ABSTRACT D Level Essay in Political Science, Autumn Semester 2008 by Mattias Andersson. Tutor: Alf Sundin. “The Swedish Centre Party and Nuclear Power. A Study of Change in a Political Party” The aim of this essay is to examine the policy of the Swedish Centre Party on nuclear power. More exactly the aim is to study if the Centre Party has been going through a change of policy on nuclear power and, if so, how the policy has changed. The essay is about the Centre Party, the Centre Party’s Youth League and the Centre Party’s Women’s Association. The Student Association as well as different special interests in trade and industry with a connection to the Centre Movement have been delimited. The time periods studied are 1979-1988 and 2001-2008. The analysis of the ideology is based on Herbert Tingsten. The various arguments are presented in tables. A couple of concepts from Gunnar Sjöblom have also been used. These are the research questions: - Has the Centre Party changed its ideology on nuclear power? - Has the Centre Party changed its arguments on nuclear power? - Has the Centre Party’s Youth League changed its policy and its arguments on nuclear power? - Has the Centre Party’s Women’s Association changed its policy and its arguments on nuclear power? - Have the prospects of success for the Centre Party’s policy on nuclear power changed:a, in the electoral arena?b, in the parliamentary arena?c, in the internal arena? The research has been made from political and environmental programs as well as some newspaper articles and interviews. Motions on nuclear power to the Centre Party’s assembly have also been studied. The essay makes it plain that the Centre Party has changed its ideology on nuclear power. The fundamental values have changed as well as the recommended action. The main arguments are still the same and have not changed, however a few of the arguments from the earlier time period are no longer used. The Centre Party’s Youth League has been going through the biggest change and is today even in favour of uranium mining in Sweden whereas the Centre Party’s Women’s Association has changed from a strong commitment into a lack of a policy on their own. Earlier there was a strong sense of consensus in the Centre Movement. Today there are all kinds of views on nuclear power within the movement. The policy of today has good prospects of success in the parliament and among voters but is problematic within the party. Remaining research fields are to further examine the internal opinions on nuclear power, especially within the Youth League and the Women’s Association. Another field is to study whether the change has been influenced by special interests in trade and industry. A further examination of the concept of change would also be clarifying. / SAMMANDRAG D-uppsats av Mattias Andersson, Statsvetenskap IV, ht 2008. Handledare: Alf Sundin ”Centerpartiet och kärnkraften. En studie av förändring i ett parti” Syftet är att undersöka om Centerpartiet har förändrat sin politik i kärnkraftsfrågan samt hur politiken i kärnkraftsfrågan i så fall har förändrats. I uppsatsen studeras Centerpartiet, Centerpartiets ungdomsförbund och Centerkvinnorna, medan Centerstudenter eller särintressen med speciell anknytning till Centerrörelsen avgränsats. Två tidsperioder studeras, perioden 1979-1988 samt 2001-2008. I ideologianalysen har Herbert Tingstens syn på ideologibegreppet tillämpats. Argumentationsanalysen redovisas i form av tabeller där de förekommande argumenten för och mot kärnkraft vid de undersökta tidpunkterna redovisas. En analys-modell av Gunnar Sjöblom har också använts. Syftet preciseras till följande forskningsfrågor: - Har Centerpartiet förändrat sin ideologi i kärnkraftsfrågan? - Har Centerpartiet förändrat sina argument i kärnkraftsfrågan? - Har Centerpartiets ungdomsförbund förändrat sin politik respektive sina argument i kärnkraftsfrågan? - Har Centerkvinnorna förändrat sin politik respektive sina argument i kärnkraftsfrågan? - Har utsikterna till framgång för Centerpartiets politik i kärnkraftsfrågan förändrats:a, på väljararenan?b, på den parlamentariska arenan?c, på den interna arenan? I huvudsak har parti- och miljöprogram och motioner till riksstämman studerats, men även några tidningsartiklar och intervjuer har använts. Studien visar att Centerpartiet har förändrat sin ideologi i kärnkraftsfrågan på flera olika sätt. Grundvärderingarna har förändrats, liksom handlingsrekommendationerna. Centerpartiet fortsätter däremot att argumentera mot kärnkraften såsom tidigare; dock har några argument som tidigare användes försvunnit. Centerpartiets ungdomsförbund har gjort den radikalaste omsvängningen i kärnkraftsfrågan och är numera även för uranbrytning i Sverige, medan Centerkvinnorna gått från att vara starkt engagerade till att inte längre föra en egen politik i kärnkraftsfrågan. Tidigare rådde en tydlig konsensus inom centerrörelsen; idag finns olika åsikter om kärnkraft företrädda. Den politik som förts under senare år har goda utsikter till parlamentarisk och väljarmässig framgång men är internt problematisk. Kvarvarande frågor är att närmare undersöka den interna situationen i Centerpartiet, inte minst i ungdomsförbundet och kvinnoförbundet. Man skulle också kunna undersöka LRF eller andra näringslivsintressen och studera i vilken mån de har utövat inflytande över den här förändringen. Det kvarstår också att fördjupa litteraturanknytningen kring begreppet förändring.

