This diploma thesis deals with inequalities within the Word economic development. The development is conceived in the context of world systems theory for the proper evaluation of this development. The question, whether there is a convergence or divergence across countries and groups of countries is an important question of contemporary studies of globalization. While proponents of modernization theory tend to say that countries converge, adherents of world systems theory mostly think the opposite. Another contribution of this work is the evaluation of economic development not based only on the production capabilities and growth. The approach is more complex and includes the development of the society as a whole. Therefore, Human development index was used for analysis and the researched period was set to 1980-2014 due to data availability. The analysis deals not only with inequalities between the parts of the world system, but partially also with inequalities within these parts. The theoretical part consists of discussion of the existing studies of world systems and economic development and explains the necessary terms and context. Practical part is made of own regionalization of the world into three parts of the world system (core, semiperiphery and periphery) based on criteria chosen according to...

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Cette thèse revient sur les caractéristiques des conflits armés éthiopiens contemporains(nature et manifestations) à partir d’une réflexion sur la trajectoire historique de l’État,héritier de l’empire construit par Ménélik II à la fin du XIXe siècle et dont les frontièresn’ont que peu varié depuis (hormis l’indépendance de l’Érythrée en 1993). L’expérienceimpériale est également à l’origine d’une perception de l’espace politique éthiopien entermes de « centre » et de « périphérie ». Perception qui demeure dominante au sein desétudes éthiopiennes, notamment dans l’étude de conflits perçus comme opposant le« centre » (assimilé à l’« État moderne ») à ses « périphéries » conquises durant la périodeimpériale (assimilées aux « sociétés traditionnelles »). La réflexion est donc construite àpartir de l’articulation des trois grands thèmes suivants : la formation de l’empire et del’État éthiopien, les conflits armés, et le thème centre-périphérie. Le thème centrepériphériese situe en effet au coeur des interprétations de la formation des empires etdes États. Le rapport entre ce deux thèmes (formation de l’État et thème « centrepériphérie») est ici reformulé à partir des notions de « secteur politique central » et de« secteur politique périphérique » (Coulon 1972). L’État est alors défini comme unprocessus historique produit par la formation (formelle, symbolique et cognitive) de cesdeux secteurs politiques central et périphérique. Ces deux secteurs interdépendants, dontles caractéristiques évoluent en fonction des reconfigurations économiques, sociales etpolitiques, sont à comprendre au sein d’un même ensemble produisant l’État éthiopien etson identité, sa nation.Cette thèse analyse donc le rapport entre la formation de ces deux secteurs politiques etles conflits armés en vue d’en offrir une grille de lecture renouvelée et dépassant lalecture dominante opposant le « centre » à ses « périphéries ». L’étude de trois régionsconflictuelles (Érythrée, Gambella, Afar) et de leur rapport à l’État éthiopien font alorsapparaître non plus une, mais trois grandes tendances de conflit (toujoursinterdépendantes et parfois cumulatives), à savoir : le conflit entre les deux secteurspolitiques, le conflit à l’intérieur du secteur politique central, et le conflit à l’intérieur dusecteur politique périphérique. Enfin, ce travail défend l’idée selon laquelle ces conflitsémanent d’une double crise de l’État éthiopien : une crise « de » l’État (remise en cause del’État éthiopien lui-même), et une crise « dans » l’État (remise en cause du régime et dugouvernement éthiopien, mais pas de l’État en lui-même). De cette double crise, héritéede la période impériale et qui éclot lors du Second règne d’Hailé Sélassié (1941-1974),dérivent les conflits éthiopiens contemporains. / This work deals with contemporary Ethiopian armed conflicts (nature and forms) out of areflexion on the state trajectory. The Ethiopian state is to be studied in the continuity ofthe empire built by Menelik II at the end of the XIXth century, whose borders haveremained almost unchanged since then (except the Eritrean independence in 1993). Theparticular perception of the Ethiopian political space studied in terms of “centre” and“periphery” is also embedded in this imperial period. A perception which remainscharacteristic of Ethiopian studies, considering the Ethiopian armed conflicts as opposinga “centre” (considered synonymous with “modern state”) to its “peripheries” inheritedfrom the imperial conquests (seen as “traditional societies”). The thesis is thus built outof these