No description available.

L’importance du concept identitaire est maintenant reconnue dans la recherche en histoire. Processus à la fois individuel et collectif, le sentiment d’appartenance constitue la base de l’identité d’un groupe. Dans ce mémoire, nous nous proposons d’étudier le développement de la conscience identitaire mandchoue, et du rôle qu’elle a joué dans la construction identitaire chinoise jusqu’à la Révolution de 1911. L’étude historiographique nous permettra de suivre l’évolution du regard porté sur la dynastie mandchoue des Qing par la recherche occidentale, de rejeter complètement la théorie de leur sinisation, lui préférant celle de leur acculturation. L’étude en parallèle des deux constructions identitaires nous amènera à conclure qu’elles sont indissociables l’une de l’autre, objet de notre première hypothèse. En deuxième lieu, nous avancerons l’idée que la Chine a bénéficié de la présence mandchoue, aussi longtemps que la dynastie pouvait prétendre à une représentation universelle. Enfin, notre dernière hypothèse montrera que le facteur ethnique a été d’une importance cruciale dans la gouvernance d’un empire à la fois multiethnique et multiculturel, et le demeure. / The importance of the identity concept is now recognized by the scholarship in History. The feeling of belonging, being at the same time a personal and a collective process, is at the cornerstone of a group identity. In this dissertation, we intend to study the growth of Manchu identity’s awareness, and what part it plaid in the Chinese identity construction process, up to the 1911 Revolution. An Historiographic analysis will allow us to follow the evolution of western scholarship outlook on the Qing dynasty, and to substitute the thesis of their sinicization by the idea of their acculturation. Our first hypothesis is that a parallel comparison between both identity constructions will lead to the conclusion that they are inseparable from one another. Secondly, we will suggest that as long as the dynasty could pretend to a universal representation, China benefited from Manchu rule. Finally, our last assumption will demonstrate that the ethnic component was, and still is, a key factor in the rulership of a multicultural and multiethnic empire.

How and why was imperial power made visually and physically manifest in two similar, contemporaneous megastates - the Roman Principate and Qin-Han China? Framing the Chinese and Roman material within such a question breaks it free from the web of expectations and assumptions in which conventional scholarship almost always situates it. It also builds upon the limited but promising work recently undertaken to study these two empires together in a comparative context. The purpose of this thesis is not to discover similarities and differences for their own sake; but, by discovering similarities and differences, to learn about the nature of imperial authority and prestige in each state. The comparative method compels us to appreciate the contingent - and sometimes frankly curious - nature of visual and artefactual phenomena that have traditionally been taken for granted; and both challenges and empowers us to access higher tier explanations and narratives. Roman expressions of power in visual terms are more public, more historical- biographical, and more political, while Qin-Han images and objects related to imperial authority are generally more private, generic and ritual in their nature. The Roman material emphasizes the notional complicity of large groups of people - the imperial subjects who viewed, crafted and often commissioned these works - in maintaining and defining the emperor's power. If the Han emperor's power was the product of complicity, it was the complicity of a small group of family members and courtiers - and of Heaven. These contrasting sets of power relationships connect to a concerted thematic focus, in the case of Rome, on the individual of the princeps; that is, the individual personage and particular achievements - especially military achievements - of the emperor. This focus is almost always taken for granted in Roman studies, but contrasts profoundly with the thematic disposition of Han artefacts of power: these reflect a concentrated disinterest in imperial personality altogether, emphasizing instead the imperial position; that is, both the office of emperor and a cosmic centrality. While this thesis reveals some arresting contrasts, it also harnesses the dichotomous orientations of Roman and Chinese archaeology to reveal that the conventional understanding of much of this material can be misleading or problematic. Many of the differences in the ways such images are usually interpreted have as much to do with the idiosyncrasies and path dependency of two fields - in short as much to do with the modern viewer - as they do with the images themselves and the traditions that produced them.

No description available.

