Global ETD Search

11	De la conservation en Amazonie : norme environnementale et démocratie territoriale à l’heure du « Faire mieux avec moins ». La Guyane française et l'État brésilien de l'Amapá entre tensions et normalisations. / Conservation in Amazonia : environmental standard and local democracy at the time of “doing better with less”. French Guiana and the Brazilian state of Amapá between tensions and normalizations. Jacob, Théo 29 June 2018 (has links) En Amazonie, la conservation de la nature s’oriente vers le gouvernement des hommes : au nom de la biodiversité, on encadre des populations marginalisées sur des territoires périphériques. Initialement conçues comme des outils d’interdiction, les aires protégées accompagnent aujourd’hui la décentralisation. Leurs nouvelles missions de démocratie locale et de développement économique participent d’une évolution globalisée de l’administration publique, depuis une logique de « souveraineté » vers un registre de « gouvernementalité ».Par la comparaison franco-brésilienne des processus de réforme de l’État, cette thèse expose dans un premier temps comment la norme environnementale, conférant une force scientifique aux principes de diversité et de subsidiarité, incite la « recomposition libérale » d’États historiquement centralisés. Actualisant un mythe de self-government, l’Environnement dessine un nouveau « contrat social » : un projet de gouvernance morale, territorialisée, contrebalançant les inégalités par la fédération communautaire. Dans un second temps, l’étude historique de vastes aires protégées montre comment la conservation appuie le redéploiement étatique. En Amapá et en Guyane française, elle succède aux stratégies régaliennes de maintien sur une Amazonie éloignée, alternant tutelle paternaliste et délégation aux élites locales. Sur ces territoires « anormaux », où les ressources naturelles structurent de forts intérêts économiques, les institutions de conservation tentent de réconcilier différentes légitimités. Rassemblant communautés locales, responsables publics et acteurs économiques, leurs gestionnaires animent des espaces de gouvernance qui accompagnent l’autonomisation régionale. Ces arènes de concertation cherchent à contenir le développement des écarts sociaux et politiques en créant de nouvelles mobilités sur les territoires. Enfin, l’ethnographie comparée des jeux d’acteurs, des techniques d’enrôlement et des conflits émergeant, montre la nature sécuritaire de ces dispositifs pour les États centraux. La protection de l’Environnement justifie un mode de gouvernement frugal, multipliant les contre-pouvoirs et l’enchâssement des surveillances entre acteurs d’un même espace. En incitant l’émergence d’une « société civile » dans des arrière-pays sous-administrés, elle crée de nouvelles concurrences et diffuse une rationalité managériale de responsabilisation. Si l’analyse des subjectivations révèle que ces « coercitions souples » contraignent les forces politico-économiques à ajuster leurs stratégies, elle montre aussi la difficulté de ces dispositifs à satisfaire la « demande d’État » venue des populations. La comparabilité des expériences guyanaises et amapaenses interroge alors l’évolution du « modèle français », de plus en plus dépendant d’une « citoyenneté proactive », que seules les portions privilégiées des territoires voient émerger. / In Amazonia, nature conservation is oriented towards governing men. In the name of biodiversity, marginalized population are being monitored on peripheral territories. Initially designed as tools of restriction, protected areas now go together with decentralisation. Their new goals for local democracy and economic development participate of a globalized evolution of public administration, from « sovereignty » to « governmentality». By comparing French and Brazilian processes of State reforms, this thesis first explores how environmental norm, by imparting a scientific power to the diversity and subsidiarity principles, is prompting a liberal reshuffle in states that were historically centralized. Updating a « self government » myth, the Environment is shaping a new « social contract », in the form of a territorialized moral governance project that strives to counterbalance inequalities through community federation. Secondly, an historical study of large protected areas shows how conservation complements state redeployment. In Amapá and French Guyana, it comes after sovereign function strategies maintained on a distant Amazonia, switching between paternalistic attitude and delegation of authority to local elite groups. On these « abnormal » territories, where natural resources articulate strong financial interests, conservation institutions are trying to reconcile different legitimacies. In bringing together local communities, public officials and economic players, administrators organise spaces of state governance that go along with regional autonomy. These concertation places are aiming to restrain the development of social and political gaps, in creating new mobilities