141 |
韓非政治思想研究荊知仁, Jing, Zhi-Ren Unknown Date (has links)
一、韓非是戰國時代有名的攻治思想家,集先秦法家之大成,其學有足述者。韓非子
一書乃我國古代政治學名著。本文討論韓非政治學說:共分七章,約八萬餘言。第一
章至第三章為韓非行狀、時代背、景思想淵源及其學說之基礎,第四章至七章為韓非
學說之主要內容,最後附以結論,以簡單說明其學說對後代政治之影響。
二、第一章分為兩節。第一節敘述韓子之身世行並附兩點討論,以說明其為法術之士
而泰使件秦之目的及其人格。思想乃環境之產品,而政治思想必有其時代使命,故第
二節由戰國大勢、韓國的處境與政情及當時流行的思想,以說明其學說之時代背景。
三、第二章討論韓非思想之淵。源戰國是我國學術思想上之黃金時代,諸子並起,百
家爭鳴,而以儒墨道法四大學派最有勢力。在此千巖競秀、萬壑爭流的奔放時代,思
想界相互激盪,勢所難免。法家學說較晚出,韓非集法家之大成,其思想之精神與內
容,總不免含有其他學派的影響。本章第一節討論韓子學說之人物淵源,分為從政之
法家與學理之法家二目;第二節為學派淵源,分為儒道墨三家,以說明其學說淵源由
自。
四、第三章討論韓非學說之基礎,分為歷史哲學與人性論兩節。其歷史哲學的精義,
只是『論世之事,因為之傋』八個字。其目的在攻擊儒墨復古守舊的主張,而提倡變
古維新。他的人性論在說明人性之『好利惡害』,以建立其用刑賞的法治主義。
五、第四章勢論。韓子學說中的勢,乃是近代政治學中的主權。韓非主張法治,勢乃
行法的混籍,在其學說中佔有非常重要的地位。不過他主張主權在君,這種主張發揮
到極端,便造成了君主專制。
六、第五章法論,乃韓非學說之中心。共分六節,第一節至第五節討論法之意義、作
用、立法原則、行法之態度與方法及法治之目的。第六節兩點討論,在指出韓非法治
學說中立法權不能獨立與缺乏監督之力量的兩缺點。
七、第六章術論在說明韓非所言的各種治術。術乃行法之手段。全章分為六節,第一
節至第五節敘述術之內容,第六節為結論,討論術治之得失。
八、第七章刑賞與農戰,乃韓非法治主義之兩項具體政策依韓非的主張、推行法治有
賴刑賞,富國強兵有賴農戰。刑賞是手段,富強是目的。
九、結論旨在簡單說明韓非學說對於後代政治之影響。本文所曾指陳者,約有二端:
第一為集權專制,第二為漢代宰相制度。前者包括君主之至尊無上與思想上之排他獨
占兩點,後者著重於宰相之簡選。最後並說明法家思想,尤其是韓非學說盛極而衰,
在秦漢以後失去顯學之地位,不能與儒家相抗衡之原因。
|
142 |
中韓漢語雙音節詞比較研究 : 以其使用頻率比較為主 / A Comparative study on Two-Syllable Chinese words in Chinese and Korean蔡松阿, Song-A, Chai Unknown Date (has links)
本論文總共從三個方向研究中韓同形詞彙:其一為從歷史研究找出中韓文化社會與中韓同形詞之間關係及其起源歷史淵源。中韓同形詞產生之重要原因是借詞,而且此借詞產生與當時社會文化情況有緊密之關係。於是從第二章到第四章,從社會變動文化擴散的角度切入研究中韓同形詞。透過此研究,總共找出三大中韓同形詞產生之路徑,如:中國古典文獻、佛教傳播、日本漢字詞擴散。
其二為從共時研究找出中韓同形詞後,加以進行同形詞詞義比較及中韓兩國詞頻百分比比較分析。台灣教育部出版《八十七年口語語料調查報告書》蒐集的口語詞彙總共達到22,444個詞,其中雙音節詞有14,470個詞。透過分析結果,總共找出3,303個同形同素同義詞、599個同形同素部分異義詞、171個同形同素異義詞、131中韓相關異形同義詞。本論文以此研究資料,進一步分析比較中韓同形詞頻百分比,了解同一個詞彙在於不同社會中不同的使用情況。而且透過同形同義詞、同形部分異義詞及同形異義詞之間的中韓詞頻百分比比較,亦可知由於中韓之社會、文化及生活之共同點,產生了中韓同形同義詞使用之共同趨勢。
其三為找出歷史研究與共時研究之相關性。
本研究先從歷史研究切入中韓同形詞產生的淵源及原因,然後從台灣口語詞彙找出目前所使用之中韓同形詞。透過這兩方面之研究,找出以下相關幾點:
一、透過目前使用之中韓同形詞詞義比較,找出詞義演變之歷史因素及對詞義演變產生影響之中韓社會特殊情況。
二、透過中韓同形詞起源的查找,追溯它們的根源及詞彙歷史。
三、透過日本起源同形同義詞在同形同義詞詞頻排行裡的分散程度,找出詞彙起源與現代實際使用之間的相關處。
四、透過起源於中國之詞彙的詳細分類,進一步探討目前使用之佛教詞彙與白話詞彙之使用情況及使用原因。
結果可了得知關於中韓同形詞的歷史研究與共時研究之相關性。此點都在第五章詳細論述。 / A language is an essential tool for human communication and often it is the finest product of a particular society. The lexicon of a certain language, especially loan words, has a close relationship with social changes or cultural exchanges, reflecting political and socio-cultural situations.
