O objeto da presente pesquisa constitui-se na análise imanente dos pressupostos da \"guinada linguístico-pragmática\" de Jürgen Habermas verificada no interior de sua magnum opus - a Teoria do agir comunicativo, publicada em 1981. O objetivo a que nos propusemos alcançar é a elucidação do modo peculiar como Habermas absorve as aquisições teóricas da pragmática linguística (em especial J. L. Austin e J. R. Searle) visando a construção de sua teoria da comunicação, cujo ponto central é a postulação do consenso entre sujeitos capazes de linguagem e ação como o \"fim último\" ou télos do agir comunicativo. A hipótese teórica - ou de trabalho -, que acreditamos ter sido confirmada ao longo de nossa pesquisa, é a de que Habermas, mesmo sendo um árduo defensor da razão e do \"projeto da modernidade\", compartilha ponto comum com os pensadores do período que se convencionou designar pós-modernidade: o chamado \"idealismo linguístico\", isto é, apreensão dos atos comunicativos como entidades autônomas, porque separados das relações materiais e sociais dos homens. / The object of this research is the immanent analysis of the Jürgen Habermas \"linguistic-pragmatic turn\" presuppositions, verified in his magnum opus - The Theory of Communicative Action, published in 1981. The goal we set ourselves to achieve is to elucidate the peculiar way as Habermas absorbs the theoretical acquisitions of linguistic pragmatics (especially J. L. Austin and J. R. Searle) for the construction of a theory of communication, whose focal point is the postulation of consensus between subjects capable of speech and action as the telos of communicative action. The theoretical hypothesis that we believe have been confirmed throughout our research is that Habermas, despite being a vehement defender of reason and the \"Project of modernity\", shares common ground with the thinkers of that period is conventionally designate postmodernity: the so-called \"linguistic idealism\", i. e. the seizure of communicative acts as autonomous entities, because separed of socials and materials relations of men

<p>Hösten 2004 sändes i SVTs Uppdrag granskning ett reportage med rubriken "Lars Ohlys syn på demokrati". Därefter blossade en massmedial debatt upp, den så kallade kommunismdebatten. Både från partikamrater och andra politiker framfördes krav på att Lars Ohly skulle sluta kalla sig kommunist och året därpå gav han med sig. Men vad avsåg man i debatten egentligen med ordet kommunism? Min hypotes är att det rådde en semantisk konflikt i debatten, det vill säga en kamp om betydelsen hos ordet kommunism/kommunist.</p><p>I den här uppsatsen visar jag, genom att undersöka nyhetsartiklar och ledare ur svensk dagspress, att min hypotes stämmer. Jag för också, med utgångpunkt i teorier om det språkliga tecknets godtycklighet, en diskussion utifrån undersökningens resultat. Där resonerar jag bland annat kring de politiska konsekvenserna av att kommunism, som det verkar med hänseende till debattens utgång, inte längre kan användas som beteckning för 'drömmen om ett klasslöst samhälle'.</p>

