科技產業崛起已逐漸蠶食輕工業區原先土地利用制度安排，台北市內湖輕工業區自市地重劃完成後，經由行動者興建廠辦大樓形塑科技園區意象，供廠商違規使用，接著再由園區內廠商自發性成立「台北市內湖科技園區發展協會」與台北市政府定期召開座談會，並配合修正「台北市內湖輕工業區輔導管理辦法」共同治理園區內土地利用方向，締造科技產業經濟奇蹟，成為活化產業用地新典範，變更為名符其實「台北市內湖科技園區」。 然而，毗鄰地區大彎北段商業區、娛樂區行動者藉以放寬產業進駐內湖輕工業區為由，衝擊大彎北段商業機能，因而產生替代效果，陸續將商業用地及娛樂用地，興建住宅社區違規供住宅使用，截至今日該地區約已達3,000戶，實際使用狀況，與都市計畫呈現明顯不符，已造成商業區、娛樂區與住宅使用衍生嚴重互斥等現象。 本文將以「制度厚實」、「路徑依賴」、「公共利益」等相關理論分析案例，透過公、私部門專業人士進行深度訪談提供卓見，作為本文研究過程中相互辯證及立論參考依據，進一步釐清兩地區制度變遷分歧原因，加以探索大彎北段商業區、娛樂區供住宅使用之正當性，抑或回歸商業及娛樂使用，並將研究結論提出建議事項，落實產業用地「公共利益」之精神。 / The rise of technology industry has gradually eroded the arrangement of original land utilization. Therefore, the land of light industry was replotting in Neihu. The actors wanted the area to be Technology Park, so the buildings were used inappropriately for firms. The firms in park established an association spontaneously and named “Taipei Neihu technology park development association. “Taipei city hall made the regular meetings with the association and coordinated to revise the counseling regulations of Taipei Neihu light industry. Government and companies managed the direction of land's usage together and make the economic miracle of technology. Thus, it’s a model to activate industrial land. The land named “Taipei NeiHu Technology Park” However, according to this reason, the commercial function of Northern Dawan has been impacted. In order to find alternatives, the land of commercial and entertainment was supplied to residence use. As of today, it’s over 3,000 houses in the region. The actual situation of usage is not identical with the city plans, which causes mutual exclusion among the region of commercial, entertainment, and residences area. This study used those theories (for institutional thickness, path dependent and Public Interest) to analyze some cases. Through the deep interview by experts which come from public and private departments, they provide some advice as mutual dialectical reference; we will also clarify the reasons of rule discrepancy between two regions in order to further explore the legitimacy of the usage in Northern Dawan commercial area and entertainment area, or return to commercial and entertainment use. We’ll submit conclusions and bring suggestion to implement the spirit of public interest on industrial estate.

本文研究的主要問題為北大西洋公約組織（North Atlantic Treaty Organization）於後冷戰時期的發展。由於北約組織在冷戰期間的主要功能為防止蘇聯與共產勢力在歐洲地區的擴張，因此於冷戰結束後，許多學者紛紛預測北約組織將會走向衰敗的道路。過去國際關係學界皆以傳統的國際關係理論來檢視北約組織的發展，儘管各家學說皆有其獨到之處，然而仍缺乏較具說服力的定論。而本文採用歷史制度主義(historical institutionalism)中的路徑依賴(path dependence)概念來探討此議題，並將發展的範圍限定於北約組織於後冷戰時期的延續以及轉型這兩個方面。路徑依賴下包含的兩個重要概念：「報酬遞增」 (increasing returns)以及「關鍵節點」 (critical juncture)，則將分別用來解釋北約組織於後冷戰時期的延續與轉型。經過研究後證實，歷史制度主義的路徑依賴概念可以用來解釋北約組織於後冷戰時期的延續與轉型，但此種分析途徑仍需要對組織的發展歷史掌握得更加詳細明確，才得以在論證組織的發展演變時，更具說服力。

