[pt] A tese quer demonstrar os fundamentos teológicos que determinam a Eclesiologia de Comunhão para a Unidade, partindo dos Escritos de Teresa de Lisieux, especialmente em seu Livro História de uma Alma, e da Teologia de Johann-Adam Mohler sobre a Unidade na Igreja. Faremos uma releitura da Eclesiologia de Comunhão do Concílio Vaticano II. Iremos explorar alguns aspectos como o Centralismo do Amor vivido e experimentado por uma multidão de pequenas almas que formam a Igreja, apresentado por Teresa de Lisieux, e, o argumento sobre a Unidade na Igreja na perspectiva de Comunhão de Johann-Adam Mohler, conforme sua concreta experiência. Trataremos de apresentar esta Unidade Eclesial a partir da noção de Multidão de Fiéis presente no Livro dos Atos dos Apóstolos: A multidão dos que haviam crido era um só coração e uma só alma (At 4, 32). Possuindo uma configuração eclesial que envolve a todos em vista da universalidade da salvação e das multiformes frentes de serviços e ministérios, retomaremos a noção de Igreja como Corpo de Cristo apresentada pela Teologia Patrística e Magistério da Igreja, e, também presente na Doutrina do Concilio Vaticano II, em consonância com a noção de Povo de Deus. A diversidade de membros desse Corpo, por sua interligação e abrangência, deve ser estendida para toda a humanidade, porém, agora, como Multidão de Fiéis. A Unidade na Igreja tornou-se, nos tempos atuais, um dos aspectos mais significativos para a Teologia, precisamente em razão do caráter da universalidade da salvação e da expressividade relacional entre as pessoas no mundo todo, por isso, a necessidade de uma fundamentação Teológica na perspectiva da Unidade Religiosa e do Diálogo diante de múltiplas iniciativas. / [en] The Thesis wants to demonstrate the theological foundations that propose Ecclesiology of Communion for the Unit, based in the writings of Teresa de Lisieux, especially in her book Story of a Soul, and in the Theology of Johann-Adam Mohler about the Unit in the Church. We ll do a reinterpretation of the Communion Ecclesiology of Vatican II. We will explore some aspects like the Centralism of Love lived and experienced by the multitude of small souls who form the Church, presented by Teresa de Lisieux, and the argument about the Unit in the Church in the perspective of Communion by Johann-Adam Mohler, in accordance with his concrete experience. We will try to present this Ecclesial Unit taking from the notion of Multitude of Faithful in the book of Acts of the Apostles: And the multitude of them which believed were one heart and one soul (Acts 4, 32). Having an ecclesial configuration which involves all peoples in view of the universality of salvation and the multiform modes of services and ministries. We ll retake the notion of the Church as the Body of Christ presented in Patristic Theology and in the Magisterium of the Church, also present in the Doctrine of Vatican II, in consonance with the notion of God s People. The diversity of the members of this Body, for its interrelation and coverage, must be spread over all humanity, now understood as multitude of the faithful. The Unit in the Church became, in current times, one of the most significant aspects for Theology, precisely because, the character of universality of salvation and the relational expressivity between people worldwide, need of one theological grounding in the perspective of Religious Unit and the Dialogue against multiple initiatives.

Em seu Law and Disagreement, Jeremy Waldron apresenta o que denomina de uma teoria democrática do direito, uma teoria normativa sobre a autoridade do direito baseada em sua legitimidade democrática. Para Waldron é a legitimidade do direito enquanto fruto de um processo de deliberação e votação majoritária que sustenta sua autoridade. Esse trabalho busca explicar a teoria democrática do direito de Waldron apresentando-a no contexto do liberalismo e do positivismo normativo. Dada a importância da legitimidade para a autoridade do direito em Waldron, esse trabalho discute também o que Waldron entende por legitimidade e sua distinção em relação à justificação, e defende a teoria de Waldron acerca da legitimidade como superior a outra teoria semelhante, defendida por John Simmons. Esse trabalho apresenta a teoria democrática do direito de Waldron no contexto das denominadas circunstâncias da política – a necessidade sentida de uma decisão comum e o desacordo sobre qual deve ser essa decisão. Essa tese defende que Waldron apresenta dois argumentos distintos em defesa de sua teoria: a) um argumento epistêmico, baseado na tese da justificação normal da autoridade, de Joseph Raz, adaptada ao contexto das decisões majoritárias, e que está suscetível a certos tipos de crítica, e b) um argumento de equidade, que recorre à igual consideração e respeito nas circunstâncias da política, o qual está suscetível a outros tipos de crítica. Essa tese defenderá que, dependendo do argumento, a posição de Waldron levará a distintos resultados teóricos e práticos (normativos). / In his Law and Disagreement, Jeremy Waldron presents what he names a democratic jurisprudence, a normative theory about the authority of law based in his democratic legitimacy. To Waldron, it is the legitimacy of law as a result of a process of deliberation and majoritarian voting that sustains its authority. This work seeks to explain Waldron’s democratic jurisprudence presenting it in the context of liberalism and normative positivism. Since legitimacy is important to the authority of law, this work also discuss what Waldron understands by legitimacy and its distinction from justification, and defends that Waldron’s theory about legitimacy is superior to another similar theory, defended by John Simmons. This work presents Waldron’s democratic jurisprudence in the context of the said circumstances of politics - the felt need for a common decision and the disagreement about what ought to be this decision. This thesis defends that Waldron presents two distinct arguments in defense of his theory: a) an epistemic argument, that is based on the normal justification thesis of Joseph Raz adapted to the context of majoritarian decision, and that is susceptible to certain kinds of critic, and b) an argument of fairness, that calls for equal considerations and respect in the circumstances of politics, and that is susceptible to other kinds of critic. This thesis will defend that, depending on the argument, Waldron’s position will lead to distinct theoretical and practical (normative) results.