Analyzing the law from the paradigm of the linguistic turn, this work intends to study the possibilities of the Member State, in exercising its taxing power, changing concepts established by the private law and the possibilities of the Federal state, through the exercise of its powers to legislate about private law and about general rules of tax law, to modify the content of the rules that determine the competence of the Member State. To this end, the work uses the interpretation model proposed by Paulo de Barros Carvalho, according to which the interpreter must follow a process consisting of four phases, in which the prescriptive texts must be interpreted e contrasted with other dispositives of system. Therefore, it is believed that, to define the content of the rules that give power to tax, it is necessary to analyze the concept of federal state and the actual dimensions of the that in Brazil. In this context, it is clear that, to the federal units are effectively autonomous, it is necessary that its taxing power is preserved. Facing the crisis context of federalism in Brazil, in which the Federal State not only exercises its taxing competence in an unbalanced way, but also interferes in the competence of the others units, it is imperative to examine the possibilities of the Federal State to intervene in the taxing competence of the remaining units, as well as the possibilites of the Member State, in exercising its competence, to modify these concepts and, following this purpose, this work tries to place the legal statements against the dictates of Federalism in Brazil / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Alagoas / Analisando o direito a partir do paradigma do giro lingüístico, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar as (im)possibilidades de o Estado-membro, ao exercer sua competência tributária, modificar conceitos estabelecidos pelo direito privado, bem como as (im)possibilidades de a União, através do exercício de sua competência para legislar sobre direito privado e sobre normas gerais em matéria tributária, modificar o conteúdo das normas que definem a competência do Estado-membro. Para tanto, o trabalho se vale do modelo interpretativo proposto por Paulo de Barros Carvalho, segundo o qual o intérprete deverá passar por um processo composto por quatro fases, nas quais os enunciados prescritivos, além de interpretados, terão que ser contrapostos com outros dispositivos do sistema. Desta feita, acredita-se que, para se definir o conteúdo das normas que conferem competência tributária, faz-se mister analisar o conceito de Estado federal e as reais dimensões do mesmo no país. Nesse diapasão, percebe-se que, para que se as unidades federativas sejam de fato autônomas, é necessário que as competências tributárias dos mesmos sejam preservadas. Ante o contexto de crise do federalismo no país, no qual a União, além de exercer de forma desequilibrada sua competência tributária residual, vem interferindo na competência dos outros entes, faz-se imperioso analisar as possibilidades do Estado federal, através da modificação de conceitos oriundos do direito privado, intervir na competência tributária das demais unidades, bem como das possibilidades de o Estado-membro, ao exercer sua competência, modificar tais conceitos, sempre contrapondo, para tanto, os enunciados com os ditames do Federalismo brasileiro

Geographies of sexualities started to develop within the Anglo-American academic context during the late 1980s. In the 1990s, propelled by the cultural turn, the swelling of post-structuralist and postmodern critiques, and a growing recognition of the limitations to scientific knowledge production and representation, geographers of sexualities introduced queer theory into human geography. Queer theory provided human geography with powerful tools for approaching not only straightforward spatialities of sexualities, but this new lens contributed to the development of human geographies as such. Currently, at least in the Anglo-Saxon geographical context, the field of geographies of sexualities is considered part of mainstream human geography. Therefore, the main goal of this thesis is to provide a few lines of reasoning for the development of geographies of sexualities in Czechia and Central Eastern Europe (CEE) and introduction of post-structuralist understandings, specifically queer theory. In contrast to other phenomena that may be locally exclusive or particular, human sexualities are everyplace, albeit quite variable and dependent on the context in which they "enter into language," become institutionalized, and are regulated. Geographers have been specifically insightful about the ways in which...

The years around 1970 saw the emergence of an artistic fascination with maps and mapping. In the present thesis this fascination is conceptualised as a mapping impulse, acknowledging how the discourses of art and mapping, respectively, intertwine and merge. The aim of the study is to analyse this mapping impulse and to identify recurring themes and concepts in artworks and texts on art where maps and mapping processes are used as a visual expression and method.  In order to demonstrate how the scope of the thesis is shaped by later interpretations of art from around 1970, three exhibition publications from three decades are examined to illustrate how boundaries between the discourses of art and of mapping are renegotiated from the late 1960s up until the 2010s. The representing line of the map is analysed via the concepts of diagrams, maps, and models, such as the re-appearance of Claude Shannon’s and Warren Weaver’s Communication Model in the Swedish late 1960s, Öyvind Fahlström’s World Map (1972), and Sten Eklund’s paintings on glass from 1968 where he transfers ideas from Wittgenstein’s Tractatus into visual representations. The procedural aspects of encounters between the discourses of art and of mapping from around 1970 are analysed in Hans Haacke’s Gallery-Goers’ Birthplace and Residence Profile Pt. 1 and Sten Eklund’s Kullahusets hemlighet (The Secret of Kullahuset). The latter work is interpreted in the light of the role of the mapping, surveying individual, and in a figurative sense, the individual in the system. Here, the concept of alienation is used, as the work delineates the mapping subject who itself is being subject to mapping.  In this thesis the mapping impulse is identified as a way to deal with territory and truth in Western art around 1970. The map as a sign system and a practice is representative of a recent stage where art in various ways deal with a world undergoing rapid change. The mapping impulse circa 1970 can be identified as a visual regime of cartographic reason, characterized by legibility, clarity and lucidity. This also suggests alternative interpretations of the impact of the linguistic turn in the art of the 1960s and early 1970s, revealing a more ambiguous relationship between text and image.

