La guerre civile en Sierra Leone débute en 1991 et dure jusqu’en 2002.Encore aujourd’hui, les analystes sont assez partagés sur ses causes, notamment lesmotivations des rebelles du Front Révolutionnaire Uni (RUF), mouvement àl’origine des hostilités. De son entrée en Sierra Leone à nos jours, le RUF a étél’objet de plusieurs débats et critiques, tant sur son organisation que sur sesméthodes guerrières. En questionnant d’abord la capacité organisationnelle de cemouvement, la thèse a pour objet de contextualiser les arguments souvent associésavec des guerres civiles de ce type. Ils insistent sur l’absence de sens : ces conflitsillustreraient d’abord une situation de chaos total. Elles seraient aussi laconséquence de l’absence ou de la défaillance d’un État.Cette présente étude s’inscrit dans le prolongement des débats sur le RUF.Elle démontre que ce dernier n’était pas si désorganisé que ce que racontent lescommentateurs, avertis ou non. Cette opinion répandue résulte notamment d’unemédiatisation intense de son usage intensif de la violence extrême, très réellecependant. Le RUF n’était pas qu’un groupe de voleurs de diamants sanguinairesmais aussi une force assez structurée avec une logique hiérarchique claire, voireune idéologie. Grâce à ces facteurs, il a mis en place des structures lui permettantd’établir les relations de gouvernant à gouvernés avec les populations urbainessous son contrôle. Cette force rebelle a instauré un mode de gestion de lacollectivité. Cela a modifié la nature de ce groupe armé, devenu, dans les zonessous son contrôle, un « appareil administratif » civil, loin d’être toujoursperformant mais bien identifiable comme tel.En juxtaposant les interactions complexes d’une gouvernance quotidienne,la thèse met en lumière les méthodes de gouvernance du RUF et les aspects dits« normaux » de la vie dans ces villes en guerre. Elle analyse les variables de larelation entre les membres du mouvement rebelle occupant ces communes et lapopulation locale. Une fois une ville conquise, les rebelles sont obligés d’y fairequelque chose. Le RUF impose un « système administratif » instaurant un ordre devie en commun dans toute cette zone.L’étude analyse donc ces outils de la gouvernance civile, mobilisés entemps de guerre. Au cours de cet étude, plusieurs recherches de terrain en SierraLeone, ont été menées. Ces séjours sur place ont permis la réalisation de plusieursentretiens, individuels et collectifs. Ils soutiennent les idées générales exposéesdans cette thèse. / The war in Sierra Leone began in 1991 and ended in 2002. Analysts remaindivided on the question of its cause, particularly on the issue of the motivations ofthe rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF), the armed group which started thehostilities. From its entry into Sierra Leone to date; the RUF has been the subjectof much debate and criticism, both on its organization and its methods of wagingwar. By asking questions relating to the organizational capacity of the RUF, thisstudy aims to contextualize the central arguments often associated with civil warsof the Sierra Leonean kind: they insist on the absence of meaning; these conflictsillustrate a situation of chaos and/or are devoid of political reflections. They arealso the consequence of the absence or failure of a State.This present study continues these discussions in relation to the RUF, bydemonstrating that this guerilla force was not as disorganized as often portrayed,despite increased media coverage on its use of violence. The RUF was not a groupof murderous diamond thieves but also quite structured with a clear hierarchicallogic or ideology. Through this internal organisation, it set up structures toestablish governor/governed relations with urban populations under its control.The rebel force thus established a system to manage these local communities. Suchconsiderations changed the nature of the armed group in the areas under itscontrol, where it established a civil "administrative unit", far from being efficientbut identifiable as such.By juxtaposing the complex interactions of daily governance, the thesishighlights the governance practices of the RUF and the aspects that characterise"normal" life in these « war torn » towns. It analyzes the variables of therelationship between members of the rebel movement occupying these towns andthe local population. Once a town is conquered, the rebels are forced to dosomething there, an "administrative system" establishing an order of coexistence inthe whole area is imposed.The study therefore analyzes the tools of civil governance, mobilized intime of war. During this study, several field research trips to Sierra Leone, wereconducted. These trips have allowed the realization of several interviews,individual and collective. They support the general ideas presented in this thesis.