three following themes which represent the core of the reflexion: the Ethiopianempire- and state formation, armed conflicts, and the centre-periphery relation. In fact,the centre-periphery relation has been determinant in the theories dealing with empiresandstate-formation. Here, I aim at redefining the relationship between state-formationand the centre-periphery theories by using the notions of “central political sector” and“peripheral political sector” (Coulon 1972). The State shall then be considered as ahistorical process produced by the formation (formal, symbolical, and cognitive) of thesesectors. The sectors are dependent of each other and their characteristics derive fromconstant economic, social and political reconfigurations. They shall be considered in asame whole which produces the Ethiopian state and its identity, its nation.The thesis analyses the relationship between the formation of these two political sectorsand armed conflicts in order to rethink the dominant view considering conflicts as acentre conflicting against its peripheries. Illustrated by the study of three regions (whichhave been experiencing armed conflicts since the imperial period, i.e. Eritrea, Gambellaand Afar), and focusing on their constant and changing relations (formal or perceived)with the Ethiopian state, this work confirms the existence of three main conflict trends(interdependent and sometimes cumulative): the conflict between the two sectors, theconflict within the central sector, and the conflict within the peripheral sector. Finally, Iargue that the current Ethiopian conflicts derive from a dual state crisis: a crisis “of” theEthiopian state (the radical refusal of the state), and a crisis “within” the Ethiopian state(refusal of the regime or the government, but not the State itself). This dual crisisinherited from the imperial period took form during the second reign of Haile Selassie(1941-1974). The roots of contemporary armed conflicts in Ethiopia have to be situated insuch a crisis, and their continuation in its resilience.

<p>This case study explores how geo-political power structures influence and/or determine the conception, acceptance and maintenance of what is considered to be valid archaeological knowledge. The nature of this contingency is exemplified through an examination of how the prehistory of Norrland, a region traditionally considered and portrayed as peripheral vis-à-vis the centre-South, was interpreted and presented by Swedish archaeologists during the 20th century. This contextual situation is analysed through the implementation of three interrelated and complimentary perspectives;</p><p>1) The relationship between northern and southern Sweden is examined using concepts concerning the nature of colonialism, resulting in the formulation of 20 particulars that typify the colonial experience, circumstances that characterise the historical, and unequal, association that has existed between these two regions for the last 600 years.</p><p>2) Ideals of national identity and heritage as manufactured and employed by the kingdom and later by the nation-state, with the assistance of antiquarianism, archaeology and/or centralised cultural management, are outlined. The creation of these various concepts have reinforced and perpetuated the colonial and asymmetrical association between what has naturally come to be viewed as the peripheral-North and the centre-South.</p><p>3) A century of archaeological research into the Norrlandian past is studied using the concepts ‘thoughtstyle’ and ‘thought-collective’ as devised by Ludwik Fleck. This analysis disclosed a persistent set of reoccurring explanations that have constantly been invoked when interpreting and presenting the prehistory of Norrland. This archaeological thought-style has normalised the unbalanced power relationship between North and South that has existed for the last 600 years by projecting it far back into the prehistoric past.</p><p>This case study has demonstrated that archaeologists, unless acutely aware of the historical context in which they themselves move and work, risk legitimising debilitating economic and political power relationships in the present through their study and presentation of the past.</p>

