潛水是網路社群中的普遍行為，並且潛水者常為網路社群中的多數，通常潛水者從社群中獲取得多，但卻貢獻得少，雖然對於整體社群無害，但對於網路社群的貢獻卻相當有限，無助於整體社群的發展與成長。因此，如何激發潛水者更積極參與互動討論，樂於貢獻一己之力，對於網路社群的發展甚為關鍵。特別是在數位學習環境中，更應該積極發展有效激發潛水者策略，以促進潛水者更積極參與社群互動討論的意願，提昇整體社群合作學習動力。而透過讓潛水者感受到自己參與社群互動的重要，提昇潛水者的社會知覺，是否有助於激發潛水者表現出更積極的互動行為，值得進行深入的探討。 因此，本研究基於提昇潛水者的社會知覺，於問題導向學習環境中發展「社會互動排名」與「學習夥伴推薦」激勵機制，以探究其對於激發潛水者在社群互動之「討論區與訊息區的文章張貼篇數及內容層次」、「四階段問題導向學習閱讀心得寫作成效」，以及學習社群中的「網路密度」、「網路直徑」、「中心度」。除此之外，也探究「外向－內向」、「人際和諧－人際問題」、「信任感－迫害感」等基本人格特質，是否與潛水者被激發與否的成效有關，進而歸納激發潛水者的具體有效策略。 研究結果顯示，具「社會互動排名」與「學習夥伴推薦」激勵機制之問題導向學習平台，對於提昇社群討論互動以及學習成效具有正向顯著效益；激勵機制確實能有效激發潛水者，降低潛水情形，並且實施激勵機制對於凝聚整體學習社群網絡亦具有正向的效用。 / Lurking is a common behavior in the network community, and lurkers often take the majority in the network community. They often get more from the community, but give less to it. To the whole community, although it doesn’t do any harm, the contribution they make to the network community is so limited, which can’t help the development and growth of the entire community. Therefore, it is quite crucial for the development of the network community about how to motivate the lurkers to participate in the interactive discussion and contribute to the community actively. Especially in the digital learning environment, it should actively develop the strategies to motivate the lurkers effectively, so as to promote the willingness of the lurkers to participate in the interactive discussion of the community more actively. In this way, it can improve the driving force of the cooperative learning in the community. It deserves deep exploration about whether it can help to motivate the lurkers to present more active behaviors in the interaction by making them feel important to participate in the community interaction and improving their social awareness. Therefore, based on the purpose of improving the social awareness of the lurkers, this study develops the motivation mechanism of “social interaction ranking” and ” learning partner recommendation” in the learning-oriented environment to explore the effects of motivating the lurkers in the community interaction, such as “the number and content levels of the articles posted in the forum and bulletin board”, “writing effects of the four-stage problem-based learning and reading”, as well as the “network density”, “network diameter” and “concentration” in the learning community. Besides, it also discusses whether the basic personality is correlated to the effect of motivating the lurkers, including “introversion-extraversion”, “interpersonal problems- interpersonal harmony”, “sense of persecution- sense of trust”, so as to further summarize the concrete and effective strategies of motivating the lurkers. The study results show the problem-based learning platform with the motivation mechanism of “social interaction ranking” and ” learning partner recommendation” show positive and significant benefits to improve the social discussion interaction and learning effect. Moreover, the motivation mechanism system is proven to motivate the lurkers and reduce the lurking situation effectively, and the practice of the motivation mechanism system has positive effect on the cohesion of the whole learning community.