Throughout ancient and modern history, as neighboring nations, China, Korea and Japan have had close relationships through social and cultural exchanges.
Korea and Japan imported advanced ideas and technology through China before the late 19th century, and among many other elements the Chinese language had had an absolute influence on the Korean and Japanese language systems.
However, from the late 19th century, while the influence from China dramatically decreased, Japan, which transformed itself to a modern nation-state through Westernization and industrialization, began to exercise power over Korea and China.
The lexicon of Chinese, Korean and Japanese languages provide remarkable evidence to prove those dynamic socio-cultural exchanges among the tree countries.
Particularly the Chinese homonyms existing in the lexicon of those three distinctive languages are apparent evidence.
This paper is divided into three main parts.
Firstly, the birth of loan words resulting from the cultural exchanges between China and Korea is analyzed diachronically. Chinese-originated homonyms are analyzed in terms of their different origins found in Chinese classical literature, Buddhist scriptures and colloquial Chinese. Especially loan words originating from Buddhist scriptures have unique characteristics in contrast to other common loan words. Later in the paper, the origin of the Japanese vocabulary, which influenced Chinese and Korean homonyms, will be looked at.
Secondly, 4,202 words are selected from the total of 14,470 two-syllable words in Report on Taiwanese Spoken Words Frequency, which was published from a synchronic perspective by Taiwanese Ministry of Education. Those selected words are analyzed and classified into three groups: homonymous synonyms, homonymous words with partial difference in meaning and homographs.
Thirdly, the words frequency of homonyms, commonly used both in Taiwan and Korea, is analyzed based on A Report on Korean Words Frequency published by Korea University in 2000 as well as A Report on Taiwanese Spoken Words Frequency. Through studies on origins, distribution and relationships between languages in terms of word frequency, historical origins of the vocabulary overlapping in both Chinese and Korean are analyzed in an attempt to combine synchronic and diachronic perspectives.
|
143 |
21世紀美國對東北亞安全政策之研究 / The U.S. policy toward northeast asia in 21st century劉宴慈 Unknown Date (has links)
從現實主義的觀點而言,對國際行為最有影響力的因素是安全、軍事能力、國家之間的政治聯合,及實力追求和實力平衡。美國面對東北亞安全問題,其所採取的政策反應與對區域產生的影響,是美國能否維持政策穩定的主要因素。邁入21世紀,美國面對國際情勢及東北亞局勢的變化,其所採行的東北亞安全政策是本文所欲探索的重點。
從冷戰後迄今,美國國家戰略發展的核心,以維護其自身安全、促進其經濟發展、推行民主的普世價值、維護世界與區域穩定為目標,以確保美國的霸權地位。美國實現戰略的手段乃藉全球秩序的維持,進一步實現其對全球重大資源與關鍵地帶的掌握,使美國得以取得最大的經濟發展利基,確保美國國力遙遙領先世界各國。因此,美國視海外駐軍與盟友為戰力的延伸,以作為美國外交政策運用的籌碼,進而建立一個美國所期待的世界。