on the territories. Finally, a compared ethnography of role plays, enlistment strategies, and emerging conflicts, shows the securitarian origin of these mechanisms for these central States. Environmental protection justifies a frugal type of governance, by multiplying counter powers and surveillance entrenchments between stakeholders of a common space. When inciting the emergence of a new « civil society » in barely administered back lands, this creates new rivalries and spreads managing rationale of responsibility. If an analysis of subjectification reveals that « adaptable coercion » compel political and economical powers to adjust strategies, it also demonstrates its difficulty to satisfy « state request » originating from local population. Comparability of Guyanese and Amapaense experiences therefore questions the evolution of the « French model », which is each time more dependant of a « proactive citizenship », that only the most privileged parts of the territories can see emerge. / Na Amazônia, a conservação da natureza contribui para governar os homens : em nome da biodiversidade, as populações marginalizadas são gerenciadas em territórios periféricos. Inicialmente concebidas enquanto ferramentas de proibição, as áreas protegidas acompanham hoje o processo de descentralização. As novas missões de democracia local e de desenvolvimento econômico participam de uma mesma evolução da administração pública, que vai de uma lógica de “soberania” ao registro da “governamentalidade”.Pela comparação franco-brasileira dos processos de reforma do Estado, a tese mostra em um primeiro momento como a norma ambiental, conferindo força científica aos princípios de diversidade e subsidiariedade, incita a “recomposição liberal” em Estados historicamente centralizados. Atualizando um mito de self-government, o meio ambiente delineia um novo “contrato social” : um projeto de governança moral, territorializada, contrabalançando as desigualdades pela federação comunitária. Num secundo tempo, o estudo histórico de grandes áreas protegidas mostra como a conservação vem apoiando a reforma do Estado. No Amapá, como na Guiana francesa, ela sucede às estratégias de manutenção da soberania sobre uma Amazônia afastada, alternando a tutela paternalista e sua delegação às elites locais. Nesses territórios « anormais », onde as riquezas naturais estruturam fortes interesses econômicos, as instituições de conservação da biodiversidade tentam reconciliar diferentes legitimidades. Reunindo comunidades locais, representantes públicos e atores econômicos, seus gestores animam espaços de governança que acompanham o empoderamento regional. Esses espaços tentam regular o desenvolvimento das disparidades sociais e políticas, estimulando novas mobilidades nos territórios. Enfim, a etnografia comparada dos jogos de atores, das técnicas de governo e dos conflitos emergentes, revela a natureza securitária desses dispositivos colocados em cena pelos Estados centrais. A proteção do meio ambiente justifica um sistema de governo frugal, multiplicando os contrapoderes e o encaixe das vigilâncias entre os atores de um mesmo espaço. Estimulando a emergência de uma “sociedade civil” em áreas sub-administradas, cria-se novas concorrências e difunde-se uma racionalidade gerencial de responsabilização. Se a análise das subjetivações mostra que essas “coerções flexíveis” obrigam as forças político-econômicas a adaptar suas estratégias, revela também a dificuldade desses dispositivos em satisfazer as demandas da população. A comparabilidade das experiências guianensas e amapaenses questiona então a evolução do “modelo Francês”, cada vez mais dependente de uma “cidadania proativa”, que só as partes mais privilegiadas dos territórios veem emergir. Conservation de la nature Décentralisation Participation Réforme managériale de l’État Gouvernementalité Guyane française Brésil Amazonie Nature conservation Descentralization Participation Public management reform Governmentality French Guiana Brazil Amazonia
12	A flexibilidade de RH como motivo de adoção de modelos de gestão da saúde pública alternativos ao estatuário: as experiências dos Estados da Bahia, do Paraná e de São Paulo Fagundes, Maísa Cristina Dante 20 July 2018 (has links) Submitted by Maísa Fagundes (maisa.fagundes@fgv.br) on 2018-08-17T18:28:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 A flexibilidade de RH.pdf: 1769015 bytes, checksum: f21dc7c1597b2b8486977eccff9aae43 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2018-08-20T13:14:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 A flexibilidade de RH.pdf: 1769015 bytes, checksum: f21dc7c1597b2b8486977eccff9aae43 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzane Guimarães (suzane.guimaraes@fgv.br) on 2018-08-20T16:23:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 A flexibilidade de RH.pdf: 1769015 bytes, checksum: f21dc7c1597b2b8486977eccff9aae43 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T16:23:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 A flexibilidade de RH.pdf: 