本文之目的在於探討冷戰後時期「中俄戰略協作夥伴關係」（Sino-Russian Partnership of Strategic Coordination）對戰略三角政治互動的意涵及其對台海安全的可能影響與衝擊。本文將以「系統理論研究途徑」（System Theory Approach）作為中心分析概念架構（central organizing concept）進行研究分析。 冷戰結束後，隨著蘇聯解體，冷戰時期的兩極格局已不復存在，大國之間的關係實行了相對的調整。在新的國際格局中，中國與俄羅斯兩國基於遏制「北約東擴」和防止「美日安保」條約的圍堵（Containment），雙方除了極力倡導多極化國際體系外，並進一步建立「戰略協作夥伴關係」，冀由強化雙邊的多層面關係，來共同對抗「美國霸權」局面。 中俄戰略協作夥伴關係之建立為新世紀中、俄兩國關係的發展奠定了良好基礎。10年來，中俄關係發展相當順利。1992年-2001年，中俄關係的發展，連續上了四個台階，這就是:（一）92年「互視為友好國家關係」;（二）94年「建設性夥伴關係」;（三）96年「戰略協作夥伴關係」。在此以後，中俄戰略協作夥伴關係在實踐中不斷得到充實和發展。（四）2001年7月中俄雙方簽署了一份歷史性文件「中俄睦鄰友好合作條約」（China-Russia Good-neighborhood, Friendship and Cooperation Treaty），標誌雙方關係又進入一個新的發展階段。 在冷戰時期，中國、蘇聯與美國的戰略三角關係是影響國際政治變動的主要因素。蘇聯解體後，中俄關係發生重大變化，兩國已建立一個面向二十一世紀的戰略協作夥伴關係。作為冷戰後時期的世上唯一超強，美國非常關注中俄軍事合作面向之擴大。對美國而言，中國與俄羅斯為其全球戰略部署兩個最重要的國家，它們的重要性是因為它們的幅員、經濟潛力和軍事力量。其中最值得注意的是，中俄雙方在軍事和技術層面的合作，包括俄羅斯對中國的軍售。美國擔心中俄發展戰略協作夥伴關係，會導致中國軍力的增強，以及亞太區域「權力平衡」（Balance of Power）之改變。 本文認為，中俄戰略協作夥伴關係，就短程而言: 中俄「戰略匯合」（the Strategic Convergence between China and Russia）將使中俄在「政治」、「經濟」、「軍事」、「外交戰略」等合作面向獲得若干程度的「實質利益」（substantial interests）。同時中俄戰略協作夥伴關係之條約化將對美國在亞太區域戰略地位造成影響，從而衝擊到台海均勢與安全。然而，就長程而言: 未來中俄戰略協作夥伴關係發展，顯然仍有其「地緣政治」、「歷史上陰影」因素之侷限。 關鍵字: 中國、俄羅斯、系統理論分析途徑、現實主義、 國家利益、戰略三角互動、中俄戰略協作夥伴關係 / The purpose of this study is to explore the impact of the“Sino-Russian Partnership of Strategic Coordination” in the Post Cold War Era, on the strategic triangle politics and its implication for the security and balance of power across the Taiwan Straits. In this thesis, the “System Theory Approach” will be the central organizing concept, applied to the analysis. After the Cold War, the bi-polar system has been broken since the collapse of the USSR. Relations among great powers were adjusted accordingly. PRC and Russia initiated multi-polar system and become“Partnership of Strategic Coordination ” to resist the “American hegemony” It has laid a solid foundation for the development of Sino-Russian relations in the new century. In the past ten years, Sino-Russian relations witnessed a smooth progress. From 1992-2001, the relations progressed from“Friendly neighbors” to “Constructive partnership” to“Partnership of strategic coordination”. Since then,“China-Russia Good-neighborhood, Friendship and Cooperation Treaty”signed by the PRC and the Russia Federation in July 2001, marked a new era in the development of bilateral relations. The Sino-Soviet-US triangular relations were the most dominant factor which affected the change of international politics in the Cold War period. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Sino-Russian relations have developed to a certain degree that the two countries have established a strategic partnership aimed at the 21st century. As the sole world super power, the United States is wary of Expanded Sino-Russian military cooperation. For the US, China and Russia are the two most important countries in the world. Their importance is derived from their size, their economic potential, and their military power. The US is much concerned about the development of Sino-Russian Strategic relations which may lead to a buildup of China’s military power and a change of Asia-pacific “Balance of Power”. It is believed in this study that,“Sino-Russian Partnership of Strategic Coordination,” in the short term: “The Strategic Convergence between China and Russia,” China and Russia will gain to some degree the substantial interests from the bilateral cooperation, such as “Political” ,“Economic ”,“Military”,“Foreign Policy Strategy.”At the same time, the stipulation of the mechanism of Chinese-Russo partnership in the treaty will create impact on the US strategic position in the Taiwan Straits and security of Taiwan. Nevertheless, in the long term: In the future, the development of” Chinese-Russo strategic partnership” still has its limits in the terms of “Geopolitical” and “ Historical Shadow” conditions. Key word: China, Russia, System Theory Approach, Realism, National Interest, Strategic Triangle Interaction, Sino-Russian Partnership of Strategic Coordination