中國與越南的關係源遠流長，自古就是山水相連的鄰邦，由於特殊的歷史、文化和地緣等因素，自古以來，中國就是對越南影響最大的國家。中華人民共和國成立後，從1950年到1990年的40年當中，中越關係經歷了從「同志加兄弟」到「兵戎相見」的嚴重對立又走向改善這樣關係大幅度的改變和劇烈變化。「渡盡劫波兄弟在，相逢一笑泯恩仇」，隨著1991年11月中越關係正常化以來，雙方在各個領域的交往與合作日益發展。1999年2月，兩國領導人確立了新世紀中越關係的發展框架，即「長期穩定、面向未來、睦鄰友好、全面合作」的方針。2002年中共總書記江澤民訪越期間表示，兩國要永遠成為好鄰居、好朋友、好同志、好夥伴。2008年5月底，越共中央總書記農德孟應邀訪問中國大陸時，中越發表《聯合聲明》宣示，雙邊關係提升為「全面合作戰略夥伴關係」。 2010年迎接中越建交60周年，雙方將今(2010)年定為中越友誼年，兩國關係正常化後，在政治關係，領導人互訪頻繁，建立各種對話機制和管道；在經濟合作方面，雙邊貿易迅速擴大，與中共－東協自由貿易區依存日益加深。但在友好合作關係下仍然存在有諸如民族主義興起、領土糾紛、台越關係的影響、貿易不平衡、投資與政治關係不對稱、歷史華僑等，不利於兩國關係發展問題；整體觀之，中越雖存在著矛盾，但可推測兩國未來的關係仍將持續深化，以維持和平、穩定的周邊環境；雙方仍互相抱持高度警覺與戒心；越南將加強與東協及大國關係，以提升對中共談判與對抗優勢；互藉地緣優勢，各取所得；進一步擴大雙邊經貿等方向前進。 / Sino-Vietnam relations can be traced back to ancient times. They have been neighboring countries sharing the same border. Compared with other countries, China has imposed most influence on Vietnam due to their special historical, cultural, and geographical connections. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), China and Vietnam relationship experienced dramatic change within years from 1940 to 1990. It started from the period of “comrades plus brothers”, then went to “resort to arms,” and finally improved to current benign relationship. The China-Vietnam relations can be described as “experiences disaster brothers, as soon as meet by chance, their smile vanishes the love and hate.” After the normalization in November 1991, the two countries’ interaction and cooperation in all aspects have been further strengthened. In February 1999, the leadership of two countries established the framework for bilateral relations in the new century, which is “long-term stability, facing the future, good-neighborly relations, and comprehensive cooperation.” In 2002, Jiang Zemin, Chairman of the Communist Party of China, visited Vietnam and noted that two countries would always be good neighbors, good friends, good comrades, and good partners. In the end of May 2008, Nông Đức Mạnh Chairman of the Communist Party of Vietnam, visited China. Two countries made Joint Statement and declared to elevate bilateral tie to ‘comprehensive strategic partnership.’ In 2010, for the upcoming 60th anniversary of Sino-Vietnam diplomatic relations, two countries define the year as ‘China-Vietnam friendship year.’ Since establishing two countries’ diplomatic relation, politically, the leadership of two countries has visited each other frequently. Economically, bilateral trades have expanded rapidly and further relied on China-ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) Zone. Nevertheless, several issues emerge and handicap their cooperation. These issues include the rise of nationalism, territory conflicts, impact from Taiwan-Vietnam relations, trade imbalance, the asymmetry of investment and political conditions, and influence from overseas Chinese. Overall, despite of existing contradictions, the development of China-Vietnam relationship will be continually enhanced so as to maintain a peaceful and stable environment. At the same time, two countries will still be highly cautious of each other. Vietnam will improve its connections with ASEAN and other major states in order to strengthen its advantage on negotiation table against China. Two countries will make the best use of their own geographic advantage and take what they need from their cooperation. Also, they will further expand bilateral economic and trade relations in the future.