1769015 bytes, checksum: f21dc7c1597b2b8486977eccff9aae43 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-07-20 / A Administração Pública brasileira tem passado, desde que se tem notícia, por ciclos alternados de enrijecimento e de mitigação do rigor, no que toca às normas jurídicas que a regem. Desde a década de 1990, com a Reforma do Aparelho do Estado, que refletiu um movimento mundial de revisão do perfil de Estado adequado à realidade contemporânea, almeja-se no Brasil um abrandamento das regras jurídicas que engessam o poder decisório do administrador público. Essa rigidez normativa havia piorado com a edição da Constituição Federal de 1988. O Plano Diretor da Reforma do Aparelho do Estado (PDRAE) trouxe instrumentos de flexibilização, dentre os quais a transferência do exercício da atividade estatal não-exclusiva para entidades não-estatais, públicas ou privadas. Os anos seguintes foram de criação de entidades públicas, de estabelecimento de parcerias ou de contratação, envolvendo tanto entidades públicas não-estatais (filantrópicas) quanto privadas (sociedades empresariais). Surgiram, então, as organizações sociais, a nova vertente de serviços sociais autônomos, as parcerias público-privadas, várias fundações estatais etc. Contudo, houve grande oposição a esses novos modelos de gestão. Entidades representativas dos trabalhadores alegavam que essa “privatização” do serviço público apenas contribuía para a precarização do trabalho. Os órgãos de controle, por sua vez, endureceram interpretações, reduzindo o alcance das poucas flexibilidades criadas. Mas os governos continuaram utilizando esses modelos, principalmente na área da saúde pública, escolhida para o presente estudo. Então pode-se concluir que o motivo dessa escolha de novos modelos de gestão é a busca por flexibilidade? Em caso positivo, qual flexibilidade? Como a gestão de pessoal é um ponto sensível na área da saúde, que engloba a prestação de serviços nos quais o elemento humano é indispensável, decidiu-se analisar a escolha desses modelos segundo a flexibilidade de recursos humanos (RH). Para tanto, realizou-se uma pesquisa qualitativa sobre três Estados, que apresentam casos emblemáticos: a primeira parceria público-privada na saúde do País, na Bahia; a bem-sucedida fundação estatal do Paraná; e as organizações sociais que hoje predominam em São Paulo. Foram feitas entrevistas semiestruturadas e análises de documentos, a fim de aferir se a flexibilidade contratual é mesmo o fator decisivo na adoção de um modelo de gestão do trabalho na saúde pública alternativo ao estatutário. As amostras escolhidas foram analisadas segundo a tipologia de flexibilidade em RH criada por Francisco Longo (2007). Foi possível concluir que a flexibilidade contratual está presente nos modelos analisados, mas que o conceito mais genérico de flexibilidade, limitado ao afastamento da rigidez legal, parece ter sido o verdadeiro móvel da escolha. / The Brazilian Public Administration has been governed by alternating cycles of rigorous and non-rigorous application of legal norms. In the 1990s, with the introduction of reforms in the State apparatus in Brazil to reflect the worldwide movement, the State profile was changed to suit contemporary reality, and relaxation of legal norms that undermined the decision-making power of the public manager was sought. Legal norms had become more rigid with the adoption of the Federal Constitution of 1988. The masterplan for reforming the State apparatus (PDRAE) established flexibility mechanisms, including transfer of responsibility of non-exclusive state activity to non-state public or private entities. Subsequent years witnessed the creation of public entities and establishment of partnerships and contracts involving both non-state public entities (philanthropic) and private organizations (corporations). Next, social organizations, the new strand of autonomous social services, public-private partnerships, and several state foundations emerged. However, there was great opposition to these new management models. Representative bodies of workers claimed that “privatization” of public services only contributed to job insecurities. The controlling agencies, in turn, hardened their stance and reduced the reach of the few flexibilities provided. However, governments continued to use these models, especially in public health, the area chosen for analysis in the present study. Thus, is it possible to conclude that the quest for flexibility is the main reason for adopting new management models? If so, which flexibility? As human resources is a sensitive aspect in the health field encompassing the provision of services in a field where presence of people is fundamental, we decided to analyze the adoption of these models based on the flexibility of human resources (HR). To this end, we analyzed three emblematic cases of Brazilian states using a qualitative approach: the first national public-private partnership in the health field in Bahia; the successful state-owned foundation of Paraná; and social