This paper focuses on the role freedom plays in Michel Foucault’s analyze of liberal and particularely neoliberal governmentalities. From his perspective, neoliberalism operates through the strategic production of entrepreneural subjectivity and distribution of self-governing. Here autonomy is central for governing, which raises questions about what freedom can mean at all in Foucault, and how resistance can be possible. Through Foucault’s thinking on liberal freedom, we can gain a better understanding of his philosophy on subjectivation and resistance.

Uppsatsens syfte: Att undersöka hur föräldrar idag påverkas av hälsodebatten kring socker. Frågeställning: Hur kan föräldraskap och föräldraidentitet konstrueras i förhållande till en debatt om ”det farliga sockret”? Materialet består av tematiskt öppna intervjuer med föräldrar inom fem familjer (sammanlagt åtta personer och fem intervjuer). Intervjuerna är gjorda med föräldrar i Stockholms innerstad och när-förorter. Studien har ett konstruktivistiskt perspektiv och undersöker hur föräldraskap och föräldraidentitet görs i förhållande till olika aktörer och sociala kontexter. Med socker- och hälsodebatten skapas en bild av ”goda vanor” och ”gott föräldraskap”. Detta påverkar föräldraskapet som praktik gentemot barnen. Ställningstagandet till sockret skapar också identitet genom positionering, och ett jämförande med andra.

Denna uppsats syftar till att analysera EU:s förslag till en gemensam europeisk invandrings- och asylpolitik som presenterades av Kommissionen den 17 juli 2008. Foucaults begrepp governmentalitet och hans förståelse av diskurs har använts som analytiska verktyg för att hjälpa till att påvisa logiken bakom förslaget. För att göra detta studeras vilka diskurser som ligger till grund för förslaget samt vilken typ av diskurs som förslaget förmedlar och vilken effekt denna kan tänkas ha på samhällsklimatet och relationerna människor emellan inom EU. Kärnan till analysen är formandet av den europeiska befolkningen och en europeisk identitet. Invandringspolitik kan sägas handla om att sköta distributionen av människor och sätta upp ramar för vem som ska inkluderas i vilken befolkning och under vilka förutsättningar. EU:s invandringspolitik säger därför en hel del om vilka människor som unionen önskas bestå av, och även vilken relation organisationen önskar ha till den egna befolkningen. Centrala punkter är bevarandet av välfärden inom unionen och etablerandet av en europeisk gemenskap. En strategi som diskuteras angående skapandet av denna gemenskap är etableringen av idén om hotet mot Europa, och på vilket sätt detta kan sägas vara ett sätt för EU att motivera bevakningen av den egna befolkningen. Vidare undersöks sambanden mellan skapandet av en europeisk gemenskap eller europeisk identitet och tendenser mot en ökad eurocentrism baserad på samma värderingar som den nationalism som EU skapades för att motverka. Den bild som EU producerar av Europa och den europeiska befolkningen innebär indirekt en formulering av det som finns utanför och de som inte anses tillhöra denna gemenskap. Denna uppsats ämnar påvisa hur detta tillsammans med den bild som EU förmedlar av invandrare och invandring kan antas påverka attityderna och relationerna inom Europa. / This thesis aims at analysing the EU's proposal for a common immigration and asylum policy for Europe that was presented by the Commission on the 17th of July 2008. Foucault's notion governmentality and his understanding of discourse have been used as analytical tools to help demonstrate the logic behind the proposal. To do this focus is put on which discourses it is that constitutes the foundation of the proposal, which type of discourse that is created through the proposal and what effects it could be considered having on the European society and the human relations within the EU.The core of the analysis is the shaping of the European population and a European identity. Immigration policies are concerned with dealing with the distribution of people, and creating frames for who gets to be included in which population and under which circumstances. The EU's immigration policy therefore says a lot about which people are wanted within the union, and also which type of relationship the organisation wishes to have with its population. Key points are the maintenance of the welfare within the union and the establishment of a European community. One strategy that are discussed concerning the achievement of this community is the establishment of the idea about the threat against Europe, and in what way this could be a way for the EU to motivate the surveillance of its own population. Further the connections are studied between the creation of a European community or European identity and tendencies towards an increased eurocentrism based on the same values as the nationalism the EU was created to prevent. The picture the EU produces of Europe and the European population also indirect imply a formulation of what is outside and those not considered being a part of this community. This thesis aims at showing how this, along with the picture the EU presents of immigrants and immigration, can be assumed to affect the attitudes and relations within Europe.

