會也有賴宗教提供一種道德與知識的權威。在這一方面，女性公民扮演了傳承與複製的重要角色，因而在托克維爾的民主思想中也占有一席之地。 本文最後提出國民主權、身份平等、公私領域、社會共識等四方面的引申討論，進一步分析托克維爾共和主義式的民主思想，對當前主流民主理論所能提供的貢獻。此外，也依個人見解評論其不足之處。 / Democracy has always been a core concept and a controversial issue in Tocqueville’s political thought at both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. Politicians, scholars as well as journalists still quote Tocqueville’s points at the present time. This thesis studies Tocqueville’s democratic thought, and analyzed it in three aspects: the general tendency of democratic societies, the potential danger of corruption in democratic societies, and the maintenance of democratic system. With the interlock between these aspects, this thesis integrated them into an approach of republicanism to Tocqueville’s democratic thought. For the first aspect, Tocqueville believed that with the emphasis on popular sovereignty and equality of condition, democratic societies will bring themselves diversified vitality. However, the societies will also be passionate and myopic, as the characteristics of mediocre bourgeois politics. Influenced by capitalism and industrial revolution, the prevailing individualism in democratic societies results in social alienation, public apathy and overwhelming materialism. Most workers will degrade into slaves of their works. On the other hand, democracy will promote associations, local self-governments which provide public spheres to practice autonomy and citizenship through the art of political freedom. Furthermore, Tocqueville requested the states to cultivate the passion and virtue of civic participation by means of religion and law. States under this requirement is not neutral toward citizens’ life plans, and seems more republican than liberal. For the second aspect, Tocqueville pointed out three possible forms of corruption from democratic societies: majority tyranny, democratic tyranny and centralization. First, majority tyranny results in extreme exploitation of equality of condition which cut off the original social bonds in feudal societies, hence isolate the individuals and render them totally helpless but to obey the ruling majority. Majority tyranny stifles citizen’s originality with social conformity. Secondly, mainly on account of materialism, citizens would escape into private life and material happiness, and moreover give away thoroughly public affairs to a tutelage power to enslave people gently within the liberal democratic form. That is democratic tyranny. Thirdly, centralization will present itself definitely, either during the early stage of democratic revolution or after capital economy is delivered. In order to solve the complicated problems in industrial societies, respond to a lot of diverse demands, the state concentrate all the power under the delegation of the majority, and destroy all kinds of mechanism which sustaining the art of political freedom. For the third aspect, Tocqueville offered republican solution to the maintenance of democratic system. He thought that citizens should take part in township self-governance, associations (especially political associations) and the jury. He also emphasized the importance of religion in teaching the virtue of public spirit, as well as cultivating the knowledge of “the principle self-interest properly understood” by dogmatic belief. In the same way, religion affords ethical and intellectual authority to democratic societies. In this regard, the female citizens play so important part of sustaining and reproducing these ethical and intellectual lessons that Tocqueville had to illuminate the role of women in his democratic thought. In addition to these interpretations, this thesis presents four related concepts for further discourse: popular sovereignty, equality of condition, public and private sphere and social consensus. Based on these discourses, the thesis evaluates the merit and deficiency of Tocqueville’s thought of republican democracy.

本文擬以明代大禮議事件，作為研究嘉靖朝政治文化的切入點，試圖透過名分禮秩的角度去分析大禮議牽涉的「七爭」 、頒佈《明倫大典》 及國家禮制變革三方面，找出政治權力、儒家經典詮釋及國家禮制三者的關係，以瞭解嘉靖朝的政治文化有何變化。本文提出的問題如下： 一是嘉靖君臣如何透過經典再詮釋的方式，建構人情論的理論體系，說服士人接受「大禮議」的結果，而嘉靖君臣又如何逐步變易國家禮制，證明政權的正當性基礎，完成皇權重塑的目標。並且觀察後來隆慶朝至崇禎朝的歷朝皇帝如何處理睿宗獻皇帝的祧遷問題，回過頭來證明嘉靖皇帝是否成功地建立了自身世系的正當性。二是嘉靖君臣面臨公私衝突時將會如何抉擇，這些抉擇又會使嘉靖君臣關係與權力分配原則產生何種變化，從而觀察權力核心中的政治人物如何去界定自己在團體中的地位、擁有的職權範圍與政治結構中的既有限制。並且探討大禮議將如何影響嘉靖朝各種團體的人際關係、權力結構及政治生態，從而討論嘉靖皇帝如何能成功箝制士人對大禮議的不滿輿論，探討皇權伸入官僚體系的政治效應。三是大禮議的結果將使名分禮秩出現何種危機，而名分禮秩的危機又會使嘉靖朝造成何種政治效應。再從名分禮秩的意義去討論皇權究竟要作為包括廣大臣民在內的公共中心，還是作為保證皇帝個人私利的手段呢？一旦皇權的公共性質隱晦不明時，將對整個社會秩序造成什麼樣的後果。並且探索士人們如何依循政治權力、社會經濟與思想文化的變化，藉由儒家傳統經典再詮釋的方式，力圖讓名分禮秩回歸「合禮」的軌道，從而限制皇權的範圍，讓政治秩序與社會秩序回復合理的安排。

瑪格麗特‧愛特伍的《瘋狂亞當三部曲》描繪了當代讀者所熟悉的世界: 一個受新自由主義浪潮席捲的社會。當政府權力被龐大財團架空，自由國家的民主核心價值早已崩解。 本篇論文的論點延伸自Chris Vials 的文章，並試圖以新自由主義統治論述來解釋小說中民主與極權融為一體的情況。第一章解釋新經濟思維使個人與社會產生疏離，以統治極端分化的社會階層。第二章則闡述小說中的國家已陷入例外狀態，法律受到懸置，而圍牆的設立強化了排除生命的機制並且產生 “裸命”。在最後的章節將探討上帝的園丁會 “生命-形式” 的革命以及《瘋狂亞當》的主角澤伯所展現的 “無身份” 抵抗的可能性。 如同書中角色，身處於當代的讀者正受到這股 “未來的浪潮” 推進向前卻同時又受到過去的夢靨所困。世界大戰、猶太人集中營不只是已過去的歷史事實，他們以不同形式再現且縈繞不去。如何撿拾過去的傷痛與錯誤，承接死去之人的意志正是我們必須肩負的責任。 / In Margaret Atwood’s MaddAddam trilogy, the author imagines a near future that is too familiar for the reader who live in the contemporary period, a neoliberal society. Through the depiction of a hollowed-out nation replaced by a giant consortium, she lays bare a truth that democracy is going to collapse. Based on Chris Vials’ article, “Margaret Atwood’s Dystopic Fiction and the Contradictions of Neoliberal Freedom,” this thesis furthers to elaborate the integration of democratic regime and totalitarianism by discourse of neoliberal governance: the neoliberal rationality alienates individuals, uniting the divided social stratifications. In the second part, I suggest that the nation falls into an anarchy since it has already entered into a state of exception, which gives rise to “bare life.” The exclusion mechanism is represented by the construction of “the Walls.” The third chapter aims to discuss the possibility of resisting the new form of sovereign power in practice of the God’s Gardeners about how to live “form-of-life” and politics of “(non)-identity” deployed by Zeb, the protagonist of MaddAddam. Like the characters, we stand in the intersection of the “Wave of future” and the recurring nightmare in the past. Global wars and concentration camp are not only historical facts but recurring events. It is our responsibility to recall the memory, remember the pain, and inherit the will of the dead.