本論文針對冷戰結束以來的十六年間，美國政府對中共角色與關係之定位，欲探討的問題具體言之是「為什麼美國政府再一九八九年以來，對中共的關係定位會在『戰略夥伴』與『戰略對手』間發生擺盪」。本論文首先指出，理性主義雖是解釋國際關係時較慣用的工具，然而不論新現實主義、新自由制度主義均無法對此研究主題提供一套有系統的解釋；本論文繼而發現，建構主義雖承繼部分理性主義的決策模式概念，卻能對上述關係定位變動做出系統性的詮釋。 本論文共計六章：第一章通盤概述研究的動機、目的、方法，並闡明整個主題架構及限制條件。第二章勾勒出老布希、柯林頓、小布希政府對中共關係定位的變化，完成本論文的「描述分析」，作為整體論述之背景。第三章依循理性主義觀點，發現新現實主義無法解釋何以美國在「確保相對收益」的考量下會與中共採取合作；再者，按照新自由制度主義「開創絕對收益」的邏輯，卻與美國視中共為戰略對手，並陷入人權、貿易、台灣議題等爭議的情況不相符。第四章介紹建構主義的主要論點，並針對何以選定溫特的主流建構主義提出解釋，再逐一檢視建構主義的本體論、認識論、方法論、世界觀。第五章依循國際權力架構、理念等兩大參考點，驗證建構主義之解釋力。發現「亞太扇型戰略」、「多層次統一戰線」、「新保守主義」、「攻勢現實主義」等理念，是美國政府為美、「中」關係定位的重要因素。從世界觀的角度切入，如果是霍布斯的文化架構，中共會被美國視為「戰略對手」；如果是康德的文化架構，中共會被美國視為「戰略夥伴」；如果是洛克的文化架構，美國會在接觸中保持戒慎。第六章為結論，認為儘管建構主義提供一個較寬闊的解析平台，但建構主義與理性主義並非必然相斥，尋求兩個典範之整合，乃成為本研究針對後續研究所提出的建議事項之一。 / This thesis addresses an issue regarding the US Government’s identification of the Chinese role as well as the bilateral relations between the two states during the past sixteen years ever since the end of the Cold War. It deals specifically with the following question: why the US administrations since 1989 have shuttled their identification of China between a strategic partner and strategic competitor? It firstly argues that rationalism, as conventionally an explanatory tool in IR, proves insufficient to provide a set of consistent answer. Unsatisfied, this thesis continues its argument that the question brought forth at the beginning can be effectively resolved, or interpreted, by constructivism, despite the constructivist rationale may not necessarily render rational choice model utterly invalid in this case. Structurally speaking, Chapter One gives a brief with respect to the whole thematic structure inclusive of purpose of the study mentioned above and research limitations. Chapter Two demonstrates an effort of descriptive study as a set of background information by sketching out different phases of identification about relations with China that have been harbored by successive US administrations from President Bush Sr., Clinton to Bush Jr.. Chapter Three can be seen as an account of this thesis’ trying effort to explore the question per se from the rationalist perspective. The findings in Chapter Three are as follows: Neo-realism fails to explain why the US, premised upon concern of relative gains, would have cooperation with China. Neo-liberal institutionalism, following the logic of maximization of absolute gains, is inconsistent with an answer to the question of why the US would not given in on the issues of human rights and trade deficits. The above findings are suggestive. They open up the need for this thesis to observe the Sino-US diplomatic interactions from a social perspective in IR, i.e., constructivism. Chapter Four ushers in main points of constructivism. Two arguments are therefore in order. First, it gives a justification for the choice of the mainstream of constructivism in IR advanced by Alexander Wendt. Second, to suit the purpose of this research, it funnels the ontological, epistemological, methodological arguments, world views raised by the constructivist school and thrashes out two reference points—world power structure and ideation—for further observations. Chapter Five brings up the main body of the argument. It argues that a series of ideas such as A Fan-mode Strategic Concept in Asia Pacific, Multi-layer United Front, Neo-conservatism and Defensive Realism have been influential on the US identification of the relations with China. They in turn strike an image of Sino-US bilateral relations reflective of three kinds of culture distinguished by constructivists. In Hobbes’ terms, China can be seen as a strategic competitor. In Kant’s, China is a strategic partner. In Locke’s, the US is engaged but remains sceptical. Chapter Six is the concluding part. It goes beyond the phenomena and moves into the theoretical realm by arguing that, although constructivism offers a broader analytic platform, rationalism and constructivism need not be exclusive. That much room for integration of the two paradigms becomes one of the recommendations for further researches.