organizations in São Paulo. Semi-structured interviews were conducted and documents were analyzed to assess whether contractual flexibility is the decisive factor in the adoption of these labor management models in public health, as an alternative to the statutory model. The selected samples were analyzed according to the human resources flexibility framework developed by Francisco Longo (2007). It was possible to conclude that even though flexibility is seen in the models analyzed, the model was adopted only for its broader aspect of flexibility, limited to the easing of regulatory rigidity. Reforma gerencial Rigidez normativa Flexibilidade Gestão do trabalho Saúde pública Management reform Regulatory rigidity Flexibility Labor management Public health Administração pública Administração pública - Brasil Recursos humanos Modelos em administração Saúde pública - São Paulo (Estado) Saúde pública – Bahia Saúde pública - Paraná
13	Samordning, effektivisering og forenkling : En sosiologisk analyse av begrunnelser for digitaliseringsprosesser i moderniseringen av norsk offentlig forvaltning / Coordination, efficiency and simplification : A sociological analysis of the rationales for digitalization processes in Norwegian public administration Madsbu, Jens Petter January 2016 (has links) This thesis examines the arguments used by politicians and civil servants to justify the implementation of digitalisation processes to modernise and reform the Norwegian public sector. The research questions are “What arguments are used within the Norwegian public administration to justify the implementation of digitalisation processes?” and “How can these arguments be understood in relation to ideas about modernisation and ongoing reforms within the administration more generally?”. Three studies of digitalisation and reform processes within the Norwegian public administration have been carried out to answer the research questions. The first study is of the Minside public electronic communications service from its inception in 2004 until the service was discontinued in 2012. The second study is an analysis of governmental documents on the role and importance of digitalisation reforms in the Norwegian public sector from the mid-1980’s to today. The third outlines how digitalisation is related to a reform process within the public sector, widely referred to as New Public Management (NPM). The analysis shows that justifications for the implementation of Minside and for digitalisation in the Norwegian public administration are generally focused on the simplification, coordination and rationalisation of the public sector. These justifications are closely connected to key normative ideas of NPM on how and why modernisation and reform processes should be carried out within the public sector in general. Despite high expectations, many digitalisation and electronic service implementations aimed at the population do not achieve the effects expected. This does not, however, appear to have had any impact upon these seemingly deeply entrenched expectations. They continue to be as widely held and as high as they have always been, despite widespread evidence to the contrary. / Hvordan begrunner aktører innenfor norsk offentlig forvaltning digitaliseringsprosesser? Hvordan kan disse begrunnelsene forstås i forhold til ideer om modernisering og pågående reformer innenfor forvaltningen mer generelt? For å svare på disse spørsmålene presenteres tre historier: Først studeres den offentlige digitale tjenesten Minside, deretter undersøkes offentlige dokumenter som omhandler digitaliseringsprosessers rolle og betydning for modernisering i forvaltningen fra 1987 opp til i dag. Til slutt analyseres ideene bak moderniseringen av offentlig sektor, New Public Management, som har hentet ideer og inspirasjon for hvordan offentlig sektor skal organiseres fra privat sektors markedstenkning. Funnene viser at begrunnelsene for digitalisering er å nå mål som forenkling, samordning og effektivisering. Disse målene står i et nært forhold til normative idealer innenfor New Public Management for hvordan reformer og modernisering begrunnes mer generelt. Avhandlingens viser også at forventningene til fordelene ved digitalisering synes å være robuste. Til tross for at en rekke digitaliseringsprosesser ikke har oppnådd de ønskede resultater, så synes ikke de omfattende og sterke forventningene til hva som kan oppnås gjennom digitalisering å avta. Digitalisation public electronic communications service modernisation public management reform New Public Management Digital Era Governance qualitative research sociology Digitalisering offentlige elektroniske tjenester modernisering reformer offentlig sektor New Public Management Digital Era Governance kvalitativ forskning sosiologi
