This is a multimodal discourse analytical study about national identity in russian film posters specifically in regards to four themes, posters that demonstrates wars, conflicts, violence or weapons. The aim of the study is to illustrate how national identity is portrayed in russian film posters, in relation to these four above themes from the start of the Soviet union 1922, until the end of the union 1991, plus four years ahead. This is studied by looking at how these four above themes are emphasized during different time periods, how the common history is described during different time periods, which similarities and differences that can be deduced from this, and how the question “who are we as a nation?” can be deduced from the pictures. The study also discusses the problem regarding media and its potential to influence, with a focus on the film media and the film poster, since these mediums have a huge potential to create a certain imagined community. For this reason it becomes important to understand who controls the media, since the one with control also beholds the power to decide what the nation identity should consist of, and how it should be portrayed. The study shows that the national identity in russian film posters is portrayed with a strong interconnection to wars, conflicts, violence and weapons during the whole investigation period, but how these themes are portrayed differs between the early/mid Soviet period and the late/post-Soviet period. The early/mid period puts a focus mainly on a strong patriotism where the soldier and the hero are frequently used motifs, which could be interpreted as motifs that are meant to eliminate questions about death in relation to wars. This could be seen as a result of an autocratic state controlled media. The late/post period instead emphasizes a criticism interconnected with conflicts with a focus on motifs like blood and dead bodies, that could be interpreted as motifs that demonstrate the tragic consequences of a violence. This could instead be seen as a result of a media that has been affected by a public sphere that has opened up, where the citizens are allowed to voice their opinions. The similarities is henceforth that the whole investigation period emphasizes a russian hegemony that puts a focus on the “russian” of the nation. The study recommends further studies in the area, either by investigating more themes in regards to film posters and national identity, or by investigating how another country portrays the national identity or the common history, there amongst war memories, in a media material. / Det här är en multimodal diskursanalytisk studie om gestaltning av nationell identitet i ryska filmaffischer, specifikt kopplat till fyra teman, affischer som gestaltar krig, konflikter, våld eller vapen. Studien har som syfte att illustrera hur nationell identitet uttrycks i ryska filmaffischer, kopplat till dessa fyra ovan teman från Sovjetunionens start 1922, till efter dess fall 1991, och fyra år framåt. Detta studeras genom att titta på hur dessa fyra ovan teman har betonats under olika tidsperioder, hur den gemensamma historieskrivningen har gestaltats under olika tidsperioder, vilka likheter och skillnader som går att utläsa från detta, samt hur frågan om “vem är vi som nation?” kan utläsas ur bilderna. Studien diskuterar även problematiken kring media och dess påverkanspotential i speciellt avseende till filmmediet och filmaffischen, då dessa medium har potential att skapa en viss föreställd gemenskap. Problematiken blir därmed vem som har kontroll över filmmediet, då den som har kontroll är den som besitter makten att bestämma vad nationsidentiteten ska bestå av och hur den ska gestaltas. Studien visar att den nationella identiteten uppvisar en stark koppling till krig, konflikter, våld och vapen under hela undersökningsperioden, men hur dessa teman gestaltas skiljer sig dock åt från tidiga/mitt Sovjettiden till sena/post-Sovjet tiden. Den tidiga/mitt perioden lägger främst fokus på en stark patriotism där soldaten och hjälten är vanligt förekommande motiv, som kan tolkas som motiv som ska eliminera frågor om död i samband med krig. Detta kan vidare tolkas som ett resultat av att en autokratisk stat har kontrollerat media. Den sena/post perioden betonar istället en kritik i samband med konflikter genom ett fokus på motiv som blod och döda kroppar, som kan tolkas demonstrera de tragiska konsekvenserna av ett våld. Detta kan istället tolkas som ett resultat av att media har påverkats av att en offentlig sfär har öppnats upp, där medborgare får lov att uttrycka sina åsikter. Likheterna är dock att hela undersökningsperioden betonar en rysk hegemoni som lägger fokus på det “ryska” i nationen. Studien rekommenderar fortsatt forskning av området, antingen genom att undersöka fler teman kopplat till nationell identitet i filmaffischerna, eller genom undersökning av hur andra länder länder gestaltar den nationella identiteten eller den gemensamma historien, däribland krigsminnen, i ett medialt material.