冷戰結束改變歐洲的政治和戰略版圖，歐洲與俄羅斯希望在後冷戰時期建立多極體系，避免以美國為主的單極體系出現，雙方在經濟與政治上逐步發展伙伴合作關係，希望削弱美國在歐陸的影響力，並增強雙方在國際上的競爭力。然而，歐俄間在北約東擴、歐盟東擴、車臣問題、加里寧格勒問題上又存在許多衝突。因此，後冷戰時期歐俄雙邊主要特徵如下：既競爭又協調、既爭奪又合作、既對抗又妥協。本文欲針對以下幾個問題加以討論： 1.後冷戰時期使歐盟與俄羅斯改變過去的敵對狀態發展合作關係的因素為何？ 2.目前歐盟與俄羅斯的合作關係為何？ 3.影響歐俄合作關係的變數為何？ 本文主要採用歷史研究法、內容分析法與理性選擇分析法等三種方法來進行研究，並且運用現實主義的理論分析後冷戰時期歐俄建構合作關係的成因，以新功能主義的觀念解釋歐俄從經濟的合作逐漸轉為政治的合作的歷程、並且以新自由制度主義的理論討論歐俄合作機制的架構。本論文由五個章節組成：第一章緒論、第二章歐盟與俄羅斯的關係、第三章歐盟與俄羅斯合作關係之評估、第四章影響未來歐盟與俄羅斯合作關係之變數、第五章結論。

企業參與公益的趨勢由傳統單純地捐款，發展到將公益參與與企業經營策略 結合，改變了過去企業與非營利組織單純的贊助與受助的互動關係；企業進一步地將公益參與的社會目的與企業營運的商業目的在策略上結合。相對而言，非營利組織在長期缺乏資源的挹注下，如能獲得企業穩定且長期的承諾與參與，將有助於紓緩資源籌措的困境。企業與非營利組織在選擇合作過程中，其評估的指標為何？而當非營利組織與企業合作結盟後，影響其發展合作關係的重要因素又有那些？在不同發展階段的非營利組織與企業的合作是否也展現了不同型態的夥伴關係？非營利組織與企業是否真能形成權力、義務相稱的夥伴關係？一個長期的合作關係，對互動的雙方產生了那些預期與非預期的效益或影響？因此本研究選定了金融機構與非營利組織長達十一年的合作活動--「花旗聯合勸募」活動，透過個案研究法，以文獻探討、次級資料分析與深度訪談等資料收集與分析，試圖對以上的問題整理出答案或樣貌。 本研究以理論探討與實務資料的分析，分別就二個層次來探討長期合作的個 案活動中的夥伴關係：第一個層次是了解非營利組織的發展階段以及企業在公益參與的理念下，不同階段所展現的不同夥伴關係；同時引用學者Austin(2000)經實務驗證所提出的夥伴關係建構觀點，檢核本個案中不同階段的合作關係；並以合作結盟的驅動力為「長」、合作結盟的促進因素為「寬」、合作結盟的價值建構為「高」，嘗試將不同階段的合作關係予以具體的表現，透過了「長」、「寬」、「高」三構面的要素滿足程度予立體圖示化。由立體推疊的圖示看出，不同階段中互動雙方所展現出一連串的動態過程。第二個層次則是將抽象思維的行銷策略，透過不同階段的具體行銷組合的執行與成效，瞭解在不同階段中的雙方在個案活動中的投入以及互動雙方的夥伴關係之具體體現。 經過本研究的資料整理與探究的過程中確實發現：合作結盟的趨動力、合作 結盟的促進因素與雙方價值的建構與滿足，乃是夥伴關係中重要的三大構面且互為影響。而本個案的行銷類型可說是融合、運用服務行銷、理念行銷及組織行銷等特質。不同階段雖採行了不同的行銷組合，本個案活動的重要行銷策略可歸納為：以名人代言法引起關注並增加公眾信心、以贈品策略引發動機、以利他主義與資源有效運用的行銷理念支撐行銷組合、以行銷研究與捐款者調查成為擬定策略的基礎。 而對於這樣長達十一年以上的合作夥伴關係的效益包括了：對企業帶來了良 好的社會形象建立、創造企業員工與客戶對公益活動的的參與及擁有感、落實企業對公益活動的影響；以及隨著非營利組織的成熟與能力提昇，企業也透過公益夥伴的投入拓展了與在潛在顧客的接觸、贏得在不同於商業報導的管道上露出及透過公益夥伴所聯結的名人資源等，對其社會資本的累積有所助益。而對非營利組織則帶了增加實踐使命的資源、為非營利組織帶來組織能力的營造、增強組織的知名度與信譽、開拓潛在捐款人等具體且符合期待的影響；而當非營利組織與特定企業的行銷成為典範，對非營利組織而言相對地會帶來一些開拓障礙。因此非營利組織，應隨著成功典範的建立過程中，將企業引進的專業知能內化轉變為非營利組織能力的營造，以避免對單一財務來源的過度依賴。 / The trend for the participation of corporations in philanthropy has evolved from the traditional and simpler monetary donations to the actual integration of philanthropic involvement into the operation strategy of companies. This has transformed the old grant maker-grant recipient relationship between companies and nonprofit organizations (NPOs) in the sense that now, companies combine social purpose with business operation strategies in the course of their philanthropic involvement. Conversely, the long-standing lack of resources of NPOs due to shifts in funding can be overcome if these organizations are able to secure a stable, long-term commitment of support from companies. But what should be evaluation criteria for companies and NPOs engaged in the process of identify a potential partnership? And once both parties form an alliance, what are the important factors that will influence the development of this cooperative relationship? In the course of an evolving relationship between a company and a NPO, will there be different cooperation models? Is it possible for a company and a NPO to develop a cooperative relationship that is equal in terms of authority and responsibility? What kind of expected or unexpected results or impacts a long-term cooperative relationship will produce? This research has chosen to examine a partnership between a financial institution and a NPO that stretches over eleven years: the Citibank-United Way Taiwan campaign. In order to answer the above mentioned questions, the case research method was used to collect and analyze data, and a review of literature, an analysis of secondary material and in-depth interviews were also carried out. By examining relevant theory and analyzing concrete data, this research looks at the