本文以「歷史制度主義」為途徑，去分析毛澤東時期「二線分工」的運作與變遷。並就「歷史制度主義」的三個主要觀點，包括「路徑依賴」、「關鍵點」以及「漸續平衡」為架構，去鋪陳本文的論證。 首先，在「路徑依賴」上，本文認為因「民主集中制」的矛盾，使得中共政治在運作上，衍生出另一套非正式制度以修補之。而「二線分工」就是這套非正式制度，其目的是為了防制「民主集中制」的三項缺失，包括權力集中、非正式政治的影響以及政治繼承的危機。是故，只要中共堅持「民主集中制」，則「二線分工」就會成為一項路徑依賴，以修補「民主集中制」的缺失。毛時期「二線分工」的起點是在一九五六年九月的八大，該會決議重組中央書記處，以作為和中央政治局分工的機構。因此，開啟了毛時期「二線分工」的運作。 其次，在「關鍵點」的改變上，以一九五九年四月，毛辭去國家主席，退居政務二線為重要的關鍵。促成該關鍵點的成因上，可以「內因」和「外因」分別說明之。「內因」是起於反右運動、大躍進運動以來，逐步繁瑣的內政事務，使得毛決心辭去國家主席，以減輕工作負擔。「外因」則起於中蘇關係的惡化，使得毛有意識的了解培養革命繼承人的重要性，遂將劉少奇扶植至政務一線，以培養其接班能力。 最後，在「漸續平衡」上，在歷經一九五九年四月的「關鍵點」後，中共的「二線分工」運作由原來的「優勢政治」型演變為「權力平衡」型。在「關鍵點」之前，毛集黨務、政務一線於一身，可以直接參與黨務與政務決策的制定，因此呈現出以毛為主的「優勢政治」運作。但在「關鍵點」之後，毛雖仍居黨務一線，但因退居政務二線，所以大幅減少對於重要會議的直接參與，部分決策權轉移至劉少奇、鄧小平手中，故乃呈現出一、二線互為抗衡的「權力平衡」型。 本文在最後的結論，將討論毛時期立下的「二線分工」運作，對於後毛時期的延續性。此外，將提出中共政治的「二線分工」模式，以做為本論文的研究發現與研究成果。 / In the political regime of CCP, democratic centralism is the formal system of an organized form. “Two-front arrangement” is informal system, which is used to renovate three defects of democratic centralism, including the effects of informal system, power centralization, and the crisis of political successor. This article is used three concepts of ”historical institutionalism”, which are path dependence, critical juncture, and punctured equilibrium, to explain the transition of “two-front arrangement” in CCP. First, in the path dependence, “two-front arrangement” is a method used by CCP to repair the deficiency of democratic centralism. Second, the path of “two-front arrangement” was gone through two critical junctures of transition, one is the CCP twelve party congress in 1982, and two is the CCP sixteenth party congress in 2002. At last, the results of these critical junctures produced new punctured equilibrium . The work of “two-front arrangement” changed to patron-client type after the CCP twelve party congress and evolved to functional type after the CCP sixteenth party congress. The change of “two-front arrangement” is gradually evolving to some kinds of institutionalization. From the random type in Mao’s era, the patron-client type in Deng’s era, to the functional type in Jiang’s era, we can find that the “two-front arrangement” has remarkable function to repair three defects of democratic centralism as time went by. So we can take it as the formation of institutionalization. We analyze the “two-front arrangement” during Mao Zedong’s era. “First-front” leaders are those who participated in the policy-making process directly while leaders on the “second-front” are referred to those who only indirectly involved in the process. The article argues that the best way to identify leaders in their affiliation in the “two-fronts” division of work is to have a detailed breakdown on personnel in the highest decision-making bodies, the Politburo and the Central Secretariat. We divide Chinese leadership during Mao’s era into four categories according to official document and reputation and status of the leaders. The article further delineates the operation of the “two-front arrangement” according to the division of work between the party and the state, charisma of the leaders and formal institutions. At the end, we try to assess the impact of the “two-fronts” model on Chinese politics.