本研究觀察小布希政府與歐巴馬政府,面對東北亞情勢變化,如中共崛起的壓力、北韓核武問題、遏制區域內領土等爭端時,美國以不同姿態引領各國屈從其領導,企圖形塑一個美國軍事前沿存在的藉口。美國維持在東北亞的軍事存在,其目的為抑制中共崛起,掌控朝鮮情勢變化,藉區域內聯盟國家的政治聯合,確保美國安全與經濟發展。
因此,從現實主義對權力的本質來看,美國身為全球唯一霸權,其仍將奉行現實主義學派的「強權政治」,爭取區域內各國的合作,進而掌控整個東北亞戰略利益。展望未來,美國在東北亞強化美日同盟與美韓同盟的力度將更顯突出。
|
144 |
韓愈 鱷魚文 研究 : 中國古代散文寓言性的探索 = Make a study of HanYu and E'YuWen : on fables nature in Chinese classical prose / 中國古代散文寓言性的探索;"Make a study of HanYu and E'YuWen : on fables nature in Chinese classical prose";"韓愈鱷魚文研究"李河慧 January 2005 (has links)
University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Chinese
|
145 |
韓國音樂產業全球化策略研究-以「S.M.Entertainment」為例 / A study on the globalization strategy of Korean music industry - A case of 「S. M. Entertainment」朴允善, PARK, YUNSEON Unknown Date (has links)
匯流時代來臨,内容的流傳速度愈來愈快,資訊以即時的方式傳達到世界各地。流行音樂單曲長度大於為5分鐘,相較於其它娛樂商品,音樂本身沒有語言的隔閡,因此音樂在文化產業當中,最適合數位環境,也最容易進行全球化。從音樂產業角度來看,韓國偶像團體「Super Junior」與「少女時代(Girls’Generation)」跨越亞洲,席捲歐洲市場,可説是匯流時代的成功案例。
本研究試圖借鏡韓國音樂產業的案例,找出因應匯流時代的全球化策略與關鍵因素,提供給音樂產業者,也希望本研究能夠幫助台灣音樂產業更發揚光大。
本研究以匯流、全球化及價值鏈為基礎,藉由目前在亞洲市場令人矚目的「Super Junior」與「少女時代」的經紀公司「S. M. Entertainment」(以下簡稱S. M. )案例,去分析匯流時代所帶來的全球化策略與成功因素。主要的研究方法是藉由分析韓國學者與資深記者發表的各種相關研究論文、學術季刊、書籍、新聞、雜誌、網路、影片等,來回答本研究問題,同時也進行S. M.、韓國政府及記者的深度訪談,來彌補文獻資料所帶來的侷限。
從S. M. 的案例研究,發現S. M. 首先建立獨特的培訓系統及全球化策略Culture Technology,再長期投資内容研發與跨國合作,來提高内容的品質,也具備在全球市場上的競爭力;隨著新媒體的出現,S. M. 也積極應用各種手段,加速全球化的發展。另外,S. M. 採用OSMU(One source multi-use)方式進行事業多元化及跨產業合作,不斷發掘新的收入來源。本研究也發現台灣與韓國相似,有市場規模的限制以及有全球品牌智慧型手機的大環境;音樂產業以產製為中心,發掘能吸引全中華市場的歌手;以中國作爲目標市場等共同點。因此可考慮結合兩國的優勢為合作共識,攜手成爲亞洲最合適的合作夥伴。 / Digital convergence leads to a global transformation in entertainment industry. Comparing with films or other entertainment products, music takes the advantage of short performance time for international coverage. Also, music can overcome the language barriers and become popular in global cultural industry. In South Korea, the Super Junior and Girls' Generation are successful cases in the music industry. This study tries to analyze the reasons why these two pop idol groups can become a fashion. By reflecting the global strategies for music industry in the age of convergence, this research also tries to contribute to music industry in Taiwan.
This research investigates a famous music company in South Korea, called “S. M. Entertainment”, the management company of Super Junior and Girls' Generation, examines its global strategies in the age of convergence. By interviewing S. M. Entertainment managers, the South Korea government agency and an entertainment journalist, this study gets deep interpretation for the globalization strategy of Korean music industry. Also, researcher collects secondary data by journal papers, books, newspapers, magazines, and films to triangulate the authenticity.