Esta investigación analiza los efectos económicos y sociales de las masivas inversiones multinacionales mineras en la década de los noventa, sobre una región del Norte de Chile llamada Antofagasta. Se propone una visión de desarrollo económico durable a partir un modelo de enclave, adaptado de la escuela latinoamericana del desarrollo (centro periferia). Con este modelo se cuestiona si el enclave tradicional se transforma garantizando su desarrollo económico durable, como resultado del aparente dinamismo económico de la zona receptora. Se comienza presentando una discusión teórica confrontando los enclaves tradicionales y modernos con visiones opuestas, distritos industriales, neoclásica y de clusters industriales. En la primera parte de los resultados se recupera la historia económica social de la región de Antofagasta y las políticas mineras. En la segunda parte se estudian el actual modelo económico neoliberal chileno y las políticas regionales que han favorecido las inversiones extranjeras. En la tercera parte se miden los impactos sobre la Región de Antofagasta, a nivel de desarrollo productivo, social, equidad territorial, medio ambiente, así como la exportación del excedente regional debido a la débil tributación minera y por la lógica de repartición de ingresos y gastos fiscales entre las regiones. Se dedica un capítulo especial a analizar las relaciones de dominación entre las EMN y los proveedores locales, así como las condiciones de vida de los trabajadores, con una gran masa de subcontratados. La tercera parte finaliza investigando de qué manera responden los actores sociales al modelo de desarrollo, al discurso de las EMN y a los mecanismos de control socio-políticos nacional y regional. / Cette recherche analyse les effets économiques, sociaux et environmentales, des investissements massifs de la part des entreprises minières multinationales dans la décennie des années 90, sur une région du nord du Chili appelée Antofagasta. Nous proposons une approche de développement à partir d'un modèle d'enclave, sur base d'une adaptation de l'école latino-américaine du développement. De cette façon, nous demandons si l'enclave traditionnelle se transforme en une enclave moderne qui garantisse son développement économique durable, comme résultat de son dynamisme économique apparent. Nous commençons par une discussion théorique sur le modèle d'enclave, et celui-ci est confronté avec les approches opposées, néo-classique, et de clusters industriels. Dans la première partie des résultats, on récupère l'histoire économique et sociale de la région et les politiques minières de l'État. Ensuite nous étudions le contexte politique institutionnel et les politiques régionales qui ont favorisé les investissements étrangers. Dans la troisième partie, nous mesurons les impacts au niveau productif, fiscal et social, ainsi que l'exportation de l'excédent régional. Dans cette partie nous consacrons une partie à l'analyse des rapports entre les entreprises multinationales et les fournisseurs locaux, ainsi que des conditions de vie des travailleurs, parmi lesquels se trouvent un grand nombre de sous-traitants. Finalement, la troisième partie de la recherche se pose la question : de quelle façon répondent les acteurs sociaux au modèle du développement et au discours des entreprises multinationales.

Syftet med denna uppsats har varit att presentera och analysera argumentationen i debatten för och emot vargens rätt till existens i Värmland mellan åren 1965 och 1990. För att besvara forskningsfrågorna i uppsatsen har kvalitativ argumentationsanalytisk metod använts. Denna har applicerats på materialet som har utgjorts av ledare och insändare ifrån de värmländska lokaltidningarna Nya Wermlands-Tidningen och Värmlands Folkblad. Målet har i nästa steg också varit att belysa eventuella motsättningar mellan de som är i direktkontakt med vargen, den så kallade landsortsbefolkningen (periferi), och de som inte bor i områden där vargen uppehåller sig, den så kallade tätortsbefolkningen (centrum). Följande frågor har ställts för att uppnå syftet: (1) Vilka argument läggs fram i Nya Wermlands-Tidningen och Värmlands Folkblad i vargfrågan mellan åren 1965 och 1990? (2) Hur ser beviskraften i argumenten ut? (3) Hur speglar vargdebatten konflikten mellan landsorts- och tätortsbefolkningen i Värmland? Metoden argumentationsanalys går ut på att studera och analysera argumentationer i en text vilket i denna uppsats utgjorts av insändare och ledare. Med hjälp av argumentationsanalys har kritisk analys kunnat hjälpa till att illustrera en strukturerad och tydlig bild av textinnehållet. Argumenten har skisserats upp efter en delvis egen modell där varje arguments hållbarhet och relevans bedömts, i syfte att få fram en sammanlagd beviskraft. Jürgen Habermas idé och tankar om den borgerliga offentligheten har utgjort den teoretiska utgångspunkten. Denna har framförallt använts i ett diskursivt analytiskt ändamål. Den borgerliga offentligheten är det forum som allmänheten använder sig av för att debattera och uttrycka sina åsikter. Habermas ser att det moderna samhället förlorat mycket av den borgerliga offentlighetens beståndsdelar då den övertagits av kommersiella intressen. Denna uppsats har emellertid visat en god återupplivande för den borgerliga offentligheten, åtminstone i den studerade lokalpressen. Den högljudda debatten har gjorts möjlig tack vare en öppenhet från tidningsredaktionerna att presentera alla argument, för och emot, höga som låga, för att vargdebatten skall innefatta många dimensioner och synsätt. Bakgrunden i denna uppsats beskriver vargens historia i Sverige, framförallt i Värmland. Från att vargen varit talrik under 1600- till 1800-talet drevs den allt längre norrut för att mer eller mindre utrotas. Bakgrunden till dess utrotning har varit en kombination av sjukdomar, inavel men framförallt renägande samers avskjutning. Bakgrunden lyfter också fram de omdiskuterade Naturvårdsprojektet "Projekt Varg" som grundades i syfte att freda en svensk vargstam. Bakgrunden fungerar i denna uppsats som ett svar för de argument som läggs fram i resultatet. Med hjälp av solid bakgrundsfakta kan hållbarheten i argumenten lättare bedömas. 