The profile the individual creates on social media can be likened to a digital panopticon. How this profilicity has developed is examined by reviewing seven texts concerning the creation of identity. After this, five paradigms emerge that map how profilicity has developed through history and how the profile has become a digital panopticon in a post-political society. The profile thus becomes a tool for strengthening the hegemony that prevails in society. / Profilen individen skapat på sociala medier kan liknas vid ett digitalt panoptikon. Hur denna profilicitet växt fram undersöks genom att sju källor rörande identitetens skapande gås igenom. Efter detta träder fem paradigm fram som kartlägger hur profiliciteten växt fram genom historien och hur profilen kommit att bli ett digitalt panoptikon i det postpolitiska samhället. Profilen blir således ett verktyg för att förstärka den hegemoni som råder i samhället.

Vad innebär egentligen social hållbarhet? Forskningen presenterar en rad olika förklaringar av begreppet, menar att det bland annat är möjligt att se begreppet som ett ramverk eller verktyg, men det kan även ses som ett sätt att uppnå hållbarhet i generell mening - men är dessa sätt att betrakta social hållbarhet något som även används i kommunernas praktiska verksamhet? Syftet med denna uppsats har varit att undersöka hur begreppet social hållbarhet används och beskrivs på kommunal nivå. Undersökningen har utgått från ett diskursteoretiskt perspektiv och en diskursanalytisk metod som syftar till att dekonstruera och analysera användningen av social hållbarhet på kommunal nivå. Inom ramen för denna uppsats är det två kommuner som har undersökts; Haninge och Huddinge kommun. Undersökningen och analysen av de båda kommunerna har visat att det finns många likheter i hur de båda kommunerna väljer att beskriva social hållbarhet. Analysen visar att det hos kommunerna finns en tilltro till att den fysiska planeringen ska kunna hjälpa kommunerna att skapa social hållbarhet, detta mestadels på liknande sätt. Beskrivningarna för hur social hållbarhet ska skapas i de båda kommunerna är likartade och visar tendenser på att vara ”stigberoende”.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka antivaccin-diskurser på Facebooksidan Kavla Ner och jämföra dem med tre antivaccin-diskurser tidigare funna av Kata (2010). Tidigare forskning visar att antivaccin-grupper utnyttjar postmodernistiskt tänkande och att sociala medier är ett kraftfullt verktyg vad gäller åsiktsbildning om vaccin. Därtill kan konspirationsteorier som sprids om vaccin bidra till en ökad tro på att vaccin är farligt.Materialet som analyseras är 30 inlägg från Facebooksidan Kavla Ner och studien bygger på Faircloughs (1992) tredimensionella modell för kritisk diskursanalys. Texterna har analyserats med hjälp av analysverktygen lexikala val och modalitet. Detta görs med utgångspunkt i teorier om ideologi och diskurs, postmodernism samt kulturell hegemoni.Resultatet av analysen visar förekomsten av antivaccin-diskurser och att två av de funna diskurserna stämmer överens med de Kata (2010) funnit. Därtill gjordes nya upptäckter i form av en ny diskurs och de kategoriserande teman Kata funnit utvecklades. Resultatet visade att en stor mängd av inläggen är färgade av ett postmodernistiskt tänkande. Konspirationsteorier visade sig också vara vanligt förekommande i inläggen. Slutsatsen av studien är att de sociala praktiker som påverkar antivaccin-diskursen även skulle kunna påverka andra områden, vilket ytterligare förklarar vikten av att förstå fenomenet vaccinmotstånd. / The purpose of this bachelor thesis is to examine anti-vaccine discourses on the Kavla Ner Facebook page and to compare them to three anti-vaccine discourses previously found by Kata (2010). Research shows that anti-vaccine communities utilize postmodern ways of thought, and that social media is a powerful tool when it comes to affecting people's opinions about vaccination. Furthermore, conspiracy theories which are spread on the internet can contribute to belief that vaccines are dangerous.The material which has been analyzed consists of 30 posts from the Kavla Ner Facebook page and the method is based on Fairclough’s (1992) three-dimensional model for critical discourse analysis. The texts have been analyzed using the tools lexical choices and modality, while drawing on theories about ideology and discourse, postmodernism and cultural hegemony.The result shows the presence of anti-vaccine discourses on the Facebook page, and that two of the discourses are consistent with those found by Kata (2010). In addition, a new discourse was found and the categorizing themes by Kata were expanded. Conspiracy theories proved to be common in the posts. The results also showed that a large number of the posts are characterized by postmodernist thinking. Finally, it is concluded that the social practices which influence the anti-vaccine discourse could affect other areas, which further explains the importance of understanding the phenomenon of vaccine resistance.