第一章： 理學之先驅：第一節 韓愈與佛學：一、韓愈與理學，二、韓愈與佛；第二 節 李翱與佛學；第三節 柳宗元與佛學。 第二章 朱子理學之淵源：第一節：周敦頤與佛學（西元１０１７∼１０７３）：一、太極圖 二、通書；第二節 張載與佛學（西元１０２１∼１０７８）：一、西銘，二、正蒙 ； 第三節 程顥與佛學（西元１０２３∼１０８５）：一、識仁篇，二、定性書，三性一元論； 第四節 程頤與佛學（西元１０３３∼１１０７）：一、理氣說，三、主敬、窮理說，四、主 敬、理氣說與佛學；第五節 楊時與佛學（西元１０５３∼１１３５）；第六節 羅 從彥豫章、李侗（延平）與佛學：一、羅從彥西元１０７２∼１１３５），二、李侗 （西元１０９３∼１１６３），三、劉勉之（白水）、胡憲（藉溪）、劉子 （屏山 ）。第三章 朱子理學與佛學之關係：一、朱子西元１１３０∼１２００）生平與學術，二、朱子 理學與佛學之淵源。壹、論心性理氣部份：第一節 太極說與佛學；第二節 理氣說與佛學；第三節 氣質說與佛學；第四節 心理、性 理說與佛學；第五節 性情說與佛學；二、論修養部份；第一節 涵養、省察說佛學 第二節 主靜、主敬說與佛學；第三節 天理、人欲說與佛學；第四節 知、行說與 佛學。 第四章 朱子闢佛之研討：壹、學理部份；第一節 從宇宙觀探討朱子之闢佛：一 、朱子之宇宙觀，二、從朱子之宇宙觀論其闢佛，三、佛氏之宇宙觀；第二節 從本 體論探討朱子之闢佛：一、朱子之本體論 ，二從朱子之本體論論其闢佛 ，三、佛氏 之本體論；第三節從教育學探討朱子之闢佛：一、從心性論看，二從教育之宗旨與階 次看，從教育之目的與步驟看，四、從教育之內容看，五、從修養論看，六從施教之 深淺次第看；第四節 從倫理學探討朱子之闢佛：一、佛氏有關孝道之倫理，二、佛 氏有關君臣之倫理，三、佛氏有關夫婦之倫理，四佛氏有關兄弟、朋友之倫理，五、 佛氏有關師弟之倫理。 貳、存養部份：第一節 辨釋氏以知覺運動言性之非，第二節 辨釋氏以心求心之非 ，第三節 辨釋氏有上達無下學之非，第四節 辨釋氏有敬以直內無義以方外之非， 第五節 辨釋氏有克己工夫而無復禮之非，第六節辨釋氏頓悟求速之非，第七節 辨 釋氏一覺之外不復事事非非，第八節 辨釋氏參話頭終日味無義語之非。 結論。

臣下敢在君主深惡痛絕之下結黨爭權，君主的領導方法或能力，一定有所欠缺，縱使英明強幹的君主，如其在重大問題上遲疑不決，或已決定而又起動搖，臣下即可能結黨相爭，如果君主採用「分而治之」的手段，利用臣下的對立，以維護君權，也可能引起黨爭；如果君主不能明斷，則君主已失其定分止爭的作用。臣下為求取勝利，自不免結黨以爭，如果君權已經旁落，則君主為求收回權力、或臣僚中之不滿於竊取權力者，亦將結黨以爭，漢、唐、宋、明各代的黨爭無不如此。 故就東漢、中唐、北宋、晚明等黨爭的形成原因來說，均難謂為出於某一單純原因而係由於各種因素的湊合，例如東漢黨爭的形成，君權旁落與取士制度關係取大，仕途壅塞則其助力，中唐牛李黨爭的形成，政策的不同，取士制度，均為主要原因，而君主所採「分而治之」的手段，君不明斷，仕途壅塞，均有助力，北宋的范仲淹、王安石及其反對者的鬥爭，主因即在學術政策的不同，地域的不同，君主的領導方式，亦有重要關係，晚明黨爭的發生，君主的領導無方最為重要原因，品性、地域的不同， 仕途的壅塞，取士制度等，均有關係。 最後我們認為朋黨的形成，一般都是出於「弱者」意識，所謂弱者，亦即自認其利益未被照顧或未被妥善照顧的人，這種人往往構成一個「不滿的利益集團」，不論何時何地，只要有「不滿的利益集團」存在，即可能出現朋黨。

本論文考察晚清以降，面對廿世紀的新舊交替，殖民與西學衝擊，在中國南方、台灣與南洋的詩人群體的離散際遇。從他們寫於境外的漢詩創作，探究一個政治／文化遺民的精神處境及漢詩文類的越界與現代性脈絡。漢詩有著源遠流長的傳統，做為士人文化心靈的寄託與投射，漢詩因此成爲一代流亡知識分子銘刻歷史嬗變，見證家國離散的重要媒介。尤其經歷乙未、辛亥兩次政治鉅變，士紳百姓大規模遷徙，文化與文學的播遷軌跡因此日益繁複，漢詩由此構成理解與辯證現代性的種種可能的文學形式與生產空間。本論文處理的時間跨度，始於一八九五年的乙未割台事件，結束在日軍投降、二戰結束的一九四五年。前者從近代中國第一批遺民的誕生展開論述，後者以南來作家郁達夫的失蹤死亡，做為流寓詩學一個曖昧的結束或再生產。 士人在一八九五年以降面臨的時代鉅變，產生了悲憤憂患的國族書寫、現代的時間與地理感受，造就晚清曖昧的政治或文化遺民，並連同中原境內與境外的知識份子，捲入了一種離散現代性的體驗。他們透過文學試圖描述與定位自身的遷徙，卻必須面對時代的變化與衝擊，同時回望、召喚難以斷絕的傳統。這是一個區域漢文學交流與互動的歷史時刻，一個以漢詩為主導文類的文學現場。我們從離散敘事的論述框架，重新觀察了漢詩作為跟隨傳統文化一同陷落的舊文體，如何在地理遷徙的現代時空內，重新架構了詩人經歷的主體飄零、肉身苦難、絕域風土和文教播遷的種種經驗。 這些文人分別在不同區域之間流動，從中國到台灣，從台灣內渡中國，再從中國奔往南洋，三個區域的互涉，凸顯出清末民初的文化遺民型態各異，但又共同處身一個裂變下的帝國解體與現代體驗。無論他們生根中國、台灣，或流寓、移居南洋，文人遊走區域之間，表現出不同的文化想像與文學生產。 本論文選取的四組詩人個案，包括乙未割台時期內渡大陸，後往南洋推展儒教的丘逢甲、在殖民地台灣以遺民自居的王松和洪棄生，流亡南洋的康有為及移居者丘菽園，客死南洋的許南英和郁達夫。這些不同脈絡背景的詩人個案，都同時聚集在一個境外離散式的寫作氛圍。