冷戰結束之後，安全研究從「軍事安全」的傳統安全研究中解放出來，1990年代中期，西方學者使用「非傳統安全」一詞來擴大安全研究的範圍，「安全的威脅來源」從軍事戰略議題延伸到社會、經濟和環境議題；「安全的指涉對象」則從國家縱向擴張到地方政府、國際組織、非政府組織、社群和個人等不同層次的行為者。不同層次的行為者在不同的安全議題中有分歧的利益，保障國家層次的安全不見得就能保障其他層次的行為者安全，有時候國家甚至成為其他行為者的威脅來源。 能源安全作為安全議題，其本身也有傳統和非傳統的意涵。傳統的能源安全關注國家之間搶奪特定的資源是否可能導致衝突甚至戰爭，能源是國家衝突的根源，也是一國宰制他國的外交政策工具。非傳統的能源安全則著重在國家取得穩定的能源供給、減少依賴特定能源運輸通道以及單一進口來源之外，不同行為者的能源安全的政治社會面向、經濟面向和環境面向是否也兼顧。 在能源安全研究的脈絡下，本論文聚焦於2010年6月正式開工建設的中-緬原油和天然氣陸上跨國管線工程，探討此管線建設是否滿足了宏觀層次、中觀層次和微觀層次的行為者在不同問題領域的安全。以國家層次來說，中國政府試圖藉此陸上跨國管線確保原油運輸管道的多元化，減少麻六甲困境的威脅，麻六甲困境反映的不僅僅是能源安全，也是中國的經濟安全和政權安全；另外，管線建設也將帶動中國西南部的經濟發展，缺油少氣的雲南省將成為最大的受惠者。對於緬甸政府來說，中-緬原油和天然氣管線每年可以讓緬甸從中國取得豐厚的管道過境費、路權費、增值稅和購買天然氣的費用，緬甸政府也可從中獲得固定比例的原油和天然氣分流，中-緬能源開發合作也有助於中緬關係的發展。 跳脫國家和次國家行為者層次，中國石油天然氣公司在興建天然氣和原油管線時，是否也保障了當地社群和個人在不同領域的安全？緬甸政府派軍駐紮管線沿線保護管線不被破壞的同時，處於弱勢的個人和社群的基本權益是否在某種程度上被侵害？環境是否為一被漠視的安全指涉對象？本文將從能源安全的政治面向、社會面向、經濟面向、環境面向以及區域面向來分析並檢視這些非國家行為者的利益和安全，透過安全指涉對象的轉換來呈現管線工程的利與弊。

本文由新安全觀角度研究石油能源安全，由安全分析發現，任何影響石油供給的課題，都會成為安全議題的指涉對象；二戰結束後，因戰爭需求的石油使用動機轉變成為經濟發展的目的，因此經濟互動對能源安全的影響，加上自70年代末期後核能使用對環境破壞帶來的不確定性，更加重石油在能源市場的重要性，另一方面，環境議題的重視在90年代以來成為影響石油能源安全的重要「功能性行為者」，所以國際能源安全大致受到能源生產消費自身的限制、經濟發展與能源產業的互動，及環境管制的三面向的領域作用影響。 由區域安全分析的層次來看，資源蘊藏與地域分配有密切關係，在60年代後石油躍升成主要的能源來源，加上石油輸出國家組織的成立，使石油生產集中的情況更加明顯，面對政治夾雜經濟的複雜供需情況，使區域安全分析成為研究能源安全的重要途徑。本文以美國涉足中亞之石油能源安全為例發現，因為能源生產分配集中，使油氣產地對更具戰略意義，然政治因素仍是目前影響美國石油安全的重要變因，但經濟及環境發展在能源安全政策整體制定上仍是不可或缺的內涵。 / The thesis is aimed to make the study of oil energy security in the viewpoint of new security concept. In the framework of security analysis, what may affect the oil security of supply will be possible to be the reference object of security agenda. And after the WW II, the purpose of oil using form the war fighting to economic development emphasize the importance between the energy security and economic interaction. With the environmental destruction uncertainties resulting from the nuclear using, the environmental issue became the main factor— the functional behavior within the framework of energy security analysis. Thus, international energy security is concerned by the aspects of the self-limitation of energy supplier, the interaction between the economic development and energy industries, and the environmental regulation. We can reach the conclusion that there is the close relation between the energy resource and regional distribution with the regional level of security analysis. In 60s, oil raise to be the main global energy source, and phenomenon of oil production centralization became more obvious after the foundation of OPEC. Facing the situation mixed with the energy supply and demand because of the political and economic reasons, it is the best method to take the way of regional security analysis to make the study of energy security. Besides, it concludes that the oil production place become more strategic as making the study of “American oil energy security policy set foot in Central Asia”. At the present time, political factor still ruling guides the American oil energy security; however, the environment development is indispensable in making the whole energy security policy.