I denna studie undersöks diskursiva mönster i kommunala risk- och sårbarhetsanalyser. Syftet med studien var att problematisera risk- och sårbarhetsanalysens självklara roll inom svensk risk- och krishantering samt bidra med kunskap om hur risker framställs och vilka maktstrukturer som existerar i policydokument. Studien har genomförts med hjälp av What’s the problem represented to be? – ansatsen, vilket är ett diskursanalytiskt ramverk för att studera policydokument. Analysen har genomförts på 21 kommunala risk- och sårbarhetsanalyser från år 2019. I resultatet uppmärksammas och problematiseras följande diskurser; (1) den kalkylerbara och objektiva synen på risk, (2) hur avsaknaden av fantasiplanering begränsar analysen, (3) hur klimatrelaterade risker transformeras till nationella osäkerheter, (4) hur det skyddsvärda subjektet framställs, (5) hur vissa risker omgärdas av politiska ställningstaganden och därmed hur policydokumentet skapar och reproducerar makt och kunskap. Genom att kartlägga diskursiva mönster bidrar studien till ökad kunskap om risk- och sårbarhetsanalyser. Studiens slutsats påvisar att risk- och sårbarhetsanalysens självklara och objektiva ställning bör ifrågasättas och problematiseras ytterligare i framtida forskning. / <p>2022-06-13</p>

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka Skolverkets diskurs kring lärare som mobbar elever. Detta görs genom en textanalys av myndighetens publikationer där utsagor om mobbande lärare jämförs med utsagor om mobbande elever. Det studerade materialet utgörs av Skolverkets mest omfattande publikationer om skolmobbning mellan år 2002 och 2011. Texterna analyseras med hjälp av Michel Foucaults diskursanalys och de teorier som används är Steven Lukes definition av maktens tredje dimension samt Foucaults maktteori. Studien visar att mobbande lärare sällan omnämns i materialet och att utsagorna koncentreras kring historia, juridik och statistik. När det gäller talet om elever som mobbare är utsagorna frekvent förekommande och deras individuella egenskaper behandlas ingående. Eleverna beskrivs i förhållande till forskning, åtgärdsprogram, historia, juridik, statistik och utredande texter. Undersökningen visar att statistik om lärare respektive elever ej behandlas på ett jämlikt sätt; det gäller både vid framtagning av underlag för statistiken och vid redovisning av resultat. Skolverket presenterar ämnet om mobbande lärare diskontinuerligt och fragmentariskt medan mobbande elever beskrivs ingående och ur en mängd olika synvinklar. Texterna ger ingen förklaring till varför mobbande elever respektive mobbande lärare behandlas på så olika sätt när skolmobbning ska beskrivas. Resultatet av denna uppsats kan sättas i relation till maktteorier där den statliga makten osynliggör sig själv, samtidigt som den synliggör medborgarna. Lärare som mobbar elever osynliggörs, eftersom deras uppgift är att utföra statens direktiv; elever som mobbar är fullt exponerade eftersom maktutövningen undersöker, iakttar och kontrollerar dem. / This study has the intention to investigate how the Swedish National Agency for Education describes teachers who bully students. The examination is done by a research of published texts from the agency (between 2002 and 2011), and embodies the most numerous publications about bullying in school in this period of time. The investigation is performed with Discourse Analysis from Michel Foucault and compares bullying teachers with bullying students. Theory of Three-Dimensional Power from Steven Lukes  and Power Theories from Foucault gives a further understanding of the results. The study shows that bullying teachers is mentioned sporadically and in sprinkling fields related to historical dictums, statistics and juridical subjects. When it comes to the description of students, there are many and frequent dictums from personality traits to research findings. Students are also discussed in relation to programs against bullying and in a historical, judicial and statistical context. Statistics are unequal when it comes to bullying teachers versus bullying students, both in how investigations are composed and how the results are presented. The question of bullying teachers are almost excluded in the texts and none of the publications explains why there’s such a big difference between the presentation of bullying teachers comparing to bullying students. The conclusion is that the Swedish National Agency for Education treats the problem with bullying teachers in a discontinuous and fragmentary way whilst bullying students are described comprehensively and in widespread subjects. The result can be related to power theory therefore it shows how governmental power is making itself invisible whilst it exposes the members of the society. Bullying teachers are invisible because their task  is to perform the governments directives, whilst bullying students are fully visible because exercise of power investigates, observes and controls them in full exposure.