partnership that emerged from a long-term cooperative campaign from two levels. The first level consists of understanding the partnership models that arose through the various stages of cooperation between an NPO undergoing different development phases and a company with a vision for philanthropic involvement. At the same time, the research will use the partnership building framework of Austin (2000) to examine the partnership models at the different stages in the case. By characterizing the drive for a cooperative alliance as “long-term,” the facilitating factors contributing to the cooperative alliance as ‘broad,” and the creation of value by this alliance as ‘high,” we can attempt to concretely represent the partnership models at various stages. The characteristics of ‘long-term,” ‘broad,” and “high” can provide a three dimensional diagram, which shows that across different stages of interaction, the two parties will display a series of dynamic processes. The second level will examine the abstract concept of marketing strategies through the implementation and results of concrete marketing combinations at various stages of the case. This will allow us to understand the input of each partner and the concrete performance of the partnership. Following data gathering and analysis, this research has found that the drive, the facilitating factors, as well as the creation and satisfaction of values shared by both parties in the cooperative alliance are the three most important aspects of a partnership, which also mutually influence one another. It can be said that this case uses a type of marketing that integrates and uses service marketing, idea marketing and organizational marketing. Although different marketing combinations are used at different stages of the case, the important marketing strategy of this case can be summed up as: attract attention through celebrity endorsement, increase public confidence, create incentives (for giving) by the use of a “giveaway” strategy, support this marketing combination by upholding the principles of care for others and efficient use of resources, as well as use marketing research and donor surveys as a base to develop the strategy. The benefits of this partnership, which has lasted over eleven years, include: enhance the social image of the company, create among company employees and customers a feeling of involvement and ownership towards philanthropic activities, as well as help the company achieve a visible impact through its philanthropic activities. Thanks to the increasing maturity of NPOs and their growing capacities, companies can reach out to potential customers through the involvement with a NPO partner, they can benefit from reports in media channels other than those in the business field, and they can accumulate social resources through the linkage by NPOs of famous people. For NPOs, these partnerships can bring more resources to fulfill their mission, they can develop their organizational capacities, they can increase their visibility and trustworthiness, and they can also explore new potential donors. However, when the marketing carried out by a NPO in partnership with a specific company becomes a model, this creates certain development obstacles for the NPO. Hence, during the process of establishing a successful model, NPOs must internalize the professional know-how brought by the company so that it becomes a base for the NPO’s own capacity building, and thus avoid that the organization become too dependent on a single source of funding.