14	Narratives of governing : rationalization, responsibility and resistance in social work Lauri, Marcus January 2016 (has links) For many years, Sweden has had a reputation for having a comprehensive and women friendly welfare state. However, as in many other European countries during the past few decades, the organization and governing of welfare has undergone profound changes. Through interviews with social workers and the application of theories of governmentality, this thesis analyzes the expressions and consequences of such current organization and governing. One result is that the introduction of meticulous documentation practices of social workers contact with clients, regulate their interaction and constitute a control over both client and social worker. Another result is that the current organization fragments labor and awards more authority to managers, which functions to produce loyalty to the organization and management, rather than clients. This is expressed in demands not to voice protest, as it is said to create a bad mood. It is also expressed in demands to spend as little as possible on clients; short duration of treatment, preference for outpatient treatment and by making it difficult to receive financial support. This austerity is legitimized through the intermeshing of different ideals; budget awareness, evidence that supports short and outpatient treatment and that clients in order to change their course of life should to be allowed or coerced into taking individual responsibility. Another important finding is that the current governing and organization of social work produce distance and detachment, and thus discourage caring subjects. This is a complex process in which an assemblage of different techniques and rationalities undermines the cultivation of a relationship between social worker and client. 1) The ideal of evidence-based practice favors rigid methods over a flexible and holistic approach. 2) Ideals of rationality, closely connected to notions of masculinity and professionalism, value objectivity and devalue and deter the surfacing of emotions. 3) Meticulous practices of documentation reduce the amount of time available to meet clients. 4) Ideals and particular methods designed to promote individual responsibility in clients legitimize social workers distancing themselves from clients’ dependency and needs. 5) A division of labor, in either assessment or treatment, reduces time spent with clients for those who work with assessment and ultimately engage in the rationing of resources. 6) Standardized digital templates, installed to aid in assessments, regulate and proceduralize interactions with the client. 7) Austerity, heavy workloads, individualized responsibility and stress further accentuate distance, as detachment becomes a means to cope with arduous working conditions. The transformation of social work described above produces alienation and a fragmentation of social workers’ collective subjects. Simultaneously, an ethos of caring makes some social workers work extra hard to provide for clients, which ultimately covers for flaws in the system. Although such an ethos of caring allows for the further exploitation of social workers, it is also understood as a means of resistance, which in turn also forms the basis for organized resistance. / Sverige har ett internationellt rykte för att ha en omfattande och kvinnovänlig välfärd. Även om riktigheten i en sådan uppfattning sedan länge ifrågasatts har på senare år, likt i många andra Europeiska länder, det svenska välfärdssystemet genomgått en omfattande förändring i avseende på dess räckvidd, men också dess organisering och styrning. Fokus för denna studie är just denna organisering och styrning, och mer specifikt, hur detta påverkar ett av välfärdens kanske mest centrala område: socialt arbete. Genom att intervjua socialarbetare undersöks i denna studie uttryck för och konsekvenser av en sådan förändring, bland annat genom att undersöka hur könsbundna föreställningar och förväntningar är sammanflätade med det sociala arbetets organisering och styrning. I studien konstateras att socialarbetare erfar att deras arbete genomgått omfattande förändringar, vilket kopplas ihop med både organiseringen och styrningen av det sociala arbetet. Detta uttrycks både i de ideal som kringgärdar arbetet men också i dominerande arbetssätt. En sådan förändring är införandet av omfattande dokumentationsprocedurer av socialarbetarens arbete och kontakt med klienter, vilket medför att kontakten med klienterna blir ytligare. Dokumentationsprocedurerna utgör också en sorts kontroll av både klienterna och socialarbetarna själva. En annan förändring som konstateras är att nya organisationsmodeller och en förändrad ledarskapskultur skapar förväntningar på socialarbetarna att vara lojala med organisationen och ledningen snarare än klienterna. Bland annat utrycks detta genom förväntningar att inte protestera och skapa dålig stämning på arbetsplatsen, men också genom uttalade krav att spendera så lite resurser som möjligt på klienterna; korta behandlingstider, öppenvårdsalternativ och orimligt hårda krav för att få ekonomiskt bistånd. Detta legitimeras genom sammanväxningen av flera olika ideal; budgetmedvetenhet, att klienter inte mår bra av långa institutionsvistelser, men också att klienterna