他們的歷史機遇由晚清跨度到民國，不同的主體與客觀經驗，展現了形塑流亡詩學和南方視域的可能。漢詩在海外的不絕如縷，尤其見證一代知識分子或花果飄零，或靈根自植的心路歷程。這些寫在境外的漢詩橫跨新舊文學的分野，在同一傳統／現代交替的歷史結構裡出沒，一再説明漢詩歷久而彌「新」的現代意義。其中內蘊的文類意識，提醒了我們進一步理解漢詩播遷所塑造的區域文學型態，同時藉由這些遺落在海外的詩人足跡，形成地域觀照的「文學現場」脈絡。 / The present study investigates Chinese diaspora in terms of a particular group of loyalist poets scattering in South China, Taiwan, and Nanyang in late Qing, including Qiu Fengjia, Wang Song, Hong Qisheng, Kang Youwei, Qiu Shuyuan, Xu Nanying and Yu Dafu and discusses transcendence and modernity of their Han poetry. This study deals with the time span from territorial cession of Taiwan in 1895 to Japanese surrender /the end of war in 1945. The discussion starts with the emergence of the first group of loyalists in late Qing in 1895 and closes with Yu Dafu’s missing in Sumatra in 1945. During this period of time, social upheaval due to the transition to a new era and the impact from colonization in Taiwan and westernization in China forced common people as well as intellectuals massively migrated and emigrated. For example, Qiu Fengjia exiled from Taiwan to China during the Japanese colonization and later went to Nanyang. Kang Youwei, Qiu Shuyuan, Xu Nangying and Yu Dafu exiled or moved to Nanyang and the later two even died there. Poets in Taiwan, like Wang Song and Hong Qisheng, considered themselves as emigrants from China. Being deserted and colonized, these poets threw themselves into loyalist writing, intending to construct identity in terms of space and time. Drawing upon such loyalists’ works of Han poetry, this study attempts to sketch out those poets’ mental state as political/ cultural loyalists and the way their Han poetry displayed transcendence and modernity. Having an established tradition as the genre to represent the spirits, morals and emotions of intellectuals, Han poetry was naturally chosen by intellectuals to use when they endeavored to depict historical changes and the collapse of a dynasty. Han poetry thus in turn manifested itself as an epitome of diaspora and the loyalists’ state of mind during that period of time. In addition, after Yiwei and Xinhai political upheavals, the emigration formed intriguing paths of disseminating culture and literature. In this context, Han poetry turned out to serve as an important literary form and space, by which we are able to interpret and discuss modernity.