Cette thèse revient sur les caractéristiques des conflits armés éthiopiens contemporains(nature et manifestations) à partir d’une réflexion sur la trajectoire historique de l’État,héritier de l’empire construit par Ménélik II à la fin du XIXe siècle et dont les frontièresn’ont que peu varié depuis (hormis l’indépendance de l’Érythrée en 1993). L’expérienceimpériale est également à l’origine d’une perception de l’espace politique éthiopien entermes de « centre » et de « périphérie ». Perception qui demeure dominante au sein desétudes éthiopiennes, notamment dans l’étude de conflits perçus comme opposant le« centre » (assimilé à l’« État moderne ») à ses « périphéries » conquises durant la périodeimpériale (assimilées aux « sociétés traditionnelles »). La réflexion est donc construite àpartir de l’articulation des trois grands thèmes suivants : la formation de l’empire et del’État éthiopien, les conflits armés, et le thème centre-périphérie. Le thème centrepériphériese situe en effet au coeur des interprétations de la formation des empires etdes États. Le rapport entre ce deux thèmes (formation de l’État et thème « centrepériphérie») est ici reformulé à partir des notions de « secteur politique central » et de« secteur politique périphérique » (Coulon 1972). L’État est alors défini comme unprocessus historique produit par la formation (formelle, symbolique et cognitive) de cesdeux secteurs politiques central et périphérique. Ces deux secteurs interdépendants, dontles caractéristiques évoluent en fonction des reconfigurations économiques, sociales etpolitiques, sont à comprendre au sein d’un même ensemble produisant l’État éthiopien etson identité, sa nation.Cette thèse analyse donc le rapport entre la formation de ces deux secteurs politiques etles conflits armés en vue d’en offrir une grille de lecture renouvelée et dépassant lalecture dominante opposant le « centre » à ses « périphéries ». L’étude de trois régionsconflictuelles (Érythrée, Gambella, Afar) et de leur rapport à l’État éthiopien font alorsapparaître non plus une, mais trois grandes tendances de conflit (toujoursinterdépendantes et parfois cumulatives), à savoir : le conflit entre les deux secteurspolitiques, le conflit à l’intérieur du secteur politique central, et le conflit à l’intérieur dusecteur politique périphérique. Enfin, ce travail défend l’idée selon laquelle ces conflitsémanent d’une double crise de l’État éthiopien : une crise « de » l’État (remise en cause del’État éthiopien lui-même), et une crise « dans » l’État (remise en cause du régime et dugouvernement éthiopien, mais pas de l’État en lui-même). De cette double crise, héritéede la période impériale et qui éclot lors du Second règne d’Hailé Sélassié (1941-1974),dérivent les conflits éthiopiens contemporains. / This work deals with contemporary Ethiopian armed conflicts (nature and forms) out of areflexion on the state trajectory. The Ethiopian state is to be studied in the continuity ofthe empire built by Menelik II at the end of the XIXth century, whose borders haveremained almost unchanged since then (except the Eritrean independence in 1993). Theparticular perception of the Ethiopian political space studied in terms of “centre” and“periphery” is also embedded in this imperial period. A perception which remainscharacteristic of Ethiopian studies, considering the Ethiopian armed conflicts as opposinga “centre” (considered synonymous with “modern state”) to its “peripheries” inheritedfrom the imperial conquests (seen as “traditional societies”). The thesis is thus built outof these three following themes which represent the core of the reflexion: the Ethiopianempire- and state formation, armed conflicts, and the centre-periphery relation. In fact,the centre-periphery relation has been determinant in the theories dealing with empiresandstate-formation. Here, I aim at redefining the relationship between state-formationand the centre-periphery theories by using the notions of “central political sector” and“peripheral political sector” (Coulon 1972). The State shall then be considered as ahistorical process produced by the formation (formal, symbolical, and cognitive) of thesesectors. The sectors are dependent of each other and their characteristics derive fromconstant economic, social and political