48 Den tidigare forskningen innefattar en rad skiljda forskningsarbeten. Först presenteras två undersökningar om inställningen till vargen. Dessa visar hur svenskar i allmänhet blivit allt mer positiva till vargen. Därefter presenteras bakgrunden till det så kallade "Varghatet" som i regel grundar sig på myter, sagor men också det faktum att vargen emellanåt angriper tamboskap. Efterföljande tema härrör konflikten mellan centrum och periferi där renägande samers och värmlänningars misstro till auktoriteter och myndigheter beskrivs. Därpå följer en presentation av tidigare forskning om vargen i massmedia. De uppsatser som där presenteras har i regel ett journalistiskt intresse och är skrivna utifrån medialt synsätt. Uppsatserna ger en god bild av vad som presenterats i massmedia om just vargen, men förklarar mycket lite om bakgrundsorsakerna till vad och varför vissa artiklar presenteras. Resultatet och analysen åskådliggör att argumenten skiljer sig mellan insändare och beroende på vilket syfte insändarskribenterna har haft. Emellertid skiljer sig inte argumenten särskilt mycket över tid. Vargdebatten kan summeras med att den präglats av argument kring fakta om vargen som biologisk och social varelse. Fakta som ibland underbyggs med både sanningar och osanningar, personliga påhopp, hotelser, tillskrivning av åsikter mellan parterna och hårda ordväxlingar mellan de som påstår sig känna vargen kontra de som "bara" vill ventilera åsikter i vargfrågan. Beviskraften i argumenten är mycket varierande. I regel täcker de texter som propagerar för vargen en högre beviskraft då relevansen i de argumenten är betydligt högre än i de texter som propagerar emot vargen. Denna uppsats har starkt kunnat belysa konflikten mellan centrum och periferi på ett tydligt sätt, detta främst med hjälp av den lättöverskådliga metoden. Detta är den största behållningen av uppsatsen. Vi kan se att vargfrågan ofta får stå tillbaka för en debatt om glesbygdsproblematik, oförmågan från myndigheter samt tätortsbor att förstå och uppmärksamma glesbygdens utsatta situation. De flesta insändare som vill bevara vargen har kommit ifrån människor där vargen inte förekommer och vice versa. / The purpose of this essay is to show and analyze the argumentation in the debate concerning the wolf’s claim for existence in the county of Värmland, between the years of 1965 to 1990. To answer the research questions, a method known as argumentation analysis are to be used and applied on leaders and letter to editors commencing the local papers Nya Wermlands-Tidningen and Värmlands Folkblad. The purpose in next step is to elucidate contradictions between the ones who are in direct contact with the wolf, the provincial habitants (the periphery) and the ones who live in districts where the wolf are not an element of the nearby area, the conurbation habitants (the center). The result has shown that the arguments differs depending on the period of time, between writers of the letters to the editor and depending on the purpose of the these texts. The debate of the wolf have contained arguments packed with facts about the wolf (both sociologically and biologically), pounces, threats, attributing the other part opinions, and coarse arguing between the ones who claims to recognize the wolf in opposition to the ones who simply confirm their own position in the debate. The evidential value also differs a lot. Accustomed writers such as journalists and the ones who demonstrate objective and sober arguments do have a higher value of evidence. Texts of those who are pro-wolf often illustrate further relevant arguments in appose to the anti-wolf part. This essay has in many ways illustrated the conflict between provincial habitants and authorities but most of all has this paper penetrated the conflict between provincial habitants and conurbation habitants. The conurbation habitants are often pro-wolf and lives in urban societies such as Karlstad while the provincial habitants place themselves as the anti-wolf part and regularly lives in sparsely populated area such as the surroundings of Torsby or Sysslebäck. The debate often puts the wolf aside and becomes a quarrel regarding to the provincial areas vulnerable situation. The wolf is sometime a substantially symbol for authority and the conurbation habitants way of overlook the sparsely populated areas of northern Värmland.