Em seu Law and Disagreement, Jeremy Waldron apresenta o que denomina de uma teoria democrática do direito, uma teoria normativa sobre a autoridade do direito baseada em sua legitimidade democrática. Para Waldron é a legitimidade do direito enquanto fruto de um processo de deliberação e votação majoritária que sustenta sua autoridade. Esse trabalho busca explicar a teoria democrática do direito de Waldron apresentando-a no contexto do liberalismo e do positivismo normativo. Dada a importância da legitimidade para a autoridade do direito em Waldron, esse trabalho discute também o que Waldron entende por legitimidade e sua distinção em relação à justificação, e defende a teoria de Waldron acerca da legitimidade como superior a outra teoria semelhante, defendida por John Simmons. Esse trabalho apresenta a teoria democrática do direito de Waldron no contexto das denominadas circunstâncias da política – a necessidade sentida de uma decisão comum e o desacordo sobre qual deve ser essa decisão. Essa tese defende que Waldron apresenta dois argumentos distintos em defesa de sua teoria: a) um argumento epistêmico, baseado na tese da justificação normal da autoridade, de Joseph Raz, adaptada ao contexto das decisões majoritárias, e que está suscetível a certos tipos de crítica, e b) um argumento de equidade, que recorre à igual consideração e respeito nas circunstâncias da política, o qual está suscetível a outros tipos de crítica. Essa tese defenderá que, dependendo do argumento, a posição de Waldron levará a distintos resultados teóricos e práticos (normativos). / In his Law and Disagreement, Jeremy Waldron presents what he names a democratic jurisprudence, a normative theory about the authority of law based in his democratic legitimacy. To Waldron, it is the legitimacy of law as a result of a process of deliberation and majoritarian voting that sustains its authority. This work seeks to explain Waldron’s democratic jurisprudence presenting it in the context of liberalism and normative positivism. Since legitimacy is important to the authority of law, this work also discuss what Waldron understands by legitimacy and its distinction from justification, and defends that Waldron’s theory about legitimacy is superior to another similar theory, defended by John Simmons. This work presents Waldron’s democratic jurisprudence in the context of the said circumstances of politics - the felt need for a common decision and the disagreement about what ought to be this decision. This thesis defends that Waldron presents two distinct arguments in defense of his theory: a) an epistemic argument, that is based on the normal justification thesis of Joseph Raz adapted to the context of majoritarian decision, and that is susceptible to certain kinds of critic, and b) an argument of fairness, that calls for equal considerations and respect in the circumstances of politics, and that is susceptible to other kinds of critic. This thesis will defend that, depending on the argument, Waldron’s position will lead to distinct theoretical and practical (normative) results.