The purpose of this Master’s thesis is to study why the concept of digital competence previously has been frequently addressed in Swedish politics, and to examine possible connections to the related concepts information literacy and media and information literacy (MIL). These inquiries have been studied using Carol Lee Bacchi’s methodological approach to policy analysis to, with basis in Foucaldian post-structuralist discourse analysis, study representations of the problem present in a public investigation, presented by the Digitization Committee regarding digital competence (SOU 2015:28). In order to perform a discourse analysis according to Bacchi’s methodology, elements from both Foucault’s archeology and genealogy have been used to examine the discursive formations of digital competence. Apart from the public investigation issued by the Digitization Committee, other relevant documents have been studied. The Media public investigation (SOU2015:94), the Government’s Digitization Strategy (N2017/03643/D) and the National IT Strategy for the Swedish School System (U2017/04119/S) have been examined, in search for competing discourses regarding digital competence. The results of the study show that digital competence has been frequently issued in Swedish politics in regard to its part of hegemony discourse and therefore to its prominent position in the economics and technology discourse. Connections to the related concepts information literacy and media and information literacy are identified in their part of a competing humanistic and sociological discourse, and their power and potential to rephrase hegemony discourse, regarding the concept of digital competence.

Uppsatsen är en diskursanalys av fosterdiagnostik och abort som erbjuds av staten och regleras i lagen i tre skandinaviska länder. Eftersom antalet barn födda med Downs syndrom har sjunkit markant under det senaste decenniet samtidigt som möjligheterna för och användandet av nya fosterdiagnostiska metoder har ökat är avsikten att skapa fördjupad kunskap om vad detta innebär genom att belysa trenden ur ett biopolitiskt perspektiv. Detta sker med utgångspunkt från Michel Foucaults begrepp biomakt och governmentalitet med fokus på tillgänglighet, rådgivning och användning av fosterdiagnostiska metoder. Uppsatsen redogör för etosdiskursen som en del av den alltomfattande governmentalitetsdiskursen vilket blottlägger en förklaring av en rationalitet karaktäriserad av vår tid som yttrar sig i en strävan att undvika barn med kromosomavvikelser. / The essay is a discourse analysis of obstetric diagnosis and abortion offered by the state and regulated by laws in three Scandinavian countries. As the number of childbirths with Down’s syndrome has fallen sharply in recent decades, while the opportunities for and use of new Foetus diagnostic methods have increased, the intention is to create in-depth knowledge of what this means by highlighting the development from a biopolitical perspective. This is based on Michel Foucault's concept of biopower and governmentality with focus on availability, counselling and use of foetus diagnostic methods. The essay explains the ethos discourse as part of the allinclusive government discussion which shows exposes an explanation of a rationality characterizing to our time that expresses itself to avoid children with chromosomal disorders.