reconfigurations. They shall be considered in asame whole which produces the Ethiopian state and its identity, its nation.The thesis analyses the relationship between the formation of these two political sectorsand armed conflicts in order to rethink the dominant view considering conflicts as acentre conflicting against its peripheries. Illustrated by the study of three regions (whichhave been experiencing armed conflicts since the imperial period, i.e. Eritrea, Gambellaand Afar), and focusing on their constant and changing relations (formal or perceived)with the Ethiopian state, this work confirms the existence of three main conflict trends(interdependent and sometimes cumulative): the conflict between the two sectors, theconflict within the central sector, and the conflict within the peripheral sector. Finally, Iargue that the current Ethiopian conflicts derive from a dual state crisis: a crisis “of” theEthiopian state (the radical refusal of the state), and a crisis “within” the Ethiopian state(refusal of the regime or the government, but not the State itself). This dual crisisinherited from the imperial period took form during the second reign of Haile Selassie(1941-1974). The roots of contemporary armed conflicts in Ethiopia have to be situated insuch a crisis, and their continuation in its resilience.

Deux décennies après la chute de l'URSS (1991), ce mémoire propose une réévaluation de la thèse de Francis Fukuyama sur la Fin de l'Histoire, élaborée en 1989, qui postule qu'avec la chute de l'URSS aucune idéologie ne peut rivaliser avec la démocratie libérale capitaliste; et de la thèse de Samuel P. Huntington sur le Choc des civilisations, élaborée en 1993, qui pose l'existence d'un nombre fini de civilisations homogènes et antagonistes. Pourtant, lorsque confrontées à une étude approfondie des séquences historiques, ces deux théories apparaissent pour le moins relatives. Deux questions ont été traitées: l'interaction entre Idéologie et Conditions historiques, et la thèse de l'homogénéité intracivilisationnelle et de l'hétérogénéité antagoniste intercivilisationnelle. Sans les invalider complètement, cette recherche conclut toutefois que ces deux théories doivent être nuancées; elles se situent aux deux extrémités du spectre des relations internationales. La recherche effectuée a montré que les idéologies et leur poids relatif sont tributaires d'un contexte, contrairement à Fukuyama qui les pose dans l'absolu. De plus, l'étude de la Chine maoïste et particulièrement de la pensée de Mao Zedong montre que les traditions politiques locales sont plus hétérogènes qu'il n'y paraît au premier abord, ce qui relativise la thèse de Huntington. En conclusion, les rapports entre États sont plus dynamiques que ne le laissent penser les thèses de Fukuyama et de Huntington. / The central purpose of this research is a revaluation, two decades after the 1991 demise of the USSR, of Francis Fukuyama's 1989 "End of History" theory, which postulates that with the fall of the USSR no major ideology is a challenger to the domination of liberal capitalist democracy; and of Samuel P. Huntington's 1993 "Clash of Civilizations" theory that postulates the existence of a finite number of antagonistic homogeneous civilizations. When confronted with the actual unfolding of historical events, these two absolute and uncompromising theories appear increasingly relative. Two questions were researched: the interaction between Ideology and Historical conditions in the case of Fukuyama, and that of the presupposed Intra-civilizational homogeneity and Inter-civilizational antagonistic heterogeneity. This research, not dismissing them totally, comes to the conclusion that they constitute the two opposite poles of a continuum that encompass most types of interactions between polities. First, this thesis comes to the conclusion that ideologies and their relative weight are part of a broader picture rather than absolutes in themselves, as Fukuyama argues. Furthermore, the study of Maoist China and especially of the thoughts of Mao Zedong strongly suggests the heterogeneity of political traditions locally, contrary to Huntington's thesis. In other words, interactions between polities seem more dynamic than the simplistic linear approaches of Fukuyama and Huntington.