L’évolution de l’urbanisation dans le monde nous a motivés à développer nos recherches quant à cette croissance déchaînée des villes et ces multitudes de formes urbaines qui en résultent. L'objet de ce travail est d'analyser ces formes de croissance spatiales et d’analyse leur impact sur l’identité dans la ville. Il s'agit de montrer dans quelle mesure elles favorisent la prolifération de nouvelles identités dans les régions périphériques de la ville. Notre recherche porte alors sur une étude socio spatiale de la capitale de la Tunisie. Tunis, cette métropole en pleine expansion, occupe un emplacement stratégique dans la Méditerranée et joue un rôle important dans les échanges afro-européens. La pertinence de l’étude de l’évolution du domaine urbain de Tunis résulte du fait que cette ville a connu différents types de croissances. La variété des modes de développement de l’espace urbain fait de Tunis un exemple pertinent qui mérite d’être étudié, d’autant plus que l’espace englobe des banlieues planifiées, spontanées, historiques, et bien d’autres qui résultent du juste fait de l’informalité, allant du patrimoine à la construction d’une identité urbaine plurielle. Notre travail comportera donc une étude spatiale de l’évolution de l’espace urbain de Tunis, basée essentiellement sur des cartes et des photos satellites, doublées d’une analyse sociale, basée sur une enquête in situ, réalisée avec les habitants des banlieues, et ce, dans le but de recenser leurs degrés d’attachement à l’espace ainsi que les rapports qu’ils entament avec le centre-ville. Notre recherche nous a permis de conclure que les habitants des banlieues s’identifient aux nouvelles formes de croissance et développent au fil des années un sentiment d’appartenance et d’attachement identitaire à leurs quartiers. Cela contribue à la prolifération d’identités multiple dans la ville. / The evolution of urbanization in the world motivated us to develop our research around this raging growth of cities and their resulting multitudes of urban forms. The object of this work is to analyze these spatial forms of growth and their impact on the city’s identity. The objective is to demonstrate in which measure they favour the proliferation of new identities in the suburb region of the city. Our research then focuses on a socio-spatial study of the capital of Tunisia. Tunis, this enlarging metropolis, occupies a strategically positioned location in the Mediterranean and plays an important role in European-African exchanges. The pertinence of the study of the evolution of the urban domain of Tunis results from the fact that this city experienced different types of growth. The variety of modes of development of the urban area makes Tunis a pertinent example which is worth being studied, especially since the space includes planned, spontaneous, historical suburbs, and many others which result from the informality linked from the heritage up to the construction of a plural urban identity. This work will thus include a spatial study of the evolution of the urban area of Tunis, based principally on maps and satellite pictures, complemented with a social analysis based on an in situ investigation, accomplished with the inhabitants of the suburbs with the intention of making a census of their degree of attachment to the space as well as their relationship with the downtown area. Our research allowed us to conclude that the inhabitants of the suburbs end up identifying themselves with new forms of growth and develop over the years a sense of belonging and attachment to their district. This contributes to the numerous proliferation of identity in the city.