This is a study of how knowledge producing actors, like professors of economics, ecological economics and investigators at public institutions, portray the monetary system in general and fractional reserve banking specifically. The methodology of Political Discourse Analysis, with focus on argumentation and legitimisation, is used to identify and compare how different actors portray the monetary system. The outcome shows that there exist competing knowledge discourses that are diametrically different in how they define keywords and describe the relation between the monetary system, societal power relations and environmental impact. Some important concepts under academic debate include the origin of money, which actor (the state or commercial banks) controls the money supply and seigniorage (money issuer’s revenue), if private banks really are intermediaries and multiply central bank money, and if interest-bearing money is a cause of socioecological unsustainability. By critically analysing the moral norms within knowledge discourses that otherwise might be naturalised as portraying ‘facts’ or ‘truth’, this thesis helps identify needs for further research – especially regarding how the financial system can be better adapted for socioecological sustainability.

The objective of this dissertation is to develop a theoretical and analytical framework for understanding the political in education from a social and global perspective. With this objective in mind, it employs an empirical engagement and theoretical reflection on how this political can be seen to emerge in policy making on Education for Sustainable Development (ESD). Policy making on ESD is interpreted as engaging in the constitution of the social and globalisation, where the non-determination of this practice is seen to require political acts of identification with particular perspectives on what education, society and, as a result, ESD should be. Book I constitutes a theoretical and analytical framework that outlines central concepts, such as antagonism, temporality, space and rhizomic globalisation, in order to conceive of how the political in education can be understood and analysed in concrete articulations, such as policy making on ESD. The findings of the empirical analysis underlying this dissertation and that address the political in policy making on ESD are presented in the papers that are incorporated into this dissertation as part of Book II. Paper I discusses how we can conceive of the relation between ESD and globalisation and makes an argument that this relation should be seen to be political and characterised by conflicting perspectives on what ESD is. Paper II presents the findings from a comparative study of policy making on ESD that engages with concrete policy on ESD in order to reflect on how globalisation can be seen to emerge in these instances of policy making. Paper III presents the findings of a comprehensive discourse analysis of Vietnamese policy making and shows how the concepts of ESD and Sustainable Development are contested among different perspectives of how Vietnamese society should be constituted. The dissertation as a whole makes an argument for the inescapable political condition for education and how this condition necessitates the articulation of concepts such as ESD that name an inaccessible state beyond conflict and social antagonisms that is to be achieved through education.

This dissertation studies the development of the environmental issue from a discursive perspective. Through an analysis of views on nature and the environment in several NGOs and main political organs, the dissertation tries to explain how a certain view became hegemonic. The analysis pertains to the period between the publication of Silent Spring in 1962 and the introduction of the concept sustainable development by the UN in 1987. From a realistic starting point and with critical discourse analysis (CDA) as its method, the dissertation aims to identify causal powers and mechanisms that have generated and institutionalized the environmental discourse. An analytical model is developed and applied on three levels; a sociolinguistic, institutional, and macrosocial level; which also reflect the methodological progression of the study from description to explanation. The result shows that the discursive practice was hegemonized by a Western view promoting economic growth. This discourse gradually gained ground at the expense of an anti-systemic discourse which posited structural societal changes as the answer to environmental problems. Mechanisms such as the exclusion of some views and actors from common discursive practices were crucial for the process of homogenizing the discourse and developing consensus. Through incorporating that part of the environmental movement which did not fight the dominant economic and political system, the UN turned it into support for its own project, which is part of the process of hegemony. At the same time the environmental objectives of the hegemonic discourse were established in the institutional spheres. The institutionalization of the environmental issue changed the focus from social critique to a question of development and technology, something which helped displace the original critical and partially anti-systemic character of environmental discourse. Through turning the critical and negative account of the situation into a more harmonious and hopeful vision, for instance in terms of sustainable development, a foundation was laid for the later development of ecological modernization. When the hegemonic discourse invested the concept of sustainable development with emphases on progress and economic growth, it encapsulated the environmental issue within the framework of the prevailing social system. / <p>With summary in English and Spanish/Con resumen en inglés y en español</p>