鄉土文學作為一種文學類別，源出於作家們對前現代、傳統文化與土地關係的關懷。隨著時代變遷，鄉土文學被賦予更多的功能。不再只是再現吾人現代性精神危機的烏托邦救贖，也不單純只是對逝去的純美人情的哀悼，更不僅被當作現代性的對立面。從五四時期以來的鄉土文學至今，已然發展出全然不同的面貌，唯一不變的是，鄉土文學的核心價值依舊是以「人與土地」為主軸，從人與土地的關係出發，思考不同階段的社會轉型與文化衝擊。在持續的現代化與全球化的當下，鄉土文學必然受到衝擊，在現代化與高度資本主義的社會環境中，都市文學與大眾娛樂文化的雙重夾擊下，鄉土文學成為一種艱難的文類，在世代差異之下，鄉土文學必然喪失其影響力與活力。 此外，中國特殊的政治體制與其制度，使得鄉土文學產生不同的變化，轉型成為一種彈性的文類，將鄉土視為全球化的在地資本，再者，因中國快速的全面轉型，使得新舊文化被雜揉於同一時期。新與舊、現代與傳統、都市與鄉村就這樣被濃縮在同一時期裡。因此鄉土文學在中國，除了因疆域廣大，現代化程度的普及性仍有一定限度外，最重要的是，當今中國的中堅世代，都是歷經高度文化衝擊下的一員，在他們身上仍舊保留傳統文化的親歷性，也同樣對現代化的利弊具有深刻理解，作家們依循自己的生命經驗試圖理解當代中國與世界。 本研究先以中國當代文化語境與鄉土文學之發展脈絡為背景，再以三位50後作家韓少功、莫言、阿來之專章，討論其鄉土小說中的身分認同。此三位作家皆完整經歷中國當代劇烈的社會變遷，並循著自身的「鄉土經驗」，重新審視中國現代性如何擺盪在現代性與民族性之間，並展現其中的文化能動性，以多元的鄉土文體形式來界定主流政治。 自新時期以來，中國作家與主流政治共同自「鄉土」汲取文化動能，建構屬於自身獨特的話語形式（discourse）回應中國新時期的後革命論述。 / As a literary category, the native-soil literature was originated from the care that the writers had on the relationship between pre-modern, traditional culture and the land. With the changing times, the native-soil literature has been given more functions. It is no longer just to re represent the utopian salvation of our modern spiritual crisis, or just the mourning for the passed-by beautiful interpersonal affection, or only be viewed as the opposite of modernity. Since the May Fourth period, the native-soil literature has now developed a completely different appearance. The only constant is that the core value of the native-soil literature remains to be centered around the “people and the land”, rooting from the relationship between people and the land to think about the different stages of social transformation and cultural impact. Under the ongoing modernization and globalization, the native-soil literature is bound to be impacted. In the modern and highly capitalist social environment and under the double attacks of urban literature and mass entertainment culture, the native-soil literature has become a difficult genre. Due to the generation differences, the native-soil literature will inevitably lose its influence and vitality. In addition, the special political framework and system of China cause the native-soil literature to have different changes, transforming into a flexible genre and viewing the “native soil” as the globalized local capital. Moreover, due to rapid and comprehensive transformation of China, the old and new cultures were rubbed into the same period. The concepts of new and old, modern and traditional, and urban and rural were all condensed into the same period as well. Therefore, while the native-soil literature of China has been somewhat limited in terms of degree of modernization and popularity due to the vast territory, the most important thing is that the backbone generation in China today all went through high cultural impact, and they still retain the traditional cultural experiences while having deep understandings about the pros and cons of modernization. The writers try to understand the contemporary China and the world through their own life experiences. This study uses the development processes of Chinese contemporary cultural context and native-soil literature as background, and then discuss the identity identification within the native-soil novels through dedicated chapters of three writers who were born after 1950 – Han Shao-gong, Mo Yan and Alai. All three writers went through dramatic social changes of contemporary China, and with their “native-soil experiences”, they re-examined how China's modernity swung between the modernity and nationality, displayed the cultural motility therein, and defined the mainstream politics in the form of multivariate native-soil literature. Ever since the new era, writers and mainstream politics in China have all been drawing cultural energies from the “native-soil” to construct their own unique discourse forms, so as to respond to the post-Revolution discourse of China’s new era.