Hydropower development was one of the first systematic large-scale exploitations in the reindeer herding areas within Swedish borders. Therefore, this thesis departs from postcolonial approaches wherein the Swedish state policy and practice towards Sami, reindeer herders and Sápmi, the Sami homeland, is analysed as colonialism in relation to hydropower development. The study spans over the first large-scale hydropower projects in the reindeer herding area during the 1910’s and 1920’s, continuing with the decreased legal security during the second world war, and finally the opposition and opinion in the 1950’s and 1960’s, enabled by the establishment of a national association for Swedish Sami, SSR.      The industrialisation of watercourses in the reindeer herding areas were brought about by the works of an institutional framework consisting of the Water Act and the Reindeer Grazing Act together with the tutelage of a Lapp Administration. These institutions made invisible both reindeer herding as an industry and the herders rights. Authorities as well as hydropower companies acted and argued within an industrial colonial discourse. One technique was the re-writing of history and of the herders’ rights in favour of power developers. The Swedish hydropower system was built up based on cheap energy from the North, at the expense of stakeholders’ rights. This was made possible by arguing that exploitation was for the sake of ”the common good”. When reindeer herders eventually were noted in the process, reindeer herding was regarded as a vested interest and reindeer herding rights as a privilege given to the Sami by the state. In this system reindeer herders were given a more vulnerable legal position than farmers, in addition non-reindeer herding Sami were in some aspects even more affected by discriminating structures. By damming the watercourses, the grazing lands were reduced which affected the amount of herders that could practice reindeer husbandry and thereby also the amount of individuals holding Sami rights.      During the 1950’s and 1960’s the self-evidenced hydropower development was questioned by a Sami struggle for justice. With regards to Sami rights, the situation was more stagnant due to the state avoiding official investigation of certain legal issues that were object for trial. However, the industrial colonial discourse and the governing of hydropower politics were challenged and the authorities changed some of their notions of reindeer herders. Nevertheless, the Sami were denied representation and involvement in governing the finances that were aimed at alleviation of the consequences of various interferences in the herding area. / TJOAHKKÁJGÄSOS  Ådå tjátje, tjáhppis spiejildime. Industridjalasj kolonialissma dáttja tjáhtjefábmobidtjima tjadá boatsojsujttoednamin 1910-1968  Gå dáttja jávrijt ja änojt dulvvadahtjin de álgij akta dajs vuostasj plánidum stuoráp ekploaterima ma sjaddin ållo sajijn boatsojsujttoednamin Svieriga rájij sinna. Dán diedalasj tjállaga vuodo manná maŋŋekolonialak gähttjamguovlos gånnå Svieriga politijkka ja praktijkka sámij, räjnárij ja Sámeednamij vuosstáj guoradaláduvvi kolonialissman tjáhtjefábmobidtjima gávttuj.      Åtsådallam álggá daj vuostasj stuoráp bidtjimij boatsojsujttoednamin 1910-lågon, ja joarkká gehtjadimijn lágaj hárráj ma álkkedin tjáhtjefábmobidtjimijt nubbe väráltdoaron. Maŋutjissaj guoradaláduvvi vuossteháhko ja vuojnno ma sjaddin máhttelis 1950- ja 1960-lågojn, iehtjádij siegen gå vuododij rijkkalihtov svieriga sámijda. Gehtjadibme manná 1968 rádjáj ja sämmi jage bådij árvvádallam ådå boatsojäláduslága birra.      Gå dáttja jávrijt ja änojt dulvvadahtjin boatsojsujttoednamin de tjadáduvvin institutalasj rábmaverkajn tjáhtjelágas, boatsojguohtomlágas ja stáhta boatsojäládusadministrasjåvnå mindárimes, ma vuojnodibmen dahkin boatsojsujtov äládussan ja räjnárij rievtesvuodajt tjáhtjeriektáássijn. Fábmudagá ja bidtjijiddje håladin ja barggin industrikolonialak diskursas gånnå rievtesvuoda ja histårjjå máhttin bånjudallat bidtjijiddjemiellogisvuoda ávkkáj. Håladime tjadá ”álmmuga buoremussan” bidtjiduvvin Svieriga tjáhtjefábmovuogádagá, vuododum hálbes energiddjaj nuorttat ja dassta sjattaj riektálasj ålgustjuolldemin ja unnediddje riektáäjgádin ja miellodiddjen. Dán vuogádagán oadtjun räjnára nievrep riektásajádagáv ednambarggijs, ja sáme boatsojsujto ålggolin nuppástallin ienebut. Dulvvadime unnedin boatsojguohtomednamijt vaj binnáp sáme máhttin boatsojäládusán barggat.      Sáme riektáoajbbom 1950- ja 1960-lågojn dagáj vaj ulmutja juorrulahtjin jus bidtjima lidjin diehttelis. Sáme rievtesvuoda hárráj de åvdedibme suojmabut manáj gå muhtem riektáássje ettjin guoradaláduvá tjielggidusájn jut lidjin juo duobbmoståvlån. Industrikolonialak diskurssa ja stivrrim tjáhtjefábmopolitijkas hásteduvvin huoman rievddadit muhtemijt sijá vuojnojs boatsojsujto ja räjnárij hárráj. Valla sáddnan la de báhtsin ietjá vuojno mälggadij gå sáme vuornoduvvin saje ja bájnatjibme sámefoanndabiednigij badjel ma galggin ekploaterima vahágijt unnedit. Översättning: Nils-Olof Sortelius / Urre tjaatjieh, tjiellketet vuöjneme. Faamoen vallteme jeänoede tsieekedeme saamien ätneme sisnie 1910-1968. Aneteme jeänoiheste lih maitie vuosts stuore aneteme guh ussjedemme lih, guh narretih stuore oasieh saamien ätnemeste Ruotsienne. Dahte leh supsteteb guktie tsieekedeme jeätjtatteih saamieh, buutsesaamieh jah saamien ätneme jah Ruotsie faamoen dahkeme jah vihtietit, aj giehtjetdihke mierreteme jeänoih faamoeh.      Giehtjete allka vuosts stuore tsieekedemeh buutsätnemenne 1910 - 1920 jaapienne jah jorrkeleh giehtjetemeh laagahenne guh tsieekedeme giehpetin muppie ätneme doaroenne. Mahketennie giehtjedihke vuössietietib jah mieletib guh tjuöttjelit 1950 jah 1960 jaapienneh. 1968 urre buutselaagab tjaaledihke.      Tsieekedeme jeänoesne dahkedihke viehketalleh tjaatjielaagaeste buutsegootemelaagaeste jah oajvedemes laapeveäsoemeste. Gautan sjatteih buutsebarrkeme jah buutsebuörie ieh gihtjeih elltie riekte eretvalltedihke. Faamoe jah veäsoke riektesvuote jah autebiejvieih veäsoede jiitjide dahkein. Dah jiehteih tsieekedemeb gaihke allmetjeh hevonemes lin. Gaihke otjoin alpies njuöie saamien ätnemeste jis riektesvuote juhteih faamoesse jah veäsokesse. Buutsebarrkoejaih riektesvuoteh unnebe sjatteih. Tsieekedemeste gaihkeh barrsjeh dahkeih gootemeb unnebe jah dahkeih juhtemin garhtjies sjatteih jah buutsebuörie uhttseteih.      Saamien doaroe 1950 - 1960 jaapienne viehkieih juoremeb lassanit tsieekedemesne. Saamien riekte bööteih suöjmielaaka auteles. Faamoe jiehteih tsalloe lih lagastoahpoesne guh tsakkesteih. Dah naggatalleme tsieekedejan huoloeme jah jeätjatatteh vuöjnie buutsebarrkoejah jah buutsebarrkoe. Lihkan lik dohkoe ieh buutsebarrkoejah faamoe bietnegenne buutsebarrkoesse vattedihke.   Översättning: Kenneth Saarstav och Valborg Wiinka / Anpassningar av naturresursbaserade samhällen till klimat- och samhällsförändringar. Samisk renskötsel i dåtid, nutid och framtid.