2001年美國遭受921恐怖攻擊，國際貿易由著重自由化、便捷化轉而強調貿易安全，高科技貨品進出口行政管制係悠關國際貿易及供應鏈安全，益受各國關注，世界主要國家更透過國際合作強化出口管制，如世界海關組織（WCO）所倡議之「全球貿易安全與便捷之標準架構」（Framework of Standards to Secure and Facilitate Global Trade，SAFE）即為顯例。 全球化趨勢下，我國高科技貨品進出口行政管制不再是國內事務，須配合相關國際管制組織之規範實施相關管制作業，善盡地球村一份子之責任，才可避免受到國際制裁或抵制，影響我國貿易利益。 再者，處後現代時期，新保守主義興起，政府管理新思潮（如新公共管理、新治理）風起雲湧之際，各國進行政府再造工程，建構「小而能」之政府，惟國家任務雜，人民對政府之需求不斷增加，政府人力及預算有限情況下，「公協協力」、「合作國家」理念所倡導，引進私部門資源協助執行行政任務，乃成必須之選擇。本論文爰以行政法學之「合作國家」理念，析論我國高科技貨品進出口行政管制法制並提出評論與建言。 / After 921 in 2001, international trade had shifted its importance to trade security from emphasizing on trade facility. The export control of high-technology commodities involving security of global trade and supply chain, has been worldwidely raised concerns. Many countries have strengthened cooperation on export control of high-tech commodities through relevant international arrangements, for instance, “Framework of Standards to Secure and Facilitate global trade” initiated by the World Customs Organization. In globalization paradox, the export control of high-tech commodities is not only subjected to the national rule, but shall be also to comply with the relevant international regulations. Otherwise, it would be boycotted by other nations and cause damage to its trade benefits. Moreover, with neo-conservatism and emerging movement in public administration, which called “New Public Management” or “New Governance”, Governments have seek to reform in order to better meet citizens’ needs by limitation of manpower and budget. Consequently, the concept and resolutions of “Public Private Partnership” or “Cooperative State” in public administration and public law become the best option to response above mentioned conditions. In conclusion, this study attempted to analyze the legal framework of Taiwan export control of high-tech commodities with the concept of Cooperative State and tried to make suggestions and submit feasible resolutions for export control institution.

21世紀是中國的世紀。自1978年改革開放以來，以漸進式的經濟改革政策成功發展出「具有中國特色的市場經濟」型態，使得經濟成長迅速。在2010年時，中國已經領先日本躍升為僅次於美國的世界第二大經濟體，累積雄厚經濟實力的中國，綜合國力迅速從亞洲崛起。隨著經濟力量、綜合國力的提升，中國在國際的地位也水漲船高，影響力日益升高，因此，中國在對各國的經濟外交運作上更具有著力度。 中國對非洲的經濟外交已經長達半個多世紀，從改革開放前的經濟無償援助關係，到改革開放後的雙方合資合作關係，再發展到現階段互利的「新型戰略夥伴」關係，中國以本身的經濟發展進程對非洲展開階段不同的經濟外交內容。 進入21世紀，崛起的中國需要更多的原物料、能源來維持經濟成長，而天然資源豐富、石油天然氣能源相繼被發掘的非洲，正是中國所需，加深中非經濟關係為中國本世紀要務之一，「中非合作論壇〈Forum on China – Africa Cooperation—FOCAC〉」基於這種背景下應運而生，透過論壇對話平台，中非關係在政治、能源和經貿關係上快速發展。同時，中國也認真落實歷屆論壇中對非洲所宣布的各项援助措施，因此，中國在非洲的影響大幅增強，中非關係更趨緊密。 另一方面，由於全球能源稀缺，西方大國也急於涉足非洲，密切的中非關係引來「中國威脅論」及「新殖民主義」的負面評論。“新非洲爭奪戰”在遙遠的非洲悄然掀起，也間接對全球國際關係產生了影響。 / The 21st century is the century of the Chinese. Since the reform in 1978, the progressive economic reform policy has successfully facilitated the development of the “Market economy with Chinese characteristics” model, thereby allowing the economy to achieve rapid growth. In 2010, China became the world’s second largest economy, ahead of Japan and second only to the United States. Having accumulated solid economic strength, China has increased its national strength and has soared in Asia. With this new economic power, combined with the increase in national strength, China’s international influence soared and its influence continues to increase. Therefore, China’s economic diplomacy in different countries has become more intense. China’s economic diplomacy in Africa has been progressed for over half a century. From the Aid for Debt Relief before the reform and opening-up, the joint venture partnership after the reform and opening-up, to the current mutually-benefiting development of the “new strategic partnership” relationship, China has launched economic diplomacy, the content of which has been carried out in different stages in connection with China’s own economic development process. In the 21st century, China has been the rise and is in need of more raw materials and energy to sustain its economic growth while Africa with abundant natural resources and natural gas energy being discovered is exactly what China is after. One of China’s priorities in this century is to deepen its economic relations with Africa. This background has led to the establishment of a platform for open talks: Forum on China-Africa Cooperation-FOCAC has undergone political, energy, and economic and trade relations with rapid development. Meanwhile, China has earnestly implemented the various assistance measures for Africa in the previous FOCAC sessions. Thus, China’s influence has intensified and China-Africa relations have become closer. On the other hand, due to the global energy scarcity, countries in power in the west have anxiously set food in Africa. The close relationship between China and Africa has led to negative comments such as the “China Threat Theory” and “New-colonialism. The “new scramble for Africa” has been quietly set off in Africa with an indirect impact on international relations.