Il tribalismo costituisce una caratteristica intrinseca delle società mediorientali, concorrendo insieme a cultura araba e religione islamica a comporne l’identità. In Iraq, da sempre, il tribalismo ha costituito sia una struttura organizzativa ed una modalità di relazione sociale, che una dinamica di potere. Durante il Mandato britannico e la monarchia, la manipolazione politica di cultura e strutture tribali ha rafforzato la legittimazione del governo; nella fase repubblicana, con l’emergere delle forze armate quale principale attore politico e l’impatto con la modernità, il tribalismo si è trasformato pur rimanendo radicato nella società. Nella fase iniziale del regime ba’thista, la cultura tribale è stata combattuta essendo considerata un retaggio arcaico. Senonchè, con le difficoltà legate alla guerra con l’Iran, l’invasione del Kuwait e il successivo embargo, il regime di Saddam Hussein sfruttò proprio il tribalismo sia come dinamica di presa e controllo del potere che come collante propagandistico e sociale. Nel vuoto politico seguito al crollo del regime, le tribù riemersero come “campo di battaglia” tra insurgency e forze della Coalizione. Con il Surge americano e la nascita della Sahwa quale reazione allo stragismo jihadista, le tribù hanno impresso una svolta che ha salvato il paese dalla guerra settaria. Anche al Maliki ha saputo abilmente avvantaggiarsi del fenomeno tribale. Oggi le tribù continuano a rappresentare sia una constituency imprescindibile per ogni partito politico, che una diversificata e trasversale forza politica attiva. / Tribalism is an intrinsic character of Middle Eastern’s societies, as it contributes, together with Arab culture and Islamic religion, to shape their identity. In Iraq, since ever, tribalism constituted an organizational structure and a pattern of social relations, as well as dynamic of power’s exercise. Under the British Mandate and the Monarchy, politic manipulation of tribal’s culture and structures strengthened government’s legitimation; during the Republican period, as the Army emerged as main political driver and the influence of Modernity, tribalism transformed itself even if its presence into the society was still very strong. In the initial phase of Ba’thist’s regime, tribal culture was opposed, since it was considered as an obsolete heritage. But, facing the difficulties stemming from the war with Iran, the invasion of Kuwait and the embargo, the regime of Saddam Hussein exploited tribalism as a dynamic of power’s control, as well as propaganda and social bond. In the political void ensuing to the collapse of the regime, the tribes surfaced as “battlefield” between insurgency and Coalition’s Forces. American Surge and the tribes’ intervention in the Sahwa, as a reaction to jihadist’s bloodbath, avoided a sectarian civil war. Also al Maliki was able to exploit the tribal system. Nowadays, tribes are still an invaluable constituency for every political party, as well as diversified and a cross-parties political force.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukrainian society faced a new reality. The new reality involved consolidation and transformation of collective identities. The reinvigoration of national identity led to a change in the emphasis on how the past was dealt with – many things which were regarded as negative by the Soviet regime became presented as positive in independent Ukraine. The war-time nationalist movement, represented by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), became one of the re-configured themes of history. While most of the studies of memory of the OUN and UPA concentrated on the use of this history by nationalist parties, this study goes beyond the analysis and scrutinizes the meaning of this history in nation- and state-building in relation to memory work realized on the small-scale regional and local levels. Moreover, this book focuses not only on the “producers” of memory, but also on the “consumers” of memory, the area which is largely understudied in the field of memory studies. Drawing on studies about post-colonial subjectivities and theories of remediation developed in memory studies, this book explores the changes in memory culture of contemporary Ukraine and examines the role of memory in producing new meanings under the rapidly changing conditions after the collapse of the Soviet Union up to 2014. The book contributes to the studies of memory culture in post-Communist countries as well as to the studies of society in contemporary Ukraine.