This study comes up with a global sourcing framework for culture technology. By sourcing local talents and building a unique incubation system, S. M. Entertainment can keep a qualified talent pool. By cooperating with global music experts and investing in music content innovation, the company can reach outstanding music intelligence globally. By innovating business model, such as “One source multi-use” (OSMU), the company can discover new opportunities by cross boundary cooperation. Taiwan’s music industry is also constrained by the market scale as South Korea. However, Taiwan has competitive technology in smart phone and in other digital technology. By leveraging the advantages of S. M. Entertainment, Taiwan’s music industry may have great breakthrough in Mainland China. Also, it may be an important stage for Taiwan and South Korea to become strategic partners in Asia’s culture industry.
|
146 |
冷戰後中美在朝鮮半島的政策比較以權力平衡理論探析 / Sino-US policy on the Korean peninsula after the Cold War balance of power theory exploration林展弘 Unknown Date (has links)
中、美關係一直以來都是國際的焦點問題且持續發展變化。自1972年中、美關係開始正常化以來,兩國的關係經常是在進展與停滯、合作與對抗中來回折衝,中、美之間在許多方面存在著矛盾,又在眾多領域裡有著共同利益。冷戰結束後,美國對中國的政策進行了大幅度的調整,新的矛盾與利益也逐漸凸顯出來。諸如人權問題、貿易不平衡問題和臺灣問題等等,皆是當前中、美鬥爭的焦點,但在安全、經濟貿易與科技文化教育和非傳統安全領域等方面又都有著共同的利益。在這種利益與矛盾交織的狀態下決定了雙邊以合作取代對抗的政策基調,也是中、美間在現今國際趨勢下必須的戰略選擇。
朝鮮半島位處陸權國家的心臟地帶與海權國家的邊緣地帶,對陸權國家而言,是連接海洋建立海權的重要跳板,對海權國家來說,則是向陸地擴張勢力的戰略捷徑,而此區域更是中國、俄羅斯、日本、南韓、北韓等權力競逐的主戰場,再加上美國在此經營布局已久,複雜的國際關係在此合縱連橫,時而欣欣向榮充滿希望,時又戰雲密布一觸即發。自朝鮮半島爆發第一、二次朝核危機後朝鮮半島的局勢更加詭譎多變,而朝核議題便如同一顆未爆彈時刻牽動中、美間最敏感的神經,金正日去世後,更增朝鮮半島的不確定性;在此嚴峻的挑戰下,中、美兩國的態度更是動輒得咎。
本文的主要目的於分析中美兩國自冷戰後迄今對朝鮮半島的政策比較,並針對外交、經貿、戰略佈署等方面作一全面探討,並以權力平衡角度分析在中、美共管亞洲的戰略結構下對南、北韓的影響,期能為未來欲從事相關研究的人提供參考。 / Relationship between the U.S. and China has always been one of the most focused issues internationally and it continues to develop and changes its shape as time goes by. Since 1972 both countries normalize their relationships, the U.S. and China had been going back and forth of deciding whether being collaboration or opposition, fits their benefits in a dynamic field. While the cold war ends, United States had made an adjustment by a wide margin on its policy to China, for instance, the Human Rights, Trade Imbalance, and Taiwan are the causes explain how China and the U.S. are constantly in conflict. However, correlates with Security, Economical trading, Technology, Culture, Education and Non-Traditional Land Security, the U.S. and China are aware of the importance of each other. All of the consequences, contradiction, and benefits led China and the U.S. to work together instead of being in battles which can be described “the strategic choices” 2 giants have made in the current international trend. The Korea peninsula locates in the heart of continental countries and at the edge of sea countries. For continentals, the peninsula can be the elevator of establishing its sea-power; and for the ocean authorities, owning the peninsula is one of the fastest strategic shortcut of expanding its power to the land. For decades, the area had been the battlefield for China, Russia, Japan, South Korea and North Korea, and adding the glimpse of the U.S, which makes the peninsula one of the most comprehensive international involvements in the world. Since the 1st and the 2nd North Korean nuclear crisis occurred, the discussion of nuclear weapons in North Korea tangles the sensitive nerves between the U.S and China. As Kim Chong Il dies and leaving all the questions left to rest of the world, the uncertainty of the peninsula had increased; under rigorous challenges in the international community, the attitudes of China and the U.S. can entirely influence the globe. The essay mainly focuses on the analysis of the comparative policies to the Korean Peninsula in between China and the U.S after the Cold War, as well as the probing into Diplomacy, Trade, Deployment for a entire scan, in order to understand the angel of power of balance to mutually manage Asia’s strategic structures and how it can be effective to North and South Korea. The article hopes can provide critical information for scholars in future to attempt related research on sphere in such matter.