中共與泰國於1975年建交後，雙方關係發展漸趨密切。1999年所簽署之《中華人民共和國與泰王國關於二十一世紀合作計畫聯合聲明》，明確指出雙邊關係的發展方向，兩國不斷推進在政治、經濟、軍事、及社會等各領域之合作。本論文主要探討新世紀迄今兩國在此四項領域之關係發展。 2001年雙邊簽署關於戰略性合作的《聯合公報》，2007年簽署首份《中泰戰略性合作共同行動計畫》，2012年簽署第二份《中泰戰略性合作共同行動計畫（2012-2016）》，並發表《中華人民共和國和泰王國關於建立全面戰略合作夥伴關係的聯合聲明》，雙邊關係再創高峰。 身為東協創始會員國的一員，泰國與中共密切合作以促進東協與中共之關係，並持續為地區之和平、穩定及繁榮而努力。泰國對東協及中共採取靈活外交政策，以獲取自身政治及安全利益之考量不言而喻。 分析顯示1999年所簽署之二十一世紀合作計畫聯合聲明，的確成為拓展雙邊關係之政策指導，論文中將探討中共與泰國於新世紀初期之關係進展，並分析在此時期影響雙邊關係之相關因素。 / The relations between the People’s Republic of China and the Kingdom of Thailand have developed steadily and closely since the two countries established diplomatic ties on July 1, 1975. The signing of the joint statement on a plan of action for the 21st century in 1999 has made clear the future direction of bilateral cooperation. The two sides continued to push forward cooperation in political, economic, military and social fields. The main contention of this thesis is about the development of these four dimensions from 2000-2012. The PRC and Thailand have continuously signed the joint communique for strategic cooperation in 2001, the first joint action plan on strategic cooperation in 2007, and the second joint action plan (2012-2016) in 2012. They also signed the joint statement on establishing a comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership to further promote and greatly enhance the bilateral relations. As an original member of ASEAN, Thailand works closely with the PRC to promote ASEAN- PRC relations, and continuously contributes to peace, stability and prosperity in the entire region as well. However, it is clear that Thailand has implemented active foreign policies toward ASEAN and the PRC to achieve its political and economic interests. The analysis shows that the two sides expand their relations under the guidance of the joint statement on a plan of action for the 21st century. This thesis is to study the development of the new relations between the PRC and Thailand in the 21st Century, as well as to analyze the factors cultivating bilateral relations during this period.