Cette thèse réalise une étude ludo-politique du glitche vidéoludique (bogue, erreur logicielle, faille de design, échec du système, etc.). Elle problématise l’expérience du glitche comme un point d’inflexion entre deux postures d’engagement. Premièrement, une contrejouabilité paralogique désignant une attitude anarcho-communiste qui s’approprie le glitche comme artefact pour explorer, rediriger et (re)façonner la matérialité vidéoludique dans une optique subversive, critique et commune. Deuxièmement, une contre-jouabilité innovante consolidant un programme néolibéral qui exploite le glitche comme une marchandise pour renégocier, dominer et recoder le jeu dans le but de sécuriser un gain en capital. La méthodologie de l’archéologie des médias est mobilisée pour décortiquer les tenants et aboutissants de ces deux modes de contre-jouabilité. Une chasse aux glitches effectuée à travers les discours, l’imaginaire collectif, les arts d’avant-garde et différentes sphères techniques retrace les rapports de continuité entre l’objet d’étude et une matrice de concepts, de formes esthétiques, de méthodes créatives et d’articulations rhétoriques. Un cadre théorique pluridisciplinaire focalisé sur les sciences du jeu, l’étude des médias, les sciences de la communication, la théorie de l'art et les études de fans est employé pour discerner la place singulière qu’occupe la poésie bruyante du glitche vidéoludique à l’intérieur de son vaste réseau d’héritages transhistoriques et transmédiatiques. L’aménagement d’un espace théorique de réflexion nommé la Carte ludo-politique du glitche structure l’analyse des implications idéologiques d’un corpus de glitches issu de la culture du jeu de tir à la première personne comprise comme champ culturel frontalement tiraillée entre la paralogie anarcho-communiste et l’innovation néolibérale. Ce tiraillement est exploré à l’aide d’un second modèle nommé le Circuit de l'économie socio-technique du glitche. Cet outil assiste l’exposition d’un tissu économique de pertes et de profits croisés entre les glitcheurs et l’industrie. Deux tendances prédominantes sont étudiées. D’une part, une culture de la marchandise basée sur des logiques compétitives de détournement et d’hameçonnage où la valeur d’échange du glitche est exploitée pour optimiser un rendement économique. D’autre part, une économie du don découlant d’un esprit de coopération et de partage où la valeur d’usage du glitche est cultivée et abritée au service du bien commun et de la diversité des pratiques. La démystification de ces dynamiques révèle des rapports d’exploitation économique ii et d’assujettissement politique reliant le glitche 1) à la transformation matérielle des jeux vidéo, 2) à la force de travail des développeurs de jeux, 3) à la force de jouavail des glitcheurs et 4) à la philosophie socio-économique du néolibéralisme qui règne dans la culture et l’industrie vidéoludique. Les dimensions matérielles, laborieuses et économiques du glitche sont discutées en fonction de leurs effets de politisation ambivalents. Sur le plan de la contre-jouabilité innovante, la notion de glitches de l’Empire est théorisée comme vecteur d’une subjectivité politique conformée aux préceptes du néolibéralisme. Cette attitude s’harmonise avec la privatisation des moyens de production, la propriété privée et intellectuelle, le libre marché, la recherche du profit, la liberté entrepreneuriale de soi, la compétition marchande et la quantification du vivant. Sur le plan de la contre-jouabilité paralogique, le concept de glitches de la multitude est présenté comme cristallisant une sensibilité anarcho-communiste. Cette dernière encourage un éthos de désobéissance qui défend la liberté d’expression et d’association, l’autonomisation des individus et des communautés, la socialisation des moyens de production, la collectivisation des ressources, l’autogestion et de la démocratie/action directe au sein de groupes affinitaires ainsi que la préservation du commun. / This thesis conduct a ludo-political study of videogame glitches (bugs, software errors, design flaws, system failures, etc.). The glitch experience is analyzed as an inflection point between two modes of engagement. First, a paralogical counterplay related to an anarchocommunist ethos that appropriates glitches as artifacts to explore, redirect and (re)shape videogame materiality in a subversive, critical, and communal manner. Second, an innovative counterplay consolidating a neoliberal agenda that exploits glitches as commodities to renegotiate, dominate and recode the game to secure capital gains. Media archeology is mobilized as a methodology to dissect the ins and outs of these two modes of counterplay. An academic form of glitch hunting through discourse, collective imaginary, avant-garde arts and various technical fields has been carried out to retrace the continuity between the object of study and a shared matrix of concepts, aesthetic forms, creative techniques and rhetorical articulations. A multidisciplinary theoretical framework built from game studies, media studies, communication studies, art theory and fan studies is used to determine the unique place of videogame glitches’ noisy poetry within its vast network of transhistoric and transmedia heritages. The development of a theoretical model named the Glitch Ludo-Political Map frames the analysis of the ideological implications of a body of glitches from the first-person shooter gaming culture understood as a cultural field in tension between the anarcho-communist paralogy and neoliberal innovation. This polarization is explored using a second model called the Circuit of the Glitch Socio-Technical Economy. This tool is used to expose a complex interplay of economic losses and gains between glitchers and the industry. Two predominant trends are studied. On the one hand, a culture of commodity based on a hijacking and harnessing competitive logic where the exchange value of glitches is exploited to optimize economic incomes. On the other hand, a gift economy resulting from a spirit of cooperation, sharing, and gratuitousness in which the use value of glitches is harvested and harboured in the service of the common good and the diversity of practices. The investigation of these dynamics reveals relationships of economic exploitation and political subjugation that link glitches to 1) the material transformation of videogames, 2) the labour force of game developers, 3) the playbour iv force of glitchers, and 4) the neoliberal socio-economic philosophy that shapes gaming culture and industry. The material, labour, and economic dimensions of glitches are discussed according to their ambivalent political effects. In terms of innovative counterplay, the notion of glitches of Empire is theorized as a vector of a political subjectivity consistent with the precepts of neoliberalism. This attitude is aligned with the privatization of the means of production, private and intellectual property, free market, search for profit, entrepreneurial freedom of the self, aggressive competition and quantification of life itself. In terms of paralogical counterplay, the concept of glitches of multitude is presented as crystallizing an anarcho-communist political sensibility. This political stance catalyzes an ethos of disobedience fostering freedom of speech and association, empowerment of individuals and communities, socialization of the means of production, collectivization of wealth, self-management and direct democracy/action within affinity groups, and the protection of the common good.