隨著世界各國在民主化後對重新審視、扭轉過去壓迫性政權作為的嘗試，近年來以臺灣史料為題材的研究中，以轉型正義為主題的論文也有逐漸增加的趨勢。不過多數研究習慣將視野集中於國民黨來臺後的族群歧視、整個國家退守臺灣後基於反共／防共的白色恐怖對人權的侵害、或是臺灣政治民主化後的補償與歷史正義，相對少有探討臺灣戰後初期對日本統治的反省內容，同時也缺乏比較性地跨越不同政權統治時期，嘗試從外來政權如何統治社會與汲取資源方式的角度，研究國家建構如何影響轉型正義主張與行動的作品。 　　相較先行研究，本論文以從日本殖民時期以至戰後初期的臺灣與朝鮮為研究對象，指出日本對新領土的國家建構工程使兩地在戰後初期都出現了轉型正義的行動與主張，而兩地在遭受殖民前與殖民期間發展出的共同體意識、社會成員處境、和殖民者建構國家的手段與過程均影響了兩地轉型正義的內容與強度；而兩地在戰後分別受到外來政權統治，再次出現國家意圖控制社會的國家建構行為，使兩地原有的轉型正義主張遭到壓抑－在臺灣，新統治者與臺灣社會認定的犯過錯者結合，以自己的轉型正義標準壓制臺灣人的權利和對政權的批判，臺灣人因此重新審視共同體界線；朝鮮／韓國對民族獨立與犯過錯者的究責要求則一直未滅，然而新統治者與其後繼者為了穩定政權，出現了無視社會要求，以新標準區別敵人並阻礙轉型正義的情形，最後，戰後初期統治兩地的新政權皆為其國家建構目的犧牲了社會的轉型正義要求，同時製造了新的不正義。 / With countries of the world tried to review and redress doings oppressive regimes did in the past after democratization, the number of theses topic on transitional justice by studying Taiwan historical resources increases recently. However, most of the researches focus on ethnic discriminations after Kuomintang seized Taiwan, human right violation and persecution in white terror era, and redress or historical justice after political democratization. There come relatively fewer discussions on reflections on Japanese rule in early post war Taiwan, and lack of comparative, cross-regime works try to explain how state-building influenced transitional justice ideas and actions, by applying viewpoint that different alien regimes carry out ruling and extraction resources from society. 　Compared with former researches, I adopt the era Taiwan and Korea under Japanese colonization to early post war period as research subjects. I first point out Japanese state-building crafts brought out transitional justice ideas and actions in early post war Taiwan and Korea, different development degrees of community imagines, situation of society members, means and process colonizers took to build state before and in the colonial period made postwar transitional justice different in the two places. Next I point out new alien regimes befell post war Taiwan and Korea, new state-building process came out once again, and transitional justice was repressed. In Taiwan, new rulers built a patron-client relationship with local wrongdoers, they put Hanjian accusation standard on Taiwanese, suppress their political right and critique, and therefore Taiwanese started to review the boundary of community. In Korea, desires to nation independence and punish wrongdoers never faded, however, post war rulers ignored society requests and used new standard to mark new enemy within, blocked transitional justice for stable regime. At last, regimes ruled Taiwan and Korea in early post war days sacrificed society requests for transitional justice, instead by pursuit of state-building goals, and brought out new injustice.