The purpose of this study is to describe the Swedish Centre Party’s defense policy between the years 1912-2015. and try to outline potential ideological changes in their politics during the same period. An ideology analysis is employed for the purpose. The analysis is carried out by a method based on ideological ideal types, to which the Swedish Centre Party’s defense policy through history are compared to. The ideological ideal types ”liberalism” and ”realism” are aiming to describe the international defense policy, whilst the ideal types ”doves” and ”hawks” are aiming to describe the national defense policy. The use of ideal types, as it is done in this study, is to be seen as a way to bridge the gap between everyday policies and more abstract ideology. The result of this study shows that not only has an ideological change taken place in the Swedish Centre Party’s defense policy during the course of history; three major changes are identified and described. The study also shows that the Swedish Centre Party has made an ideological travel from being isolationistic pacifists pre-World War I to approaching a more liberal hawk-influenced defense policy in the 21th Century.

Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att beskriva riksdagsledamöternas twittrande och försöka lyfta framnågot av det som kännetecknar Twittermediet. Det uppfylls genom att besvara frågorna: • Vilken typ av interpersonella språkhandlingar utförs i riksdagsledamöternas twittrande? • Hur kan man kategorisera och beskriva de interpersonella språkhandlingarna? • Skiljer sig språkhandlingarna åt beroende på parti-, blocktillhörighet eller kön? • Finns det några språkliga särdrag som är typiska för riksdagsledamöternas användande avTwittermediet? Frågorna besvaras genom att undersöka alla tweets som skrevs av någon ledamot av Sverigesriksdag den 5 mars 2013. Uppsatsen beskriver flera aspekter av riksdagsledamöternas twittrande. Vanligaste allmänna språkhandling är ett påstående, ibland följt av en fråga. Både beröm och kritikutdelas men följer då alltid mönstret kritik åt politisk motståndare och beröm åt politisk vän. Sverigedemokraterna uttalar sig oftare med tvärsäkerhet och mer sällan med garderingar än övrigapartier. Inga stora skillnader mellan könen och Alliansen respektive de Rödgröna står att finna. Twittermediet är ofta informellt och snabbt vilket ger upphov till nya språkliga konstruktioner ochibland rena fel.

The aim of this study is to examine how the political change in the migration policy has changed since the migration crisis in 2015. The premise to analyse this change will be how four political parties in Sweden; the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Green Party, the Liberals and the Center Party, have expressed their political opinion about migration policy in two different parliamentary debates. The method for this study is a qualitative text analysis and with the help of this method, key concepts have been identified. Additionally, relevant information has been selected from the parliamentary debates and have been included in this study.The results of this study have been analysed by previous research and theories in order to reach a conclusion. The study concludes that the migration policy in Sweden has gone from being generous to being more coarse. Further, it is revealed that the Swedish Democrats entry to the Swedish Parliament was an external stimuli which probably was an underlying factor to the change in migration policy in Sweden.