In our thesis we will discuss political philosophy of Slavoj Žižek. Our aim is to explore his thoughts in the context of searching for an emancipatory strategy for 21st century. In first par of our thesis we will concentrate on the analysis of functioning of capitalism from the perspective of Lacan's discourse of university. Then we will move to the criticism of static subject in Marxism and dispersed subject in thoughts of post-Marxist radical democrats. We will continue to so called communist hypothesis. In second part of our thesis we will discuss how Žižek's theoretical approach affects his position to the three selected social conflicts and movements. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Rudyard Kipling is a man of immense diversity. He successfully managed to write for over half a century in a variety of genres: short story, travelogue, ballad, personal narrative, and news reporting, to name only a few. While doing so, Kipling readily interacted with a range of subjects and created a multitude of ideas. Likewise, on a personal level, Kipling led an immensely diverse life. He could easily claim four separate continents as home, living variously in India, the United States, England, and South Africa. By profession he was a writer, but as an observer he was so skilled that he learned by heart a variety of professions ranging from street beggar to statesman. Both before and after his life, this variety and complexity has been a subject of debate. Some ignore it, others focus on a particular side of it, but for all it represents an interesting challenge in both studying and classifying Kipling. This thesis seeks to address that challenge by focusing on how Kipling's varying and competing images and ideas work together to assert Kipling's independence. In doing so, this work will look specifically at how Kipling uses multifaceted techniques in his public speeches. In looking at the speeches, the thesis explores three ways in which multiplicity reinforces independence: the combination of privacy and creation, the refashioning of expert detail and self-image, and the fusion of simplistic structure and subtle complexity.

[pt] A questão da servidão permeia toda a filosofia de Espinosa. Seja no campo ético, seja no político, a servidão é um problema quando se trata da experimentação da liberdade política, sendo necessário, portanto, compreender suas causas e seus efeitos práticos. Na experiência política, a tirania se torna o principal efeito prático da servidão e sua constituição reside nas mãos da multidão. É por isso que Espinosa afirma que não adianta derrubar o tirano se não eliminar as causas da tirania, ou seja, investigar, na multidão, os motivos pelos quais um regime tirânico chega ao exercício do poder político. Começaremos este trabalho com uma análise da servidão no plano da Ética: a reflexão perpassa pela noção do conatus e pela lógica dos afetos que rege as relações sociopolíticas. A dinâmica afetiva é fundamental para compreender não só as causas da servidão, mas todas as relações entre os corpos. A noção de servidão está relacionada com a ideia do preconceito finalista que, no campo político, se transforma em superstição. Por fim, como a servidão, ainda que individual, só pode ser pensada com a instituição da política, é necessário analisar o conceito de multidão. É, para Espinosa, o sujeito político que não segue ordem racional, mas sim, é pensada através da dinâmica afetiva. A partir desse conceito, a figura do vulgus possui papel fundamental para o entendimento do tema proposto, assim como a compreensão da obediência política e as diferenças entre a obediência servil do escravo e a obediência livre do cidadão. A resistência à servidão é expressão do conatus e necessária, assim como a obediência, para a constituição de um campo político mais democrático e de um temperamento menos servil da multidão. / [fr] Le sujet de la servitude marque toute la philosophie de Spinoza. Que ce soitau domaine éthique ou politique, la servitude est un problème lorsqu il s agitd expérimenter la liberté politique, et il est donc nécessaire d en comprendre ses causes et ses effets pratiques. Dans l expérience politique, la tyrannie devient le principal effet pratique de la servitude et sa constitution demeure aux mains de lamultitude. C est pour ça que Spinoza affirme qu il est inutile d abattre le tyran sion n élimine pas les causes de la tyrannie, c est-à-dire, il faut enquêter sur lamultitude les raisons pour lesquelles le régime tyrannique parvient à l exercice dela puissance politique. D abord, on analyse la servitude sous les thermes del Éthique: la réflexion passe par la notion de conatus et par la logique des affections qui régit les relations sociopolitiques. La