The purpose of this thesis is to do a critical review of the aid organization SOS Children’s Villages text- and video campaigns, from a postcolonial perspective. Our purpose is divided into two questions: Are there colonial values in the advertising campaigns? Which language- and image strategies are used by SOS Children’s Villages to put across their messages? Our material consists of 10 selected video clips, and four printed ads that are made up of an image and a short text, which are part of a campaign named: Inte ett enda barn ska behöva vara ensamt (translation: Not a single child should have to be alone). We have chosen to use text- and image analysis as a method in our review of the material. The main theoretical base in our thesis is postcolonialism, while”the Other” and ”whiteness” are two concepts we have chosen so that we can reach a deeper analytical level. We have analyzed some of the clips from the concept “The White Man’s Burden”, and have discovered that ”The Western World” tries to insert their own values and ideals into ”The Third World”. We have also discovered that the children, in some sequences, are presented as non-human and differentiated from the “white Westerners”. The last chapter in our thesis problematizes how modern technology, as Smartphones, applications and social media, are used to make it easier to give money to charity. We also discuss how “The Western World” can be seen as a contributor to the current situation in “The Third World”, which makes the aspect of high-technology even more interesting.

In 2018, when famous dissident professor Jordan Peterson visited Scandinavia he stirred up controversy when penetrating the otherwise relatively intact Swedish thought-bubble. Using J.S Mills principles of free thought to guide us through this Orwellian landscape, I will demonstrate the narrowness of the so-called opinion corridor surrounding Swedish public intellectual life.

I denna uppsats genomförs en diskursanalys av materialet Orten bortom våldet med hjälp av Ernesto Laclau och Chantal Mouffes hegemonikritiska diskursteori. Materialet Orten bortom våldet är centralt för Eskilstuna kommuns sociala förebyggande arbete mot våld och kriminalitet. Med hjälp av Laclau och Mouffes diskursanalys dekonstrueras i denna studie resonemangen bakom Orten bortom våldet. Syftet är att synliggöra dess hegemoniska och ideologiska antaganden rörande individ, samhälle och sociala fenomen. Analysen använder centrala begrepp utifrån Laclau och Mouffes diskursteori för att synliggöra och identifiera hegemoniska och dominanta diskursiva ställningstaganden. Studien visar hur analysmaterialet vilar på en dikotomisk och dogmatisk social differentieringsdiskurs och en individcentrerad liberalistisk determinism rörande det förebyggande sociala arbetet och dess interventioner och problematiserar dessa aspekter utifrån ett vi och de-kritiskt perspektiv samt ett ideologikritiskt perspektiv. / In this essay, a discourse analysis of the material Orten bortom våldet is carried out with the help of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's hegemonic-critical discourse theory. The material Orten bortom våldet is central to Eskilstuna municipality's social prevention work against violence and crime. With the help of Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis, this study deconstructs the reasoning behind Orten bortom våldet. The aim is to make visible its hegemonic and ideological assumptions concerning the individual, society and social phenomena. The analysis uses central concepts based on Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory to make visible and identify hegemonic and dominant discursive positions. The study shows that the analysis material rests on a dichotomous and dogmatic social differentiation discourse and an individual-centered liberal determinism regarding preventive social work and its interventions and problematizes these aspects from a we and them-critical perspective as well as an ideology-critical perspective.