The purpose of this study is to understand how political parties behave and why they take the positions and make the decisions that they regarding a certain policy. The study examines three Swedish political parties, the Christian Democrats, the Liberals and the Centre party position or views on parochial schools (religious private schools). In order to understand these party's actions, an analysis with the help of two theories, the rational perspective-based Policy, Office or Votes and New institutional theory, whereby party's action are governed by the norms their norms (ideology). In my findings I found that all the parties acted the way they did to obtain Policy, Office or Votes. The New institutional theory also gave explanations that the Christian Democrats acted in accordance with their ideology while the other two parties did not.

I slutet av femtiotalet var det ingen som kunde tro att de tre icke-socialistiska partierna Centern, Folkpartiet och Högern skulle kunna enas om något politiskt program och än mindre samsas i en regering. Med tiden förstod partierna ett efter ett att det enbart var genom en borgerlig samverkan som de skulle kunna bryta Socialdemokraternas makthegemoni. Några händelser var av yttersta vikt för att borgerligheten skulle kunna enas. Centern gick från att vara ett resultatfokuserat stödparti åt Socialdemokraterna med annat fokus än bara böndernas, vilket ledde till en mer marknadsekonomisk orientering. Folkpartiet däremot behöll sin profil och arbetade i många år för ett närmande till Centern, vilket var källan till både glädje och sorg för partiet. Högern å sin tur, som präglades av starka interna stridigheter, reformerades till ett modernare parti under sextiotalet men det var först under Bohman som partiet enades och därmed blev ett mer trovärdigt regeringsparti. Högern, sedermera Moderaterna, var det parti som under flera år arbetade hårdast för att borgerligheten skulle samla sig i ett gemensamt regeringsalternativ, emedan framförallt Centern under en lång period höll emot. Utöver partiernas egna utveckling kan också nämnas socialdemokratins radikalisering som en en för borgerligheten sammansvetsande faktor. Detta tillsammans med samhällsförändringarna gjorde att sextiotalets förarbete resulterade i en borgerlig regering 1976.

<p>Den 17 september 2006 röstade det svenska folket för ett maktskifte i riksdagen. Den nya regeringsmakten gick under namnet Allians för Sverige och bestod av partierna Moderaterna, Centerpartiet, Folkpartiet och Kristdemokraterna. För skapandet av denna allians utarbetade partierna en tydlig gemensam politik och ett gemensamt valmanifest.</p><p>Detta är en undersökning om vad dessa fyra partier har fått offra av sin egen politik till den gemensamma politikens fördel, samt om något eller några partier har fått åsidosätta större del politik än resterande partier. Den beroende variabeln är därmed graden av office-seeking. För undersökningen har partiernas valmanifest 2002 varit utgångspunkten. På denna grund har partiernas politiska meningsskiljaktigheter noterats. Partiernas respektive ståndpunkter har därefter jämförts mot vad den gemensamma politiken från 2006 och framåt avser. För att visa på eventuella vinnare och förlorare avseende partiernas genomslag av den egna politiken har spelteorin Chicken race används. Chicken race, vars namn härstammar från spelet om att vika undan eller riskera kollision, visar hur partierna har agerat i frågor som karaktäriserats av olika åsikter.</p><p>Resultatet visar att de tre mindre partierna i Allians för Sverige har högre grad av office-seeking än vad det större partiet Moderaterna har.</p><p> </p><p> </p>