既有文獻指出企業從事社會責任活動能帶來諸多經濟效益，然而企業也必須承擔相關的成本來進行社會責任活動。本研究探討公司在成本考量上，如何配置財務及非財務資源來進行企業社會責任活動。我們進一步討論當企業面對財務限制時，策略性的資源配置如何對企業社會責任之績效產生影響。本研究使用公司層面的企業社會績效和財報資料，資料期間為1991至2015年。藉由迴歸分析並且控制產業及修正群聚效果下，實證結果發現：研發活動對於企業社會責任績效有顯著正向的關聯，而公司的併購支出顯著地負向影響企業之正面及負面企業社會績效，資本支出則對負面企業社會責任績效有顯著的負向關係。就內部流動性資源運用的結果我們發現：現金對企業社會責任之績效表現並無顯著的關聯，此結果隱含公司在資金運用上傾向於配置少部份現金資源以資助企業社會責任活動；然而淨營運資金與企業社會績效呈現顯著負向關聯，意味著公司會使用淨營運資金來資助企業社會責任活動。最後透過對公司個體財務限制的衡量，實證結果顯示當公司面對財務寬鬆時，投入研發活動成本有助於加強研發成本與企業社會績效表現之正向關係，結果更意味著當公司面臨財務寬鬆時，較容易將社會績效納入考量。 / While the existing is fully aware of the diverse economic benefits that are brought about when firms engage in corporate social responsible (CSR), it also warns about the associated costs of all kinds. Using panel data obtained from MSCI ESG and Compustat for 4,160 U.S. public-listed firms from 1991 to 2015, we investigate what impacts the firms’ allocation of financial and non-financial resources would have on the implementation of their CSR, when knowing that CSR can be costly. Our main empirical findings are threefold. First, we find that firms’ R&D intensity is positively related to their corporate social performance (CSP). Capital expenditure is significantly negatively related to CSP concerns; and firms’ involvement in acquisitions is negatively related to both their CSP strengths and concerns. Second, firms’ implementation of CSR activities is found to be seldom cash-intensive, in fact, we document firms’ moderate usage of cash and short-term investments on the implementation of CSR relative to other investments activities. However, the noncash networking capital show significantly negative effects with CSP, revealing that firms use noncash networking capital to implement CSR activities. Third, the positive relationship between R&D intensity and CSP is further enhanced when firms are free without financial constraints, and we argue that firms take more concern on social issue/performance when facing financial slack.

本研究所欲瞭解之問題有二: 一為外包的成功關鍵因素; 另一為此等之外包成功關鍵因素是否會因為外包內涵不同而有所不同。在經過過資源基礎理論、資源依賴理論、核心競爭力、交易成本理論、外包之利益與風險，以及外包程序等相關文獻探討後，選擇與外包成功相關之因素。 本研究係探討自變數組織外包的作法與依變數外包績效之問的關係。在對十七個外包個案進行詳盡訪談與分析後，先將組織外包的作法加以分類成為數個構面，再以組織執行外包績效，區分為成功與不成功的兩組個案樣本，並檢視成功與不成功個案中有明顯不同的各個因素構面，以找出相關的因素作為組織外包的成功關鍵因素。 在經過文獻探討與個案分析後，本研究對於外包之成功關鍵因素已有較清晰的描述; 而且外包成功關鍵因素的集合可由不同的外包內涵特質而加以區別; 因而獲得本研究發現如下: 1 、策略規劃與高階主管支持是所有成功外包的必要因素。 2 、在環境不確定下，外包的成功關鍵因素有: 制定保護措施、有效抑制投機、多重準則遴選外包商、合作、雙向密集溝通、具有彈性。 3 、外包內涵在經由其資產特殊性加以區分後，有不同的成功關鍵因素集合。依外包資產特殊性程度而區分之外包成功關鍵因素集合有其個別之特徵; 故進而引用Quinn 與Williamson等學者之觀念，將其依資產特殊性程度的高低而分別將其稱為:「夥伴型」外包、「合作型」外包，以及「貨架型」外包。