|
147 |
蘇聯與中共國家安全政策之比較研究-以韓戰為例 / A comparative study on national security policy between USSR and PRC- Focusing on the Korean War(1950-1953)葉奕葭, Elizabeth Y. C. Yeh Unknown Date (has links)
雖則蘇聯已經解體,世界進入了後冷戰時代。在冷戰時期相互抗衡的美蘇關係,仍是學界研究的熱點之一。自1990年冷戰終結之後,蘇聯、原本在舊蘇聯中的國家及中國大陸檔案資料的陸續開放,對韓戰研究可說有了新的突破。以美國學者John Lewis Gaddis為首的冷戰國際史學派補充或批判了前面包括傳統學派、修正學派等研究的不足之處。
本文引用檔案和韓戰研究學者的論點與分析,重新梳理在韓戰前後蘇中的國家安全政策考量,並深入析論有關下列幾項當今學者尚未分析或深入研究的種種問題。
本研究嘗試結合國際關係與冷戰國際史(Cold War International History Project)兩學門之跨領域研究,藉以澄清韓戰時期國際體系成員的互動及其造成的影響。另外,也試著使用理性決策模式來分析中蘇兩國領導人的國家安全決策。
研究結果顯示中蘇兩國領導人都是以理性判斷認為自己的決策是正確的,然而事實結果卻並非如此。莫斯科對平壤所提之韓戰計畫錯誤地開放了「綠燈」,北京在多次以外交方式警告華盛頓無效之後,認為美國可能進攻中國東北,並對其新興政權造成威脅,以致最後出兵介入韓戰。戰爭的結果最後還是在38度線附近簽署了停戰協定,但南北韓仍舊尚未統一,無數人員卻因此喪失寶貴的生命。
本文結論提出在美軍進逼鴨綠江和蘇聯的雙重壓力下,中共最後決定出兵介入韓戰,主因是國家安全利益。中共軍事戰略因戰局轉變而改變其戰略:前期是「間接路線」與「殲滅戰」,後期則是「消耗戰」。不論是在軍事戰略或是外交戰略上,莫斯科扮演之角色是在背後指揮協調北京和平壤。蘇聯使中共成為「責任承擔者」(buck-catcher),本國則扮演「離岸平衡者」(offshore balancer)的角色。中共和北韓事事都要通報莫斯科,由莫斯科做出最後決定─即使北京和平壤兩方都想停戰,莫斯科仍堅持不停戰。戰爭後期蘇聯為削弱美國和中共實力,支持中共續戰。
韓戰停戰協議之簽署是因史達林去世之後。莫斯科認為戰爭再繼續有損蘇聯國家利益,乃通知平壤和北京有關停戰的解決方針的策略。韓戰協議的簽署基本上是在莫斯科新政府的領導與調停之下,北京和平壤最後遵循了莫斯科的指示才停戰。
中蘇兩造在共同利益驅使之下為追求個別利益,在利益衝突之間尋求合作利益。兩國且於韓戰之中各自為該國的國家利益著想,盟友關係只是暫時的而非永久的。 / In this study, an attempt is made to clarify the interactions between the members of the international system during the Korean War in an interdisciplinary approach combining the International Relations and the Cold War International History. Based on the materials from opened archives in the former Soviet Union and Communist China, the considerations, objectives and national security strategies of the leaders are analyzed in the light of the rational decision-making model.
The results show that although the leaders made their own judgments based on rational thinking, the outcome of the war is the armistice agreement demarcating the 38th parallel as the borderline between the two Koreas with minor changes; North and South Korea are still yet to be reunified, despite numerous soldiers and civilians losing their precious lives.
The conclusion is as follows. China decided to send troops to intervene in the Korean War mainly due to national security interest to cope with the threat of the approaching US forces and the Soviet Union pressure. To cope with the varying war situation, China’s military strategy changed from the “war of annihilation” and the “indirect approach strategy” in the former phase, to the “strategy of exhaustion” in the later phase. Whether in the military or diplomatic field, Moscow played a commanding role and coordinated of Beijing and Pyongyang behind. Soviet Union made China the “buck-catcher”, meanwhile played the role as the “offshore balancer”. Soviet Union pushed for the continuation of the war to weaken the strength of United States, in spite of the reluctance of China and North Korea.