Title: Similarities or differences within the centre-right? A study of the potential for party fusions within in the Swedish centre-right Author: Charlie Weimers Aim: The thesis seeks to find the potential for party fusions within the Swedish centre-right by analyzing the ideological similarities and differences between the parties. Method/Material: In the thesis, four dimensions of the parties’ ideologies are analyzed: view of man, theory for societal structures, fiscal theory and moral values. The results of the study of the ideologies are then compared. The investigation is done with the party manifestos as starting point and with the analysis of ideas as theoretical tool. Main Results: The comparative analysis, based on the parties’ ideological views, shows specific party constellations are more probable than others. The biggest ideological similarities are to be found between the Liberal People’s Party and the Centre Party, out of which I conclude that these two parties have the best potential for a fusion. The Moderate Party and the Christian Democratic Party also have clear similarities, thus there is a potential for fusion to a certain degree. The Moderate Party also shows some similarities with the Liberal People’s Party and the Centre Party, hence the possibility for a merger can not be excluded. My conclusion is based upon social liberalism and neo-conservatism as ideal types, which gives the Christian Democratic Party a position to the right. Thus, it would possible to claim that this party has the least options regarding fusion partners. The Moderate Party has the most alternatives, since the party is in a kind of “middle ground” between social liberalism and neo-conservatism. Number of pages: 49 Course: Political Science C University: Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, Karlstad University Period: Fall, 2006 Tutor: Anders Broman Keywords: centre-right, Sweden, party fusion, ideology, Moderate Party, Liberal People’s Party, Christian Democratic Party, Centre Party

There is an ongoing crisis within the natal care in Sweden. Hospitals closing down, not enough beds in the maternity wards and nowhere near enough staff to handle the situation. For the past couple of years, Swedish women have had to travel far to get help during their labours, they’ve been flown to Finland because there are simply no more beds available. During this time some people had enough and for the past year 2018 demonstrations were organised and one maternity ward occupied by the towns inhabitants to revolt against its closure. The problem within the Swedish natal care was no longer in the shadows but had been brought to light with these new efforts from women all over the country. Though fairly recently discovered by the mainstream this is not a new crisis, it’s been going on for a long time yet seemingly nothing is done to change its ongoing trajectory. From the year 2000 until know nine hospitals have closed down their maternity wards with only one opening in Stockholm. We have eight political parties making up our government in Sweden, what are their thoughts on this matter? What are they doing to actively combat the reality that women are forced to give birth on the side of the road in a country that have always boasted an excellent welfare? By viewing this problem through a radical feministic theory and using a discourse analysis this essay delves into the eight major political parties in Sweden to find out what the situation looks like from the ruling side.

The question regarding male circumcision in Sweden became a relevant topic within the public debates during the last three years. Due to the Swedish political party, Centerpartiet’s decision to strive for a ban on male circumcision, this debate surfaced after the 28th of September. Participation in the public debate came from different directions and perspectives on male circumcision. In this thesis I focus on different actors and their public opinions in debate articles published between the years of 2018-2019. The aim of this thesis is to examine how critical arguments are constructed from perceptions of a decreasing significance of religion within late modern societies. This results in a motivation to ban the performance of male circumcision without medical indication. By using the qualitative text analysis of systematic text condensation this thesis closer categorizes the arguments into the three themes of “children’s bodily integrity”, “the delimitation of medicalization” and “the religious other”. In addition to this, the thesis also looks into the argument from the analytical framework on argumentation analysis in order to distinguish “normative” and “factual” arguments in the debate. To look closer at the constructions of the critical arguments within the debate this thesis uses the theoretical framework of Sara Ahmed (2011). From a phenomenological inspired perspective this thesis further looks into the argument’s correlation and construction of a collective body. This in particular is the construction of the secular- in relation to the religious body. Constructions of the religious body allows for secular ideas to circulate around national symbols and principles, which results in an exclusion of religious motives and perspectives. The thesis further sheds light on the cultural imbedded “medical gaze”, from the theoretical perspective on medicalization of Karin Johannisson (2013). This thesis aims to examine the reproduction of the medical superiority within debates on questions regarding the human body, like the one on male circumcision. The thesis illustrates the complexity of religious visibility within the Swedish context. Although the critical arguments reject the religious motives of male circumcision, the debate increases the religious visibility in the public debates.