負面事件比正面事件更能達到引起人們注意的效果，然而消費者的品牌依賴程度和負面事件之間的相互作用關係過去很少被研究。因此，本研究希望能透過調查年輕的品牌手機使用族群，以瞭解負面事件的嚴重性、負面事件的來源可靠性，和消費者的品牌依賴程度對消費者的負面品牌態度改變、負面產品評估改變、及風險認知改變程度的影響。 本研究發現，當一個品牌被負面事件攻擊時，消費者的品牌依賴程度及負面事件的嚴重程度會分別對其負面產品評估改變、及風險認知改變程度產生影響；而消費者的負面品牌態度改變只會被其品牌依賴程度影響。並且，負面事件發生時，消費者的品牌依賴程度並不能解決負面內容對消費者所帶來的影響，真正重要的是反而是負面事件的嚴重程度和來源可靠性。品牌管理者應該多加注意的負面事件的組合為高風險且來自較可靠的管道，因為這樣的組合會對消費者產生負面影響最大；而較不需注意的是低風險且來自較不可靠的管道的負面事件組合，因為這樣的組合對消費者產生負面影響最小。 / Negative events are known to drawn more attention than positive events, but how consumers’ brand attachment would interact with negative events is rarely discussed in the literature. As a result, this research would like to investigate how severity level and source credibility of a negative event, and consumers’ brand attachment would affect consumers’ negative brand attitude change, negative product evaluation change and perceived risk change through studying of young adults who use brand cell phone. In this research, it is found that when a brand is attacked by a negative event, consumer’s brand attachment and the severity level of a negative event would both affect consumer’s negative product evaluation and negative product evaluation changes, though only brand attachment would affect consumers’ brand attitude. Furthermore, brand attachment cannot resolve negative impacts of a negative event to the consumers; instead, the severity level and the source of a negative event would affect consumers’ negative brand attitude, negative product evaluation and perceived risk changes. Specifically, it is worth the brand managers the most attention when a negative event involves high severity level and comes from a more credible source, as this combination bring more negative changes to consumers, and the least attention when a negative event involves low severity level and comes from a less credible source, as this combination would bring least negative changes to consumers.

新品牌的崛起，一般的建議是1.建立起令人有豐富且深刻聯想的品牌識別系統；2.以強力的整合行銷傳播建立品牌高知名度，假以時日，就能成為強勢品牌。但以筆者多年擔任行銷顧問的觀察，按表操課的企業未必都能獲得成功，深究其原因，可發現從新品牌開始曝光，消費者就一直拿著放大鏡來檢視打造這個品牌的企業所有的一切作為，是否真的下定決心、義無反顧地想做好品牌。這篇論文正是研究企業究竟要做出什麼承諾，才有取信顧客，讓顧客心悅誠服願意建立關係。 本研究將品牌承諾定義為：「企業為打造品牌所做出重大投入或投資」，並認為品牌承諾的主要目的是為了將外部顧客鎖入內部，所以品牌承諾的作用就是促進顧客願意建立長久而穩定關係的意願。 由於品牌與顧客的關係是由一次次的接觸而建立起來，所以本研究由品牌接觸點切入，認為品牌接觸點就是顧客判斷品牌承諾可信與否的線索。並以關係意願取代購買意願來衡量顧客願意建立關係的強度，其原因為許多消費者在沒有能力消費某品牌前，可能已經成為該品牌的粉絲，這些粉絲常常為喜愛的品牌捍衛辨護，尤其在網際網路上。 本研究經實證分析得到以下的發現： 1.單一類型品牌承諾投入愈多，則顧客的關係意願愈高。 2.以品牌接觸點的觀點，將所有接觸點上的品牌承諾加總，承諾愈高，則顧客的關係意願愈高。 3.品牌印象會造成關係意願的顯著差異 4.品牌忠誠者的關係意願較未購買者高。

本論文含蓋三篇文章，分別從評價、避險和風險控管三方面，分析上限型股權連結保本票券。 第一篇文章為上限型股權連結保本票券之設計、評價和比較。本文考量投資人保守的投資行為與設限型股權連結票券所存在的delta跳躍(delta jump)現象，延伸Brennan and Schwartz (1976)模型，提出一個能在股價波動之際，使發行的避險部位delta呈現平滑變動且兼具保本(protected principal)功用的一般化模型(general form)。相較於一般的設限型股權連結保本模型，本模型具有以下特色。第一，加入股價成長率的調整因子(adjustable factor)，當景氣低靡，股價不停下跌時，正的調整因子可減緩股價下滑之勢，進而增加投資人在票券到期日時獲取更多資本利得(capital gain)的機會。同時，調整因子縮小了當期股價成長率與股價上限成長率(capped stock growth rate)之間的差距，繼而減緩delta 跳躍的幅度，降低發行者的避險成本。並且在HJM利率模型下，delta隨股價與股價波動度的變化更顯平滑(smooth)。第二，在保本率(protection rate)和參與率 (participation rate)不變之下，本模型的期初合理價格(fair price)較低，投資人能以較低的成本取得同等的投資保障。第三，若將本票券的名目面額(notional principal)視作共同基金(mutual fund)的淨值(net value)，而該淨值與股價連動，則本模型即成為股權連結的保本型基金(principal-protected fund)。 