在後冷戰時期，由於國際氛圍的改變以及全球化的影響，國家間互動密切，國際關係學者與政策制定者關心的議題逐漸從軍事層面慢慢轉向非軍事的面，因此所謂的非傳統安全也逐漸受到重視。國家開始注意到其他許多問題，諸如環保、移民、國際走私等問題，也發現這些問題影響的範圍及層面其實相當的廣泛，這些問題使得國內局面動盪不安，也跟著影響了國家安全，而一些跨國界的問題，例如環保問題，由於人類對環境的過度使用及破壞，一方面使得國家社會經濟層面受到影響，一方面國家之間為了爭奪這些珍貴資源，將無可避免地發生衝突。 本研究探討了非傳統安全中一個分類議題---環境安全，而資源安全也包括在其中。關於環境問題是否為安全議題的一環，引起了無數爭論，不過目前對於環境問題是安全的一環，學界已有一個大致上的共識。水資源安全是環境安全概念下引申出來的分支，對於水資源的爭奪，是衝突的潛在引爆點。 水是人類生存的必需品，在二十一世紀，水更是一切發展的關鍵，關係著國民的健康，國民健康關係著國力，水也和工業、農業發展息息相關。因此水不只是一個環境問題或是經濟問題，水更和國家安全緊密相連。且新鮮水資源沒有替代品，由於人口成長和氣候變遷的影響，未來新鮮水資源將會更難取得。 在世界上的許多地區都把獲得水源視為國家安全的一部份，不惜為水一戰，特別是對於國際河川之爭奪，對乾旱地區的國家來說，水資源問題是會影響到國家生存和發展的戰略問題，特別是那些用水特別緊張的地區，為水而起的衝突一觸即發。本研究以非洲尼羅河流域為例，檢視水資源問題是否為國家安全的一部分，以及爭奪水資源是否會成為戰爭的引爆點。 由於沒有一個國家可以獨占水資源，國家間在水的議題上必須共同合作，探討出一個大家共同接受的管理模式，各國在水資源使用上才能達到最大的效益。

水資源是人類生存及文明延續關鍵，雖然海洋佔有地球表面積約百分之七十，但可直接供應人類生養淡水卻極為有限。隨著世界人口持續增長、工商業發展迅速，全球水資源需求量不斷攀升，加以時空分配不均、氣候變遷等因素，引發旱澇災情加劇，進而威脅民生用水、農漁糧食、疾病衛生、社區遷徙及能源供應等安全，導致國家政經社會動盪，尤其是人口密集的亞洲地區多屬開發中國家，仰賴水資源獲取足夠糧食及經濟發展所需能源，再者，亞洲地區數條重要江河跨越數個國家地域，連接維繫流域內國家命脈及利益，惟各國對於國際河流治理政策及目標卻存在紛歧差異性而屢生爭議、矛盾，因此，國際河流所涉及水資源問題具有重要性及複雜性，若未能妥適紓解，則可能引發國際衝突而危及國家安全。 2009年中國水資源最豐沛的西南地區連續乾旱，中國為紓解水資源匱乏的嚴重性及急迫性，積極修建水壩以維繫水資源安全，卻引發與下游國家間跨境水資源衝突，中國在面臨境內水資源短缺危機，以及與鄰國共用治理國際河流二者衝突，都是當今非傳統安全領域的重要課題。湄公河是亞洲地區重要國際水系，流域遍及中國、寮國、緬甸、泰國、柬埔寨及越南等六個國家，富含水力動能及自然資源，然而，流域內各國政經體制、民族文化差異極大，對於水電開發、航道通商、農漁發展及生態維護各有主張而扞格爭嚷互見，衝突並不意味毫無合作契機，本文認為中國兼具地理及政經大國的優勢地位，水資源政策及執行往往引發鄰國諸多猜忌不安，又國際河流開發使用及管理約制，常事涉國家主權讓渡而難獲共識，但藉由水資源多層次規劃開發及協商管理，不僅能維護中國利益安全，同時，伴隨水電、航運建設所帶來鉅大經濟利益，也提供諸國亟欲脫貧的契機，進而促進地區安全。 / Water is indispensable to human life and civilization. We all know that the earth surface is composed of sea water by nearly 70%, but what we don’t know is freshwater on the rest 30% of the world is limited for human usage. With continuously rising population and rapid growth in economy, people’s demands for water is getting more and more intensive than that decades ago. Drought and flood damage caused by climate change affect water supply, agriculture and food safety, diseases and hygiene, even threaten national security in each country. Densely populated countries in Asia depend on water heavily for economic development, but major rivers running through those nation borders and territories complicate their political and diplomatic relations. Conflicts resulted from water resource management and national interests follow suit, which may escalate tension if not been dealt properly. In 2009, China’s southwest region was severely hit by droughts. Dams were needed for relieving the water shortage problem, but the construction in major rivers triggered China’s conflicts with countries in the downstream territories due to water resource distribution. Among these disputes, Mekong River, an international river flowing through China, Liao, Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam stood out. Each related nation has its own political considerations and economic plans with this river, and their exploitation policies were diverse. Seeing crisis of water shortage at home and conflicts resulted from water management with its neighbors outside, China was in a dilemma. However, contentions could create opportunities for cooperation. This paper tries to find the answer. It suggests that since China holds a geopolitical significance and economic dominance in the southwestern part of Asia, it can maintain its own security and interests by coming up comprehensive water exploitation policies and seek bilateral and multilateral water resource management with neighboring countries simultaneously, so as to bring in huge benefits on the one hand and acts as a responsible stakeholder in the area in promoting peace solution and stability on the other hand.