俄羅斯聯邦是一個多民族國家，共有一百多個不同的民族生活在俄羅斯這塊土地上。這些少數民族有著自己的語言與文化，一有機會即想脫離俄羅斯獨立。尤其是車臣與韃靼斯坦這類文化差異較大的民族，一心渴望擁有自己主權。除了少數民族的獨立要求外，俄羅斯聯邦仍必須應付境內的地方主義聲浪。主要是因為俄羅斯的聯邦體制是由民族聯邦與區域聯邦結合而成的，境內有以民族為基礎的聯邦主體，同時也有以行政區域為劃分基礎的主體。 蘇聯晚期，俄羅斯總統葉爾欽為了與戈巴契夫爭權，喊出「你能夠拿多少主權就拿多少」的口號，各加盟共和國紛紛通過國家主權宣言，俄羅斯聯邦境內亦興起分離獨立氣氛。為了解決問題，葉爾欽於1992年3月與各聯邦主體分別簽署了3個聯邦條約，開始對中央與地方的權利義務關係作了說明。隨著政治情勢的變化，俄羅斯聯邦於1993年12月12日通過新憲法，明確的規範了中央與地方各自的權力，自此權力的行使有了依循的標準；1994年發生車臣戰爭，突顯出憲法無法解決所有問題，於是依據各主體需要簽訂的雙邊條約出現了，首先是俄韃條約，謂之「韃靼模式」。至此俄羅斯的聯邦體制大致完成。 俄羅斯聯邦體制的運作仍然存在許多問題，不論是在政治方面、經濟方面，甚或法律制度方面尚有不夠完善的地方。再加上地方主體的種類繁多，經濟條件、政治情況及文化取向差異甚大，影響著主體對聯邦關係的看法。因此要解決聯邦問題，就必須從制度上的缺陷及地方主體的態度來著手進行。 / Russian federation is a multi-national state, there are more than one hundred kinds of races. These minority races have their own culture and language, they desire to be independent from Russian federation, especially Chechenya and Tarstan. Besides independent demand, there still have localism in Russian federation. In Russian federation, there are two kinds of federal subject. One is ethno subject which based on races different from Russian, the other is territorial subject. Late years in Soviet Union, Russian president Yeltsin in order to struggle with Gorbachev, he said：“swallow what you can get”. Meanwhile, the Union Republics declare their sovereignty. The atmosphere in Russian federation is chaotic. To solve the problem, Yeltsin sighed three federal treaty with all subjects and define the right between center and subjects. Then 1993 passed the Russian Constitution, 1994 Chechen war exploded, that means constitution not suitable for every subject. Yeltsin decided to sign bilateral treaty with subjects, first one is Tartarstan Republic, called “Tartarstan Model”. Russian federal system still has several problems in politic, economic, and law, institution. Besides 89 subjects are so distinguished, their political condition, economic situation, culture are so different, all this affect their perception about federal relation.

This case study explores how geo-political power structures influence and/or determine the conception, acceptance and maintenance of what is considered to be valid archaeological knowledge. The nature of this contingency is exemplified through an examination of how the prehistory of Norrland, a region traditionally considered and portrayed as peripheral vis-à-vis the centre-South, was interpreted and presented by Swedish archaeologists during the 20th century. This contextual situation is analysed through the implementation of three interrelated and complimentary perspectives; 1) The relationship between northern and southern Sweden is examined using concepts concerning the nature of colonialism, resulting in the formulation of 20 particulars that typify the colonial experience, circumstances that characterise the historical, and unequal, association that has existed between these two regions for the last 600 years. 2) Ideals of national identity and heritage as manufactured and employed by the kingdom and later by the nation-state, with the assistance of antiquarianism, archaeology and/or centralised cultural management, are outlined. The creation of these various concepts have reinforced and perpetuated the colonial and asymmetrical association between what has naturally come to be viewed as the peripheral-North and the centre-South. 3) A century of archaeological research into the Norrlandian past is studied using the concepts ‘thoughtstyle’ and ‘thought-collective’ as devised by Ludwik Fleck. This analysis disclosed a persistent set of reoccurring explanations that have constantly been invoked when interpreting and presenting the prehistory of Norrland. This archaeological thought-style has normalised the unbalanced power relationship between North and South that has existed for the last 600 years by projecting it far back into the prehistoric past. This case study has demonstrated that archaeologists, unless acutely aware of the historical context in which they themselves move and work, risk legitimising debilitating economic and political power relationships in the present through their study and presentation of the past.