本研究主旨是從人力資本理論以及勞動市場條件的觀點，來探討原、漢族群的工資不平等之現象根源。長久以來，原住民從成長、學校教育，到進入職場，莫不受各種條件的不足所制，以至於與主流社會的社經處境有難以克服的落差。本研究採用2007年「社會變遷基本調查第五期第三次」階層組以及休閒組調查，和2007年「臺灣原住民社會變遷與政策評估調查研究」，三筆具代表性且規模相近的面訪資料、共2393位私部門受雇者來加以比較。透過群體加權校正，本研究首先透過多元迴歸與交互作用分析，來探討兩族群的人力資本和勞動市場條件與工資取得高低之間的關係。接著，再以經Heckman校正Blinder-Oaxaca差異分解，來分析兩族群工資落差中的結構與現象差異。 研究結果顯示，人力資本和勞動市場條件能說明原住民族與漢人之間，確有工資上的族群歧視現象。原住民教育的工資報酬率在義務教育階段後即無顯著效果，而不同於漢人能持續成長；不論是年資、職業聲望或是工作型態，原住民的工資報酬率都顯著也比漢人低落，且影響更勝教育差異。這些現象即使是在差異分解校正結構差異後依舊存在。是故，既有量化研究除了從教育面向來探討原、漢族群社經不平等之外，實應持續重視原住民族進入職場後，所面對的勞動市場問題。 / The aim of this research is to study the wage gap between aborigines and Han Chinese in Taiwan. The research explores the impacts of human capital and labor market conditions on the wage gap. Throughuot the life course trajectories of schooling and labor market participation, aborigines in Taiwan persistently face dire straits, resulting in insurmountable soci-economic gaps with Han Chinese. The data sources of the research are from Taiwan Social Changy Survey (TSCS) 2007, Phase 5, Wave 3: The Social Stratification module and The Leisure Time module, and Social Change and Policy of Taiwanese Indigenous Peoples Survey (TIPS) 2007, which are representative to the adult population in Taiwan. The total sample sizes are 2393 employees in private sector and roughly equal in size between two ethnics. With weighting, regression interaction effects were estimated to analyze the impacts of human capital and labor market conditions on wage differences between aborigines and Han Chinese. Moreover, the research uses two-steps Heckman selection model to correct selection bias of labor marke participation as well as Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition to analyze the ethnic disparities in wage. The finding of interaction models show that human capital and labor market conditions can explain the wage gap and reveal the negative effects of discrimination against aborigines. While only the compulsory education has positive effects on aborigines’ wage, Han Chinese could benefit from all stage of education. Job tenures, occupational prestiage, and employment types are more benefitical to Han Chinese than to aborigines, and the impacts of these factors on wage are greater than education. These results are also consistent with decomposition analysis. Other than education inequality, the finding of this research suggests that future studies of ethnic disparities in soci-economic inequality should concern more about ethnic differences in labor market conditons.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Chinese