dynamique affective est fondamentale pour comprendre non seulement les causes de la servitude, mais toutes les relationsentre les corps. Le concept de servitude est lié à l idée du préjugé finaliste qui, dansle domaine politique, devient superstition. Enfin, comme la servitude, elle-même individuelle, ne peut être pensée qu avec l institution de la politique, il est nécessaire donc analyser la notion de multitude. Pour Spinoza, c est le sujet politique que ne suit pas l ordre rational, toutefois celui qui est pensé à travers dela dynamique affective. En s appuyant sur ce concept, la figure du vulgus a un rôle fondamental pour la compréhension du thème, ainsi que l entendement del obéissance politique et les différences entre l obéissance servile de l esclave etcelle libre du citoyen. La résistance à la servitude est l expression du conatus et nécessaire, ainsi que l obéissance, pour la constitution d un domaine politique plus démocratique et d un caractère moins servile de la multitude.

A new nomad society is colonizing the desert landscape of the American Southwest. It is a leaderless seasonal swarm, dispersed but densely connected socially, able to form and disband agile urban communities the size of large American cities. It consists of highway bound leisure hunters driving extremely wasteful vehicles that while parked are able form a dense and resilient pioneer society. They are predominantly retired and constructing a new American dream, an informal utopia created from potlucks, social media, satellite dishes and mobile homes. This frontier society of urban flexibilization, decentralization and total urbanization is a product of the complexity and uncertainties of cities being amplified by technological and social disruption, climate change and economic crises. In a mobile future, informal and temporary uses will be important drivers of development and the urban periphery a breeding ground for new forms of urbanism. How do we govern, plan for and understand this development? The nomad cities are poorly documented and understood, especially in academia. With this thesis I aim to change that. I have conducted extensive field studies, including both quantitative mapping and semi-structured qualitative interviews. The data has been analyzed using a theoretical framework consisting of network theory of Castells, spatial analysis ideas of Lefebvre, Venturi, Friedman, Deleuze and Guattari, and social theories of Bourdieu, Foucault and Standing among others. The basic building block of the nomad city are recreational vehicles (RVs); trailers, motorhomes and camper vans. The RV is in itself a hybrid phenomenon that embodies conflicting ideals of the American society: total freedom of movement, the reinvention of the self on the frontier and the American dream. It is both individualistic and community based, and it’s urban forms are highly adaptable to societal changes, mirroring society’s development as well as the changing landscape it inhabits. It recreates itself and revises its citizens’ common habitus with every iteration. The RV world contains multiple layers of meaning for our increasingly urbanized society. It is a frontier for the expansion of exurbia and a physical manifestations of the network society. It creates small initiatives that create ripple effects and thereby a transformation of the urban fabric. To encourage these practices the role of planning needs to be revised. It should not primarily be to decide what is built but to enable the emerging practices that are there. Instead of presenting a grand plan we should allow a multitude of bottom up processes to lead development. In the words of Cedric Price: “The primary aim of planning is not to specify an ideal state but to open up to new possibilities”.

[pt] Esta monografia tem, como objetivo geral, perceber a articulação entre as relações de poder e a população ao longo de diferentes períodos. Partindo de alguns conceitos clássicos, desenvolvidos pelo filósofo Francês Michel Foucault, como poder de soberania e disciplinar, bem como a noção de sociedade de controle trabalhada por Gilles Deleuze, será feita uma análise dos mecanismos que levam à passagem de uma tecnologia de poder a outra ao longo de diferentes momentos do processo histórico. / [en] This monograph has as main objective to understand the relationship between power relations and the population over different periods. Starting with some classic concepts developed by French philosopher Michel Foucault, as sovereign and disciplinary power, and the notion of control society of control by Gilles Deleuze, is an analysis of the mechanisms that lead to the passage of power from one technology to another over different times of the historical process.