第二篇文章是路徑依賴之上限型股權連結保本模型之評價和風險測量。該文是擴展Brennan and Schwartz (1976)模型發展一個路徑依賴之上限型股權連結保本模型，並且提出一個比二元數模型更精確的封閉解。此外，也對七個時間序列進行股價波動度之精確檢定，得知AR-ARCH(1)模型對上限型股權連結保本票券而言，較其它時間序列模型，更能有效估計股價之波動度。 第二篇文章是外國資產的風險管理。目前在國內金融市場上，國外金融商品很多，大都以外幣計價，因此匯率風險是投資人不可忽視的因子。本文拓展Kupiec(1999)模型，將匯率風險加入模型中，使投資人更有效進行風險管理。 / This thesis studies valuation, hedge and risk management of capped equity-linked and principal-protected notes by means of the following essays: (1) Design, Valuation and Comparison of Capped Equity-linked and Principal-protected Notes (2) Valuation and Risk Measurement of Capped Equity-linked and Principal-protected Notes with Path Dependence (3) Risk Management of Foreign Assets Capped equity-linked and principal-protected notes are similar with barrier options. There exists delta jump as stock price or growth rate reaches the barrier. But previous studies about equity-linked and principal-protected notes with a restricted growth rate of stock price never explicitly discussed how the delta jump could be solved. In my first essay, I present a new design for capped equity-linked and principal-protected notes and add an adjustable factor to growth rate of stock price in such a way that the adjustable factor narrows the gap between the current stock growth rate and the capped stock growth rate and thus really reduces the magnitude of the delta jump and hence lowers the hedging cost for brokers. Recently, the focus of previous studies about principal-protected notes has been on either the restriction on the rate of stock return or the path dependence on the underlying asset, but not both in the same context. In my second essay, I develop a model on the capped, equity-linked and principal-protected notes with path dependence. There are two issues in this article. The first issue is valuation on the capped, equity-linked and principal-protected notes with path dependence. I find a closed-form approximation using the 2nd-order Taylor approximation and the method of Vorst (1992) that has higher accuracy than binomial tree model as maturity time or volatility becomes large. The second issue is risk measurement. I use VaR model to evaluate market risk of the principal-protected notes, and employ seven univariate time series models to forecast volatility and examine the accuracy. Additionally, investors may well encounter potential loss as the prices of financial products are reduced in the secondary market. The VaR is mainly concerned with the downside risk and becomes a standard measure of financial market risk that is increasingly used by investors. But if we want to apply 〝textbook〞formulation to risk management of foreign assets, there leaves exchange rate risk out of consideration. Therefore, I extend the work by Kupiec (1999) to present VaR formula with exchange rate risk for foreign assets and then to manage market risk usefully.