En dépit de sa complexité analytique, la situation sécuritaire de la Corne de l’Afrique peut être soumise aux outils de la Science politique afin de mieux comprendre les interactions entre les différents acteurs. Cette recherche s’efforce d’analyser les ressorts d’une équation sécuritaire qui peut paraître insoluble : le régionalisme est-il aujourd’hui un prérequis à l’émergence d’une paix régionale ? Pour répondre à cette question il est nécessaire de comprendre quels rôles jouent les processus sécuritaires régionaux (régionalisation et régionalisme) dans la construction des États de la Corne de l’Afrique. Cette étude s’efforce d’étudier les interactions entre le régionalisme, fondement de l’architecture de paix et de sécurité continentale, la régionalisation des conflits, qui semble à l’oeuvre dans cette région, et les processus de construction/formation de l’État. Les rapports entre les trois termes de l’équation dépendent du contexte et des interactions entre les différentes entités composant la région (États, acteurs non étatiques qui se dressent contre eux ou négocient avec eux et acteurs extérieurs). Deux types de dynamiques sont mises en évidence au terme de cette étude : l’une endogène, l’autre exogène. Dans la première, nous constatons que les conflits participent à la formation de l’État. Ils sont en grande partie des conflits internes et montrent qu’il existe une crise dans l’État. Ces États dominent le processus de régionalisme qui tente de réguler la conflictualité régionale avec un succès relatif puisque les organisations régionales cherchent à renforcer ou reconstruire l’État selon les critères idéalisés de l’État wébérien vu comme source d’instabilité. Le processus exogène se caractérise par le rôle des conflits régionaux dont l’existence sert de justificatif au développement et au renforcement du régionalisme, perçu comme la réponse la plus appropriée à ces problèmes de conflictualités. Cette conflictualité a pour source l’État car celui-ci est perçu comme faible. Le régionalisme permettrait de renforcer les États et diminuerait leurs velléités de faire la guerre. / In spite of its analytical complexity, the security context in the Horn of Africa may be submitted to the Political Science’ tools in order to better understand the complex interactions between the various actors. The present research thus seeks to analyze the mechanism underlying what appears as an unsolvable security problem: is regionalism a prerequisite for the emergence of a regional peace? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to understand the role of regional security processes (regionalization and regionalism) in the state formation and state building of the Horn of Africa’s states. This study endeavours to explore the interactions between regionalism, which are inherent in the creation of an African peace and security architecture, the regionalization of conflict, which seems at work in this area, and construction/formation state process. The relationship between the three terms of this equation depends on the context and interactions between the various entities that make up the region (states, non-state actors that stand against them or negotiate with the states and external actors). This study thus reveals two kinds of dynamics at play: an endogenous process and an exogenous one. In the first one conflicts are involved in the formation of the state and are largely internal conflicts. It demonstrates that there is a crisis in the state States dominate the regionalism process which tries to regulate regional conflit with relative success because regional organizations seek to strengthen or rebuild the state according to the idealized criteria of the Weberian State seen as a source of instability. The exogenous process is characterized by the role of regional conflicts whose very existence serves to justify the development and the strenghtening of regionalism thus perceived as the most appropriate answer to those security problems. States are the source of conflicts because they are perceived as weak. Regionalism would strengthen states and reduce the inclination of states to make war.

La thèse vise à examiner les politiques d'aide au développement de l'Union européenne (UE) et leur impact sur les conditions politiques, économiques, sécuritaires et sociales dans le Territoire palestinien occupé (TPO). De plus, elle vise à répondre à la question de savoir si ces politiques ont concrètement contribué à la construction d'une économie palestinienne solide conduisant à l'établissement d'un État palestinien, ou si elles étaient seulement des politiques destinées à protéger un processus de paix, délabré en permanence, et à maintenir le statu quo de l'occupation tout en répondant aux exigences de survie de la population palestinienne. L'étude met en lumière l'évolution de la politique d'aide européenne au peuple palestinien en accordant de l'intérêt à l'évolution de la politique étrangère de l'UE envers le conflit palestino-israélien et aux institutions en charge de la coopération au développement avec les pays tiers au sein de l'Union. La présente recherche a pour objet l'aide accordée par l'UE aux Palestiniens pour la période s'étendant de 1993 à 2014. Elle met en évidence un ensemble de résultats, dont le plus important est que cette aide a joué un rôle éminent afin d'éviter l'effondrement de l'Autorité nationale palestinienne (ANP) et d'aider