It was after Joseph V. Stalin’s death than the Armistice Agreement was finally signed. The signing of the agreement was essentially under the lead of the new leadership in Moscow. Both Soviet Union and China sought their own national interest during the Korean war. The Sino- Soviet alliance was only temporary rather than permanent.
|
148 |
韓國中等強權外交政策與韓中關係的發展: 角色理論的視角與分析 / Role theory: South Korea's middle power diplomacy and the development of Sino-Korean relations黃志婷 Unknown Date (has links)
近年來,韓國積極發展「中等強權」外交政策,在G20主持多場重要會議,參與發展政策、維和部隊與區域安全議題,韓國並邀請同屬中等強權國家的墨西哥、印尼、土耳其、澳洲,共同成立「MITKA」五國諮商會議。本研究主張:韓國對於自身國家角色概念的認知影響了其外交決策的產出過程,而國家決策者首先對於國家定位有所認識與定義,從而對應其國家角色而制定相關的施政規劃與外交方針。
本研究以角色理論作為分析途徑,研究重心聚焦於內部國家特性的成長,以及外部環境如何影響韓國國家角色概念的成形與轉變。本論文特別著重分析韓國與中國的關係,主張韓中雙邊互動逐漸影響韓國對自身角色的認知,並增強了韓國對於提升對中經貿交流與合作的認同,進一步影響了「中等強權」外交政策出台,令這項政策成為身處安全困境並遭受強權環伺的韓國的外交主軸,並促使韓國推廣新興外交政策與成立「MITKA」。 / South Korea has recently focused on developing the middle power diplomacy. It has hosted the G20 global conferences, contributed development assistance, and joined peacekeeping operations. It also promoted “MITKA” with Mexico, Indonesia, Turkey, and Australia. The key factor shaping South Korea’s middle power diplomacy is the identity of national role conceptions. The leaders know the self conceptualization of a country’s role in international politics, then make decision under the influence of national role conceptions.
Viewing role theory as analytical tool, this study explores how international and domestic factors affect the course and outcome of ROK decision-making process. The development of Sino-Korean relations shapes the values and identity, makes economic interests continue to effect ROK leaders’s national role conception. Koreans historically consider their country as a victim of great powers , middle power diplomacy may be the key to solving ROK foreign policy dilemmas.
|
149 |
工業品不同來源國之印象比較研究連聰政, LIAN, CONG-ZHENG Unknown Date (has links)
一、研究目的 台灣的經濟發展已是各國矚目的對象。龐大的出口金額中,大部份來
自勞力密集的產業。隨著生活水準提高,企業已不再享有這項勞工成本優勢。再者,
美國政府近年來不斷對台灣施加壓力,要求台幣升值,開放國內市場,降低各項進口
障礙,在內外的壓力下,製造業者乃紛紛計劃轉向投資服務業。一國經濟的根本在於
製造業,如何維押製造業的發展,實為目前的努力重點。本研究選擇化工、電子、機
械三種產業,以廠商的觀點,比較中、美、日、德、韓五國的競爭能力,結果可供業
者提升優勢的參考。 二、參考文獻 本文介紹十一篇國內外有關不同來源地產品印
象的文獻,並選擇其中兩篇較具代表性的著作,做為本研究的主要參考架構。此外,
還包括報導國內經濟狀況的期刊,以及工業行銷與印象理論的學術著作,計十八篇。
三、研究方法 研究母體為化工、電子、機械三種產業,樣本為資本額一千萬元以
上的廠商,以隨機方式抽取之。印象變數的衡量採用語意差別法,每個變數分成七個
級距,資料分析法為統計方法之平均數與平均數之多重檢定。 四、研究內容 包括
供應商的品質、價格、商業關係、交貨水準、服務水準、技術水準、顧客導向等構面
。 五、研究結果 化工、電子、機械三種產業間的整體印象雖有差異,但不是相當
顯著;中、美、日、德、韓五國間的差異卻十分顯著。中、韓兩國與德、日兩國差距
甚大,台灣則略比韓國優越,美國介於中韓與德日之間。
|
150 |
政府支出之趨勢、結構與經濟發展:中、韓兩國之比較研究張玉煇, Zhang, Yu-Hui Unknown Date (has links)
本論文之研究要旨在以中、韓兩國為例,探討經濟發展過程與公共支出之趨勢及結構
模式,是否有密切的關連。全文共一冊,約四萬字,內容計分為五章,每章各有三至
四節,各章之主要內容為:
第一章:說明本文的研究動機、研究範圍及限制,並介紹全文架構。
第二章:介紹中、韓兩國戰後之經濟發展歷程,並劃分其發展階段。
第三章:就中、韓兩國戰後之公共支出資料加以歸納,分析其成長趨勢及結構的變化
。
第四章:回顧有關文獻,並探討公共支出之成長趨勢及結構變動與經濟發展之關聯性
。
第五章:對整個研究作一結論。
|
Page generated in 0.0282 seconds