Hösten 2004 sändes i SVTs Uppdrag granskning ett reportage med rubriken "Lars Ohlys syn på demokrati". Därefter blossade en massmedial debatt upp, den så kallade kommunismdebatten. Både från partikamrater och andra politiker framfördes krav på att Lars Ohly skulle sluta kalla sig kommunist och året därpå gav han med sig. Men vad avsåg man i debatten egentligen med ordet kommunism? Min hypotes är att det rådde en semantisk konflikt i debatten, det vill säga en kamp om betydelsen hos ordet kommunism/kommunist. I den här uppsatsen visar jag, genom att undersöka nyhetsartiklar och ledare ur svensk dagspress, att min hypotes stämmer. Jag för också, med utgångpunkt i teorier om det språkliga tecknets godtycklighet, en diskussion utifrån undersökningens resultat. Där resonerar jag bland annat kring de politiska konsekvenserna av att kommunism, som det verkar med hänseende till debattens utgång, inte längre kan användas som beteckning för 'drömmen om ett klasslöst samhälle'.

« Apophatique » signifie « négatif » ou « par négation ». Le terme est principalement employé pour qualifier une forme particulière de théologie qui 1. ne peut rien dire de Dieu car énoncer une qualité serait lui ôter la qualité antinomique. Il est facile d'en comprendre la logique : dire que Dieu est grand c'est dire qu'il n'est pas petit ce qui est incompatible avec le fait de dire qu'il est tout. 2. consiste à énoncer ce que Dieu n'est pas : mauvais ou un chien, par exemples. Par exemple aussi, cette recherche n'est pas l'occasion d'une anthologie des meilleurs textes de théologie négative, mais la méthode – le scepticisme teinté de pensée logique et/ou mystique – n'est pas sans alimenter les développements à venir. Une des solutions qui s'offre à moi consiste à n'évoquer en rien l'art, l'esthétique, et tout autre domaine relatif aux dites sciences de l'art – un texte sur le nombre pi aurait fait l'affaire d'une esthétique apophatique. Cependant positivement fonder une pensée sur/avec la négation me rend heureux, par espièglerie, esprit de contradiction, par inquiétude fondamentale ; je ne m'en priverai donc pas au profit d'un tour de passe-passe, aussi réjouissante que soit l'idée de vous imaginer lire présentement une théorie du chou-fleur. / “Apophatic” means “negative” or “by negation”. The term is mainly used to designate a particular form of theology which 1. can't say anything of God because stating a quality would be taking the antinomic quality away from him. It is easy to understand the logic : to say that God is great is to say that he is not small, which is incompatible with the fact of saying that he is everything. 2. consists in stating what God is not : bad or a dog, for example. For example also, this research is not the occurrence of an anthology of the best texts of negative theology, but the method – the scepticism tinged with logical and/or mystic thought – is not without fueling the developments to come. One of the solutions that is given to me consists in not mentioning art in any way at all, the aesthetics, and any other field related to the so-called sciences of the arts – a text on the number Pi would have suited an apophatic aesthetics. However positively establishing a thought on negation makes me happy, by mischievousness, for the sake of argumentation, by fundamental concern; I will thus not deprive myself of it in favor of a quick/cheap trick, as delightful as the idea of imagining you currently reading a theory of the cauliflower might be.