ska tillåtas eller bör tvingas att klara att sig själva. Ett av studiens huvudresultat är att den nuvarande organiseringen och styrningen av socialt arbete skapar avstånd och likgiltighet. Genom flera sammankopplade ideal och arbetssätt styrs dagens socialarbetare till att bry sig mindre om de klienter de möter. På så sätt undermineras förutsättningarna för framväxten av en djup relation mellan socialarbetare och klient; 1) Idealet och kravet att socialarbetare ska arbeta utifrån evidens, det vill säga metoder och förhållningssätt som i speciellt utformade utvärderingsmodeller visat sig ha effekt, gör att väl strukturerade och rigida metoder ges företräde. Denna instrumentalisering underminerar ett flexibelt, relationsorienterat och helhetsfokuserat sätt att arbeta. Dessutom gör evidensidealets fokus på enskilda individer och avgränsade utvärderingstider att mer samhällsinriktat kritiskt och långsiktigt inriktat arbete undermineras. 2) Ett rationalitetsideal, tätt sammanbundet med föreställningar om professionalitet och maskulinitet, värderar objektivitet och förmågan att frikoppla socialarbetarens egna känslor från sitt arbete. Detta maskuliniserade professionsideal innebär att empati och solidaritet med klienten undergrävs. 3) Omfattande krav på olika former av dokumentation av det sociala arbetet gör att tiden som socialarbetaren har till sitt förfogande för att besöka och att ha möten med klienten blir knapp. 4) Ett allmänt samhällsideal kring individuellt ansvar och en särskild arbetsmetod (motiverande samtal) som många socialarbetare förväntas lära sig, framhäver klientens eget ansvar för och vilja till förändring. Detta legitimerar ett avståndstagande från klientens behov av hjälp och stöd enligt logiken ”du måste klara detta själv”. 5) En vanligt förekommande uppdelning av socialarbetarnas arbetsuppgifter i en så kallad beställar-utförarmodell gör att vissa socialsekreterare arbetar med hjälp och stöd, medan andra arbetar med bedömningar av klienters behov. De senare, som också har inflytande över resurstilldelning, blir med en sådan organisering av arbetet alltmer frikopplade från den stödjande och hjälpande verksamheten och kontakten med klienten. 6) Standardiserade digitala bedömningsinstrument, skapade för att på ett likvärdigt sätt bedöma klienters behov och dokumentera det sociala arbetet, reglerar och instrumentaliserar kontakten med klienter. 7) Tunga arbetsbördor, individualiserat ansvar och stress, bidrar ytterligare till att skapa avstånd och likgiltighet eftersom det för vissa utgör ett sätt att genomleva en ohållbar arbetssituation. En allmän åtstramning av socialtjänstens resurstilldelning förstås som en viktig orsak till behovet av att skapa ovan distansmekanismer. Men distansen hänger också ihop med en tendens till ett återupplivande av en tidigare dominerande förståelse av marginalisering och sociala problem; där människors nöd ses som ett utslag av dålig karaktär och ett resultat av dåliga individuella val. De förändringar av det sociala arbetets premisser som beskrivits ovan gör att socialarbetarna alltmer görs främmande inför sitt arbete – de alieneras. Detta främmandegörande uttrycks genom att inte kunna identifiera sig med arbetet självt, sina kollegor eller med sig själv. Ett sådant främmandegörande underminerar, eller fragmentiserar, både relationen till klienten, men också en känsla av gemenskap med andra socialarbetare. En gemenskap som kan utgöra ett ”vi” och ligga till grund för att ställa krav, protestera och göra motstånd mot avhumaniserande ideal och reformer. På så vis är främmandegörandet inte bara en konsekvens av dagens organisering och styrning, utan också något som fyller en viktig funktion för en sådan styrning och organisering, och genomförandet av en allmän åtstramning i socialpolitiken. Samtidigt som dagens organisering och styrning av socialt arbete är främmandegörande, slår vissa socialarbetare knut på sig själva och arbetar extra hårt för att täcka upp för systemets brister och krympande resurser, för att trots det svåra läget ändå försöka ge det stöd som de upplever att klienten behöver. Ett sådant historiskt förankrat femininiserat omsorgsideal, dvs känslor av ansvar och empati inför behövande och en ilska inför oförrätter, utgör därmed på samma gång grund för en fördjupad exploatering av socialarbetarna, och ett vardagligt motstånd mot rådande system. I ett läge när flera upplever att kollegialiteten som grund för motstånd på arbetsplatserna underminerats, utgör ett sådant omsorgsideal samtidigt också grunden för organiserat motstånd utanför arbetsplatsen, bortom chefernas insyn, kontroll och härskartekniker. Medan nuvarande styrningssystem underminerar ett visst sorts motstånd, uppstår samtidigt grunden för nya. 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A flexibilidade de RH como motivo de adoção de modelos de gestão da saúde pública alternativos ao estatuário: as experiências dos Estados da Bahia, do Paraná e de São Paulo

Narratives of governing : rationalization, responsibility and resistance in social work