中國共產黨建政8年後，就宣布完成全行業社會主義改造（1949-1956），實現了公有制與計畫經濟體制，取消了中國既有的混合經濟體制與私有財產制度。然而，自70年代末期開始，一連串試圖搞活經濟的措施開啟了中國經濟制度變化的序幕，30年來，中國已經由公有制計畫經濟體制，轉變到今日混合所有制市場經濟形態。 那些力量驅動了這場變化？那些變數與其交互作用影響，變化了經濟改革的方向？通過經濟制度變化的過程，那些成果帶來經濟制度走上不歸路的效用呢？這是筆者試圖解釋的課題。 事實上，中國經濟制度的變化，是一連串政權行動者「始料未及」的變化的結果，這場制度變遷─中國由公有制計畫經濟體制重新回到混合所有制市場經濟體制，一開始並未有指引變革行動的藍圖，變革的方向亦是在變化的過程上才漸次浮現的，它受到制度的限制，也受到偶發事件的影響，當然也就不意味是整體領導層的共識結果，它是在特定歷史結構與制度交錯相互影響下的產物。換句話說，是歷史（時間序列上的事件與變化）、制度與行動者組構了這場變遷。同時，這也是一場動態的變遷過程，變遷的路徑有來自制度遺產的影響，它也存在著路徑依賴的現象。 不過，路徑因行動者與制度安排的激勵而強化，從而實現變遷，但也在行動者基於觀念（意識形態）或利益下予以限制，從而轉折到不同的方向上。筆者認為，在中國獨特的政經體制下，路徑自我強化的現象不是內部自我激勵造成的結果，而是來自外部的因素；在路徑依賴的背後，制度結構與行動者的作用具有不容忽視的影響。 筆者認為，改變中國經濟制度最重要的取徑，就是「雙軌制」。「雙軌制」是一項行動者非意圖的創造，它始自陳雲倡議「摸著石頭過河」，獲得鄧小平的贊同，從而形成「試點」模式，並作為該模式的指導原則。 此外，觀念的引進與衝突是這場變化過程的重要部份，像是在推動「經濟特區試點政策過程中尤為明顯；當政權領導人受外部引入的觀念的影響，產生經濟特區政策，而領導人內部也因觀念的分歧，形成足以阻滯特區試點政策的衝突；他們之間的衝突（正統派vs改革派）貫穿整個變遷過程，這也正好說明了觀念因素在中國改變經濟制度過程上的重要影響。 / 8 years after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese Communist Party claimed that socialist reform has been successfully conducted. Public ownership and planned economy replaced mixed economy as well as private ownership. In the end of 1970s, however, a series of economic reform challenged public ownership with planned economy, which leads China enter into a mixed ownership economy. This thesis attempts to sort out the forces and consequences that drive economic reform. Through the transition of economic system, which leads China’s economy into a no return road. In fact, economic reform in China is an unexpected result by political regulators. Originally, it did not have a blueprint to lead the way. The direction from public ownership to mixed economy emerged throughout the reform, which is not a common consensus from the political leaders. Instead, it is dominated by history, political system as well as regulator in a dynamic way. This path dependency with institutional heritage character is the spot light of economic reform. The author claims the importance and direction of this reform is dominated by external factor. The most importance factor that change China’s economic is the launch of dual system. This system, with the slogan of “crossing the river by groping the stones along the way,” is proposed by CHEN Yun and approved by Deng Xiao-Ping. The introduction of concept is an important factor through the reform, which can be seemed from the process during the promotion of Special Economic Zones SEZs. When political regulators received outer concept and launched SEZs, internal diversity emerged that blocking the reform. Conflicts between orthodoxy and reformist can be seemed throughout reform period, influencing the forces and consequences of China’s economic system.