L'importance de l'étude du Pouvoir local, citoyenneté et éducation : des conditions pour la construction d'une cité-éducatrice - une étude faite à partir du Quartier Restinga - Porto Alegre, Brésil se fonde sur la nécessité de découvrir une nouvelle dimension de l'espace urbain et le consolider comme un modèle polycentrique, lequel prétend stimuler le potentiel de développement des différents noyaux urbains interrelationés entre le pouvoir local, la citoyenneté et l'éducation, dans le but d'atteindre une cité-éducatrice accomplie, protagoniste de son propre développement. Pour cela, la dite ville doit implanter des politiques éducatives, sociales, culturelles et écomomiques, étant consciente de sa propre gestion et soupesant les possibilités et les limites dans un projet de ville mobilisatrice de ressources et d´énergies. Ces caractéristiques doivent s'accomplir dans des programmes spécifiques, comme la construction d'identités sociales, nationales et ethniques. Pour avancer dans le projet de cité-éducatrice il est indispendable de connaître et de compter sur les agents qui s´engagent dans son accomplissement : citoyens leaders, professionnels, institutions éducatives, systèmes de production, associativisme et la famille. Tous sont des acteurs qui contribuent à la consolidation d'une nouvelle relation entre ville, gouvernement et gouvernés. De cette façon, une ville devient éducatrice quand elle est relationnelle, fonctionnelle, équitable et participative, aussi bien que quand elle exploite ses possibilités esthétiques, environnementales et de convivialité avec le contexte naturel, moyennant les contributions communes des différents agents. Une ville qui, tout en comptant sur sa parfaite cohésion et équilibre social, permettra l'enrichissement des relations des habitants entre lui et avec son moyen, entre acteurs sociaux et son espace local. C'est sur la base de ces présuppositions que Porto Alegre est en train de faire des efforts dans le but d'intégrer le centre et la périphérie, d´exploiter la diversité polyvalente qu´offrent les quartiers, de donner une plus grande diversité de fonctions, accessibilité et fonctionnalité. En considérant ces caractéristiques nous ferons référence à Restinga, quartier avec une grande participation des citoyens, qui en respectant sa morphologie et en profitant de sa démographie, veut faire partie de la composition sociale urbaine de la grande Porto Alegre. / A importância do estudo do Poder local, cidadania e educação: das condições para construção de uma cidade-educadora – um estudo produzido a partir do Bairro Restinga – Porto Alegre, Brasil fundamenta-se na necessidade de descobrir uma nova dimensão do espaço urbano e consolidá-lo como um modelo policêntrico, que pretende estimular o potencial de desenvolvimento dos diferentes núcleos urbanos inter-relacionados entre o poder local, cidadania e educação, com o fim de alcançar uma cidade-educadora efetiva, protagonista de seu próprio desenvolvimento. Para tanto, tal cidade deve gerar políticas educativas, sociais, culturais e econômicas, sendo ciente de sua própria gestão e sopesando as possibilidades e os limites num projeto de cidade mobilizadora de recursos e energias. Essas características devem efetivar-se em programas específicos, como a construção de identidades sociais, nacionais e étnicas. Para avançar no projeto de cidade-educadora é imprescindível conhecer e contar com os agentes que se comprometem no seu desenvolvimento: cidadãos líderes, profissionais, instituições educativas, sistemas produtivos, associativismo e a família. Todos são atores que contribuem para a consolidação de uma nova relação entre cidade, governo e governados. Dessa forma, uma cidade torna-se educadora quando é relacional, funcional, eqüitativa e participativa, bem como quando aproveita suas possibilidades estéticas, ambientais e de convívio com o âmbito natural, mediante as contribuições conjuntas dos distintos agentes. Uma cidade que, por contar com suficiente coesão e equilíbrio social, permita o enriquecimento das relações dos habitantes entre si e com o seu meio, entre os atores sociais e seu espaço local. É com base nesses pressupostos que Porto Alegre vêm somando aunando esforços com a intenção de integrar o centro e a periferia, de aproveitar a diversidade polivalente que oferecem os bairros, dar maior diversidade de funções, acessibilidade e funcionalidade. Considerando essas características faremos referência a Restinga, bairro com destacada participação cidadã, que respeitando sua morfologia e aproveitando sua demografia, quer ser parte da composição