[pt] Esta dissertação oferece uma análise crítica do discurso da Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P). Para isso, eu sigo o entendimento pós-estruturalista da língua como performatividade, isto é, eu entendo que língua em uso (discurso) tem um papel no processo de construção de subjetividades. Eu adoto a estrutura de análise de dupla leitura de Richard Ashley para problematizar o discurso da R2P. Na primeira leitura, eu leio o discurso tradicional da R2P, começando por algumas de suas fundações no direito internacional e em debates sobre intervenção, soberania e segurança humana, seguindo para as discussões que ajudaram a constituir e delinear o escopo desse conceito. Esse discurso, como podemos ver, foi proposto como se fosse para a proteção de um universal (a humanidade). Dessa forma, na segunda leitura eu proponho uma reversão nas estruturas hierárquicas sobre as quais esse discurso foi erguido. Começando com uma crítica à estrutura da modernidade, eu argumento que o discurso da R2P, como parte dessa estrutura, reproduz suas lógicas de diferenciação e práticas de exclusão. Ao trazer o corpo daqueles que sofrem com a violência humanitária, eu questiono o que aconteceria se a R2P fosse de fato universal. Meu argumento é que, ao reivindicar um universal enquanto diferencia entre aqueles que promovem a proteção, aqueles que são protegidos, aqueles que poderiam ser protegidos mas sofreram os danos colaterais da violência humanitária, e aqueles que não podem ser protegidos, o discurso da R2P performa na constituição dessas distintas subjetividades. / [en] This dissertation offers a critical analysis of the discourse of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). For this, I follow the poststructuralist understanding of language as performativity, i.e., I understand that language in use (discourse) has a role in the process of construction of subjectivities. I adopt Richard Ashley s structure of analysis of double reading to problematize the discourse of R2P. In the first reading, I read the traditional discourse of R2P, starting from some of its foundations in international law and in debates about intervention, sovereignty, and human security, following to the discussions that helped to constitute and delineate the scope of this concept. This discourse, we see, was proposed as if it were for the protection of a universal (the humanity). Accordingly, in the second reading I propose a reversal in the hierarchical structures upon which this discourse has been erected. Starting with a critique of the structure of modernity, I argue that the R2P discourse, as part of this structure, reproduces its logic of differentiations and exclusionist practices. By bringing the body of those who suffer from the humanitarian violence, I question what would happen if R2P were in fact for a universal. My argument is that, by claiming for a universal while it differentiates between those that provide protection, those that are protected, those that could be protected but suffered the collateral damages of the humanitarian violence, and those that cannot be protected, the discourse of R2P performs in the constitution of these distinct subjectivities.

理性概念所具備的統一性特徵在傳統的形上學背景之下表現為一種普遍的統一學說，然而這樣的論點在當代受到很大的挑戰，當代思想中很多都表現為一種多元主義的立場，對於理性統一性的論點多有批判。於是乎一場一與多之間的哲學辯論就此展開。哈伯馬斯對於理性統一性有其獨特的見解，重新考慮在多元之中理性統一性的可能性。基本上哈伯馬斯採取跳脫形上學立場，不在一與多兩者間的對立為任何一方進行辯護，而是提出一種新的見解，由後形上學的立場來談在多元中理性統一性的可能性。 哈伯馬斯認為現今存在著兩類針鋒相對的觀點，一種是有鑑於當代形上學統一性的喪失而努力回歸前康德時代的形上學，另一種則是以被壓制的多元性向統一性思想提出抗議。為了要釐清其中有關一與多之間的對立與關聯，哈伯馬斯對於傳統以來一與多之間的論點提出了個人的見解，同時也對當代反對統一性的相關論點做討論，進而提出自己的看法以求一條新的解決之道，試著調和一與多之間的對立性。本論文將透過對後形上學思想趨勢的討論，說明哈伯馬斯重建理性概念的進路及其對不同立場的學者所抱持的態度。

Unter dem Begriff des Poststrukturalismus wird eine disparate, auf den Axiomen des Strukturalismus aufbauende und diese zugleich überwindende Strömung verstanden, die sowohl innerhalb der Sozial- und Kulturwissenschaften als auch in interdisziplinär organisierten Feldern wie den Gender Studies von großer Tragweite ist. Geteilt wird die Auffassung, dass kulturelle Phänomene allgemein sprachlich strukturiert sind. Seine Tendenz, unter die Oberfläche vermeintlich stabiler, monolithischer Strukturen zu schauen, qualifiziert den Poststrukturalismus für eine Anwendung auf genderwissenschaftliche Kategorien wie Weiblichkeit und Männlichkeit, deren Bedeutung nicht aus sich selbst erwächst, sondern die als Signifikate innerhalb eines (phallokratischen) Systems zu denken sind.