冷戰結束後，國際社會新興的電腦犯罪、恐怖主義、非法移民、國際販毒、槍械走私、組織犯罪等問題，向為各國所共同關切。傳統安全係以戰略和軍事威脅為主，而非傳統安全威脅則來源多元、形式多樣，所呈現者又以各式跨國組織犯罪最為顯著。本論文以兩岸交流衍生之大陸民眾偷渡入臺、毒品走私、組織犯罪等議題來闡明臺灣所面臨的非傳統安全威脅，此外，尚須因應「國家認同」等源自內部治理之「內發性威脅」等「危機」。 非傳統安全問題具有向外擴散及向內滲透特點，與傳統安全問題間沒有明確界限，兩者具有相互轉化的特性，一旦非傳統安全問題失控或激化，可能被迫須以傳統軍事手段解決。故非傳統安全的範圍是動態的，難以界定，有鑑於兩岸交流衍生之非傳統安全議題相當龐雜，本文乃選擇對個人、社會、國家、國際體系等各層次皆會造成安全威脅的非法移民、毒品走私、組織犯罪以及恐怖活動等四項議題為主要研究課題。 當前全球化的發展潮流勢不可遏，安全研究的範圍究應「擴展」還是「窄化」，廣泛受到學者的重視與辯論，主張「擴展」之學者所持的理由是，許多非軍事面向的議題，影響並威脅國家安全至鉅，應該擴大安全研究的範圍。而傳統安全研究學者則認為，若將安全議題太過於擴大，將造成研究焦點無法集中，以及安全實質內涵空虛的弊端，故本論文將研究焦點集中於當前對我國非傳統安全具指標性之大陸非法移民的深層結構、兩岸毒品走私現況和未來發展、跨境組織犯罪、恐怖活動發展趨勢等課題，並提出因應建議。

傳統的國家安全威脅之應處，係以確保國家軍事、政治及外交衝突等國家安全問題為目標。隨著冷戰結束後，全球化時代來臨，國際戰略環境的變遷與威脅性質的演變，「非傳統安全」威脅已逐漸取代「傳統安全」威脅。換言之，傳統安全思維僅著重在主權國家的軍事安全層面，非傳統安全則是基於整體人類安全的考量。我國在面對非傳統安全威脅下，如何調整適應環境之變化，以確保生存及發展，已成為當前刻不容緩之要務。 非傳統安全議題相當廣泛，主要包括：經濟及金融安全、自然生態環境安全、網路資訊安全、大規模殺傷性武器擴散、疫情傳播、恐怖主義、跨境犯罪、走私販毒、非法移民、海盜、洗錢等。中國大陸對臺威脅亦包含傳統與非傳統安全威脅性質。傳統安全係以軍事戰略威脅為主，非傳統安全威脅則來源多元、形式多樣，所呈現以走私、海盜、偷渡、偽造貨幣、詐欺、洗錢等跨境犯罪最為顯著， 本論文將探討兩岸共同打擊跨境犯罪背景發展，並分析兩岸交流衍生之大陸民眾非法來臺所呈現之態樣與現況，闡明我國所面臨的非傳統安全威脅，希冀由相關資料分析比較，藉此驗證現行實務面執行運作成效，並針對實務運作所面臨之困境提出研究建議，供相關單位參考，建立一個兩岸和平安全的互動環境。 / The aim of dealing with the traditional threats to national security is to ensure the national security in the aspects of military, politics and diplomacy. After the end of the Cold War comes the era of globalization, international strategic environment changes as well as the substantial of threat evolves. As a result, “non-traditional security (NTS)” threats have gradually taken the place of “traditional security” treats. In other words, the concept of traditional security only focuses on the aspects of military security of a sovereign state, whereas the consideration of non-traditional security is based on the general human safety. While confronting with threats of non-traditional security, it’s crunch time to make adjustments and adaptation so as to ensure existence and development of Taiwan. The issues of non-traditional security are extremely wide-ranging, mainly including: economic and financial security, ecological and environmental security, information and network security, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), the spread of epidemics, terrorism, transnational crime, narcotics and smuggling, illegal immigration, piracy, money laundering, and so on. The threats to Taiwan from China include traditional security threats and non-traditional security threats. The main threat of the traditional threats is military hostility, while non-traditional security threats stem from various sources and come out in multitudinous forms, especially in the fields of transnational crime such as smuggling, piracy, stowaways, currency counterfeiting, fraud, money laundering, etc. This study discusses the background and context of the cross-strait joint fight against transnational crime, and analyzes the current situation and patterns of illegal immigration of the people from Mainland China resulting from the cross-trait exchanges, as well as explicates the non-traditional security threats confronted by Taiwan, whereupon, in the hope of examining the practice performance by means of comparative analysis of related materials, proposed suggestions and strategies for these predicaments are finally concluded as a reference to the competent authorities to build a peaceful and secure environment for cross-strait interactions accordingly.