This thesis analyses social worker’s assessments of appropriate same-sex parenthood in the case of second-parent adoption in Sweden to thereby investigate the governmentality directed toward same-sex parents and how this governing practise normalises certain discourses on parenthood. The material consists of interviews with social workers conducting second-parent adoptions, which have been analysed through a discourse analysis deploying theoretical frameworks on governmentality, heteronormativity and family theory. The thesis has provided a deeper understanding of the effects of normative discourses on the exercise of public authority in the case of second-parent adoption. Great differences have been found among which criteria are used to condition same-sex parenthood and the impact of social workers own perceptions of suitable parenthood and the purpose of the assessment process.

The main purpose of this dissertation is to analyse and identify problems arising from the Swedish Social Insurance Agency’s (SSIA) perceptions of parents, as they appear in the brochures targeted at expectant or new parents between 1974 and 2007. The aim is to distinguish who are being pointed out, constructed, and normalised as parents; and to analyse the functions of the recipients and the senders respectively. The aim is to be considered in the light of the SSIA’s commitment to gender equality, a policy that promotes equal access to the insurance of parents to share the parent’s insurance more equally. The dissertation is based on a theoretical framework that may principally be described as a feminist discourse analysis, which, among other things, means that a constructivist approach is of central importance. In addition, an intersectional perspective is an important starting point, putting the focus on the interaction and interdependence between different social categorisations. In four analysing chapters, the material is being tackled from different approaches or angles. In the first chapter, a picture is drawn of the institutional and political context that sets the prerequisites of the insurance regulations as well as the way the texts have been written and may be understood. The second chapter presents an analysis, in the terms of space deixis, of whom is/are being pointed out and positioned as recipient/s by SSIA. In the third chapter, an analysis of the normalised notions of parents that are identified in the texts; and of what parents are being favoured and described as ‘normal’. In the fourth chapter, the functions of the different actors are being analysed, showing how the relationship between the SSIA and the parents is constructed from in the texts. The results show that, in all brochures, parenthood is strongly gender-marked and that gender equality, above all, is to be understood as a quantitatively even distribution between mothers and fathers. In today’s brochures, the agency identifies and normalises recipients who primarily are biological mothers with orderly conditions, living in nuclear families with biological children. The older brochures have a higher level of gender neutrality in their texts, where mothers and fathers are placed equally and at the same distance from the position of the sender. The newer brochures, however, represent a wider range of social categorisations, and thus present a more complex picture of parenthood. The results also show that the function of SSIA in the texts is primarily economic, and that there is no obligation for parents to share the parent’s insurance equally, despite the political resolutions that impose this task on the agency.