le peuple palestinien. Elle s'est diversifiée au cours des années, en quantité et en qualité, afin de s'adapter à la situation politique, économique et humanitaire dans le TPO. Elle a contribué aux réformes réussies effectuées par l'ANP dans plusieurs secteurs, et elle a davantage soutenu les plans nationaux palestiniens de développement. Pourtant, cette aide n'a réussi ni à freiner les politiques de dé-développement pratiquées systématiquement par l'occupation, ni à mettre de la pression sur Israël. Cette recherche souligne que cette aide ne réalisera pas ses objectifs, notamment celui de l'établissement d'un État palestinien viable coexistant avec l’État d'Israël en paix et en sécurité, tant que l'UE n'utilisera pas son pouvoir économique et ne transformera pas sa rhétorique en actions concrètes sur le terrain. / The study aims to examine the policies of development aid of the European Union (EU) and their impact on the political, economic, security and social conditions in the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT). In addition, it seeks to answer the question whether these policies have helped to build a strong Palestinian economy leading to the establishment of a Palestinian state, or if they were only policies to protect the peace process, permanently dilapidated, and maintain the status quo of the occupation while meeting the basic requirements of survival of the Palestinian population. The study highlights the evolution of the European political support to the Palestinian people by highlighting the evolution of EU foreign policy towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the institutions responsible for the development cooperation with third countries within the Union. This research relates to the aid granted by the EU to the Palestinians for the period extending from 1993 to 2014. It highlights a set of results, the most important is that this aid has played a prominent role in avoiding the collapse of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) and in helping the Palestinian people. It has diversified over the years, both in quantity and quality, to fit the political, economic and humanitarian situation in the OPT. It contributed to the successful reforms carried out by the PNA in several sectors, and has further supported the Palestinian national development plans. However, this aid has not succeeded to curb the de-development policies systematically practiced by the occupation or to put pressure on Israel. This research underlines that this aid will not achieve its objectives, including that of the establishment of a viable Palestinian state coexisting with the State of Israel in peace and security, as long as the EU does not use its economic power and does not turn its rhetoric into concrete action on the ground.

The topic of this thesis is design and evaluation of the bridge structure. Three variants of bridging were created, among which the variant with prestressed girder deck and seven spans was chosen to detail processing. The bridge construction is built on sliding steel girder in several stages. Construction is evaluated considering the ultimate serviceability state and ultimate limit state. Emphasis is also on evaluation of construction stages. The calculation of load effects and analysis of building in stages was done in Scia Engineer 19.1 software. Design and evaluation were done according to currently valid European standards.

This case study is the first comprehensive analysis of the German Democratic Republic’s activities in South Yemen, the only Marxist state in the Arab World and at times the closest and most loyal ally to the Soviet Union in the Middle East during the Cold War. The dissertation analyzes East German Foreign Policy as a case of Socialist state- and nation-building and in doing so produces one major hypotheses: The case of South Yemen may be considered both, an ‘exceptional case’ and the possible ‘ideal type’ of the ‘general’ of East German foreign policy and thus points to what the GDR’s foreign policy could have been, if it hadn’t been for the numerous restraints of East German foreign-policy-making. The author critically engages with the normative and empirical dimensions of the ‘Limits of Foreign Policy’ by including a constructivist perspective of foreign policy. Apart from the case study itself, the dissertation provides the reader with a thorough overview of forty years of East German foreign policy with a focus on the interests and influence of The Soviet Union as well as the first introduction and methodological approach to East Germany's foreign policy in the Middle East. The empirical side of the analysis rests on archival documents of the German Foreign Office, the German National Archive and the former Ministry of State Security of the GDR. These documents are reviewed and published for the first time and are complemented by personal interviews with contemporary witnesses. The interdisciplinary approach integrates and expands methods of both History and Political Science, applicable to other cases. Conducted research is intended to contribute to academic discourse on South Yemen’s unique history, divided Germany’s role in the Cold War, East German foreign policy, but also the long-term impact of Socialist foreign-policy-making in the Global South which so far has been neglected almost completely in academia. / Graduate / miriam.mueller@fu-berlin.de