冷戰結束後的世界，使人們重新思考安全的定義，傳統的安全觀已無法應付日益嚴重的全球性危機以及許多非軍事領域的問題，安全的涵蓋面向從國防、軍事延伸至經濟、社會、政治、環境等領域，而安全所關注的對象亦從國家擴展至國際及社會、個人層面，新的安全觀逐漸被重視，其中以提升個人及全人類安全與福祉的人類安全，最符合聯合國及國際社會所強調的以人為中心的發展及安全觀。 人類安全概念經聯合國開發計畫署闡述後，受到國際社會之重視與推展，其實踐需結合全球治理與全球公民社會之理念，經由保障及自授權力兩途徑，使人們之自由與安全受到保障，並有能力維護自身與他人權益。國際上，以闡述並推行人類安全為宗旨之國際性組織與委員會相繼成立，聯合國中亦有人類安全信託基金之設置，對概念之研究與計畫之推動均有相當大的貢獻。而在各個國家中，以加拿大和日本推行人類安全成效最為卓著，在提升免於恐懼及免於匱乏的自由上，均有相當大之進展。 台灣身處軍事敏感地區，一方面有全球化下各國非傳統安全問題跨越國界之威脅，一方面亦有自身內部經濟、社會等領域之安全考量，為提升台灣人民之自由、安全與福祉並與國際社會接軌，台灣應以人類安全為基礎，結合非政府組織與公民社會力量，積極參與國際議程設定，與國際社會對話，維護自身生存與權益，負起推動並維護人類永續發展之責。 本論文從歷史發展過程，探討人類安全及相關概念，在安全概念之演變部分，首先探討傳統安全概念、後冷戰時期國際局勢之演變以及非傳統安全問題之顯現，接著介紹聯合國開發計畫署1994年之《人類發展報告》、以人類安全為主題之國際各大會議與國際組織的討論，以及聯合國相關組織與人類安全之關連，並對聯合國所扮演之角色提出建議。 在人類安全概念內涵部分，首先介紹國際組織、加拿大、日本及學者們對人類安全之定義，其次介紹人類安全之指標、人類安全與其他安全概念（如合作安全、綜合安全）之區分，最後則闡述人類安全與人權概念間之關係。 在人類安全的實踐部分，首先介紹人類安全之實踐途徑與方法、全球治理理念與全球公民社會之概念、亞洲國家對人類安全之觀點、在國際上對人類安全的實踐以及人類安全之爭議。 在人類安全與台灣部分，提出台灣所面臨之各類威脅，並引用人類發展指數相關概念介紹台灣發展現況，以及介紹加拿大與日本以人類安全觀點為基礎之外交政策及實踐成果，希望對於台灣人類安全之推動能有所啟發。 / After the end of the Cold War, people started to rethink the definition of safety. The traditional view of security was no longer capable of dealing with serious global crises and other daily non-military problems. The study of Security extends from national defense and military affairs to such fields as Economy, Society, Politics, and Environment among others; its target also expands from that of the state to the international, the social, and the personal. The new view of Security has been given a gradual increase of attention. Among such, Human Security, which is the improvement of the safety and welfare of individuals and the entire mankind, accords with the view of people-centered development and the view of people-centered security that the United Nations and the international community emphasize most. After explaining the concept of Human Security in the United Nations Development Programme, it received the international society’s attention and impetus—the practice of which requires the effort combination of the whole world and the global civil society, via the ways of protection and empowering, in order to guarantee the freedom and security of mankind, allowing every person to have the ability to safeguard one's own and others' rights and interests. On the international level, international organizations and committees with the purpose of explaining and promoting Human Security have been established in succession. Furthermore, the Trust Fund for Human Security has also been established in the United Nations. Such establishments have exhibited sizable contributions to the research of the concept of Human Security and practice of relevant plans. On the national level, Canada and Japan pursued the issue of Human Security and thus had the most effective and immense progress in promoting the freedom from fear and the freedom from want. Taiwan is located within a military sensitive area. In addition, globalization also contributes to threats on non-traditional security matters across national boundaries of several nations. Furthermore, Taiwan must also possess considerations about its internal safety on the economical, social, and cultural level. In order to improve the freedom, the security, and the welfare of Taiwanese civilians and to integrate Taiwan into the international community, Taiwan should undertake Human Security as its foundation for the combination of non-government organizations (NGO) and civil society forces, so as to actively participate in the international agenda, communicate with the international community, maintain its security and its, rights and interests, and shoulder the responsibility