「地緣政治」從字面上來看，就知道它是與地理、政治有關的課題研究，從深層的角度來看它則是以地理的宏觀思維來解釋一個國家的政治行為的科學。人與自然環境之間的關係是永久存在的，因而地理環境對人類社會總會有一定的影響和制約。中西方學者的對地緣政治地理的詮釋都不盡相同。有必要先將地緣政治理論的淵源、定義及形成的因素加以深入探討，以建構本文研究立論之基礎。 自從第二次世界大戰後所形成的兩極對抗終結後，世界各個主要國家無不針對此一新的國際環境重新思索未來的發展與相應作為，以利其在新的國際體系產生醞釀過程中，爭取國家的安全發展與最佳角色、地位及對全球之影響力。中共利用地理上海陸兼備的特色及廣大經濟市場需求的優勢，積極營造有利其爾後綜合國力發展的地緣政治環境，並已躍昇為國際多強體系中的「一極」。尤其是中國大陸位於亞太地理位置的中心，而且是目前是世界經濟增長最快的地區，尤其中國大陸乃是全球人口最多、市場需求容量最大、經濟增長速度最快的國家，若中共能夠針對其地緣政治環境之特色，因勢利導，調整因應，以海陸交鋒的地理條件採全方位輻射同步發展的模式、以優勢的文化背景吸附多數鄰國為伍、以平等互惠爭取周邊強國的支持，則其後續的發展潛力不僅能成為亞洲區域或歐亞大陸的權力主宰者，更足以挑戰美國的全球霸權地位。 基於全球經濟發展與經貿整合不可逆轉的趨勢，中共未來地緣政治發展的主軸仍然會指向經濟方面，同時透過睦鄰政策的持續推動與夥伴關係的建立，營造一個以中國大陸為核心的東亞大陸地緣政治板塊。進而藉軍事變革的力量，將解放軍改造成一支能有效執行防衛國土的地面部隊、能達到對強權嚇阻的飛彈部隊、能走出大洋的空中武力與遠海艦隊。並以「上海合作組織」及「六方會談」打擊國內的三股勢力，同時爭取東北亞區域事務的主導權；積極參與「東協」組織，在經濟上維持東南沿海的經濟整合與發展及建立可以聯繫歐洲的地緣經濟板塊，在政治上突破美國的圍堵，爭取東南亞地區政經命脈的主控權。最後是發揮「博鰲論壇」的最大影響力，建構一個真正屬於「亞洲人的亞洲」、「中國的亞洲」的地緣政治理想。 冷戰結束後，所形成的國際大環境呈現出全球化的趨勢、以合作代替對抗的國際互動模式及經濟發展的主流意識等地緣政治環境特色，對即將成長、茁壯的中共而言，無非是一種新的機遇。另一方面，中國大陸周邊地區既有美國在西太平洋、中亞地區軍事部署上的圍堵；以及周邊「三股勢力」（恐怖主義、分裂主義、極端主義）的興起，加上鄰國潛在的糾紛衝突及領土、主權、資源的爭奪等複雜交錯的危機，對中共內外環境及爾後的向外發展也會產生一定程度的制約與挑戰。中共在此機遇與挑戰相互拉扯的過程中，若能「掌握機遇，積極發展」及「厚植國力，迎接挑戰」，將在未來的地緣政治發展開創出嶄新局面。 一國的地理位置決定了它周邊安全與發展的環境，也決定了它在國際戰略格局中的地位，這是一個國家在地理上的根本特性，其影響具有恆久性。拿破崙曾說：「瞭解一個國家的地理，就可以瞭解其對外政策。」任何一個國家所面臨的利益、威脅與未來發展，都與該國的地緣位置息息相關。也就是一個國家的行為必然會受到地理的制約，為了建構符合本身利益的地緣政治環境，就必須掌握形成地緣政治的因素，充分運用地理的優勢，同時避開地理的限制，才能夠達到維護國家安全與發展之目的。總之，檢視中共在冷戰結束後所呈現的國家政治行為之目標，可歸納惟下列幾點地緣政治的戰略意涵： 一、營造「多極化」的格局－打破美國所主導的全球地緣政治格局。 二、提升大國地位－突顯中共崛起的意志與決心，並爭取對國際政治權力的分配。 三、擴大順從中共周邊的勢力範圍－強化對周邊地緣政治板塊的影響力度。 四、遏制「台獨、疆獨、藏獨」的分離勢力－維持中國大陸地緣政治內外環境的安全與穩定。 台灣的地理位置處於中國大陸的東緣，正位於東北亞與東南亞的中央樞紐地帶，這個自然地理特徵限制著台灣必須朝向南北或東面方向發展，也就是要以經營亞太地區作為發展的主要腹地。冷戰結束後中共也趁勢在亞太地區安全、政治、經濟領域中積極建構扮演主導及領航的角色，主要目的除了改善與周邊國家的關係外，就是要藉此強迫他們在台灣與中共兩邊作出明確的選擇，以達到孤立台灣的目的。此外由於中共地緣政治的發展效用，已反映出中共在國際影響力漸次上升，促使美國在現實利益的考量下，在美國、台灣、中共的三角關係中，美國選擇向中共傾斜的發展。未來在中共逐起崛起的大環境不變狀況下，美國也將被迫向中共靠攏，相對地稀釋了台灣與美國之間的關係，這將是台灣未來安全與發展的一大警訊。 冷戰結束後，隨著美蘇兩強對抗格局的消失，在全球各個區域普遍響起經濟發展及經濟整合的熱潮，在現代國際發展趨勢而言，以經濟利益為基礎的發展途徑，將能創造另一個政治、外交地緣政治新局，其中以「自由貿易區」模式的發展最具成效。預期未來「地緣經濟」勢必成為國際體系建構與發展的一個主流模式。最後來觀察陸地與海洋兩者的相互關係，陸地會對海洋構成控制的效果，海洋則對陸地產生包圍與封鎖的作用，在現代的國際政治權力環境中，它們都可以具體呈現出國家權力的所在。