social urbana da grande Porto Alegre. / The importance of the study of the local power, citizen and education: Conditions for the construction of one educated city - a study produced since Restinga - Porto Alegre, Brazil is supported in the need to discover a new one dimension of the urban space and to consolidate it as a model one polycentric, that intends to stimulate the different fraud development potential nucleus urban interrelated among the local power, citizen and education, the end to reach an effective city - educated, protagonist of its own development. For so much, such city should generate politic as educational, social, cultural and economics, go backwards of its own one question and weighing the possibilities and limit them in a project of mobilizing city of resources and energies. Those characteristics owe effectiveness in program specifics, like the construction of national, social identities and ethnics. To advance in the project of cityeducation is indispensable to know and to include the agents that itself compartmented in the development of citizen leaders, professionals, educational institutions, productive systems, associations and the family. All are actors that contribute to the consolidation of a new one relationship among city, government and those governed. Of that form, a city returns educated when it is relational, functional, acquisitive and participative, also, when it takes advantage of its possible esthetics, environmental and contact with the ambition natural, by means of the joint contributions of the different agents. A city that, by including sufficient cohesion and social equilibrium, permit the enrichment of the relations of the inhabitants among its middle class, between the social actors and its local space. It is based on those budgets, that Porto Alegre combines efforts with the intention of integrating he center and the periphery, of taking advantage of the polyvalent diversity that offer the neighborhoods, to, give greater diversity of functions, accessibility and functionality. Considering those characteristics we will refer to Restinga, a neighborhood with noticeable civic participation, that respecting its morphology and taking advantage of its demographics, wants to be part of the social urban composition of the great Porto Alegre. / La importancia del estudio del Poder local, ciudadanía y educación: condiciones para la construcción de una ciudad-educadora – un estudio producido desde el Barrio Restinga – Porto Alegre, Brasil se fundamenta en la necesidad de descubrir una nueva dimensión del espacio urbano y consolidarlo como un modelo policéntrico, que pretende estimular el potencial de desarrollo de los diferentes núcleos urbanos interrelacionados entre el poder local, ciudadanía y educación, con el fin de alcanzar una ciudad-educadora efectiva, protagonista de su propio desarrollo. Para tanto, tal ciudad debe generar políticas educativas, sociales, culturales y económicas, siendo ciente de su propia gestión y sopesando las posibilidades y los límites en un proyecto de ciudad movilizadora de recursos y energías. Esas características deben efectivarse en programas específicos, como la construcción de identidades sociales, nacionales y étnicas. Para avanzar en el proyecto de ciudad-educadora es imprescindible conocer y contar con los agentes que se comprometen en su desarrollo: ciudadanos líderes, profesionales, instituciones educativas, sistemas productivos, asociativismo y la familia. Todos son actores que contribuyen para la consolidación de una nueva relación entre ciudad, gobierno y gobernados. De ésa forma, una ciudad se vuelve educadora cuando es relacional, funcional, equitativa y participativa, como también, cuando aprovecha sus posibilidades estéticas, ambientales y de convivencia con el ámbito natural, mediante las contribuciones conjuntas de los distintos agentes. Una ciudad que, por contar con suficiente cohesión y equilibrio social, permita el enriquecimiento de las relaciones de los habitantes entre sí y con su medio, entre los actores sociales y su espacio local. Es con base en esos presupuestos, que Porto Alegre viene aunando esfuerzos con la intención de integrar el centro y la periferia, de aprovechar la diversidad polivalente que ofrecen los barrios, dar mayor diversidad de funciones, accesibilidad y funcionalidad. Considerando esas características haremos referencia a Restinga, barrio con destacada participación ciudadana, que respetando su morfología y aprovechando su demografía, quiere ser parte de la composición social urbana de la gran Porto Alegre.