to safeguard the sustainable development of human beings. This thesis looks into the concept of Human Security via historical analysis. In the section regarding the concept of the development of security, this thesis explores into the traditional concepts of security, the development of the international situation during the post-Cold War era, and the appearance of non-traditional security issues. Consecutively, this thesis will introduce the " Human Development Report " of the United Nations Development Programme in 1994; it will also present the discussion of the theme of Human Security by international organizations and other great meetings of the world, Finally, this section closes with the issue on about the relationship between United Nations’ relevant organizations and Human Security, and a suggestion on United Nations’ role. The section of the concept of Human Security introduces the definition of Human Security given by scholars, international organizations, Canada, and Japan. The introduction of the index of Human Security and the explanation of the relationship between the concept of Human Security and the concept of human rights will follow. The following section—the practice of Human Security — introduces the ways and methods to practice Human Security, the concept of global governance and global civil society, Asian’s view on Human Security, the practice of Human Security on the international level, and the disputes of Human Security. In the section about the relationship of Taiwan and Human Security, this thesis puts forward all kinds of threats that Taiwan faces, quoting the relevant concepts of human development index, and recommends Taiwan’s present development situation. It also introduces foreign policy and practice achievement of Canada and Japan which are based on Human Security view, with the hope that those can inspire the promotion and the impetus of Human Security in Taiwan.

摘要 本研究採用賽局理論 (stag-hunt model) 來推論假設南海海上交通線 (SLOCs) 安全合作的情形．根據結果顯示，爭奪南海的國家，其解決衝突最好的策略應以合作的方式來提昇無論是在石油進口、貿易活動以及該地區船隻航行等方面的安全性。 為縮短假設情境與現實情況的差距，一方面，我們找出海上交通線安全合作之難點：主權、資源、和軍事發展；另一方面，也提出能促進其合作的正面因素：舊有的海上聯合巡邏、非傳統安全合作相關領堿、以及未來的南海行為準則 (SCS COC)。 最後我們介紹了「南海太平島提案」，試圖建立與協調新的海上聯合巡邏來降低該地區的緊張關係，建立彼此之間的信任，並改善衝突的情況。 根據本研究結論表示，我們的研究發現以及一些政策將能協助實施南海海上交通線安全的合作。 / Abstract This research applies game theory (stag-hunt model) to a hypothetical situation of cooperation on Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) protection in South China Sea (SCS). The results indicate that, in theory, the best option for all disputant countries in the issue is to cooperate in order to increase the security of their oil imports, trade, and ships crossing the region. To overcome the gap between the theoretical model and the reality, we have identified those factors that will hinder the implementation of cooperation on SLOCs protection, sovereignty, resources, and military development; as well as those that can be used to counterbalance the effect of negative ones, previous joint maritime patrols, non-traditional security cooperation, and the future South China Sea Code of Conduct (SCS COC). Finally, we have presented the South China Sea Peace Island Initiative, a proposal to coordinate and create new joint maritime patrols in the region as a mean to reduce tensions, build confidence, and improve the relationship between disputants. We conclude presenting the main findings of this research, as well as those policies that will be useful to implement cooperation on SLOCs protection in SCS.