This study assesses the popular claim that Chinese engagement in Africa is imperialism through a case study of relations between China and Angola. Using Marxist imperialism theory as point of departure, it develops a comprehensive theoretical framework for testing the hypothesis that China is imperialist in its relations with Angola. This necessitates two areas of examination: the export of capital as the principal method of expansion, exploitation and extraction, and neocolonialism as the principal mode of control and domination. Whereas the former must in effect cause underdevelopment, the latter must in effect facilitate and maintain the current order. The empirical assessment finds no substantial support for the hypothesis that China is imperialist in Angola. Although multiple problematic aspects are identified in terms of debt levels, resource dependence, employment patterns and capacity building, no strong causal link is found between Chinese capital export and underdevelopment in Angola, or strong indication of neo-colonialist means of control and domination for the facilitation and maintenance of such relations. Rather, the assessment finds more empirical support for China-Angola relations being of mutual benefit development-wise, as their principal arrangement of oil-backed loans for infrastructure projects guarantees China a relatively stable market for oil import in exchange for sorely needed national reconstruction following decades of civil war. Although China and Angola are unequal powerwise, the conclusion is that they do engage on fairly equal terms in a way that cannot be deemed imperialist. This puts the general applicability of imperialism theory on China-Africa relations into question, inferring that they may indeed be more beneficial than regularly assumed. It also signals that a more careful, critical and evidence-based approach must be demanded from those that are quick to assert Chinese engagement in Africa as imperialist based on unfounded, biased or dogmatic notions rather than theoretical-empirical consideration. More case studies based on a framework such as the one developed here are encouraged to substantiate these results, with the hope of finally reaching a constructive end to this debate.

Exercising power is unavoidable in aid work because donors convey money to grant recipients. Exercising power is therefore part of aid work and something donors and recipients must relateto. The need to create a more equal relationship between donor and recipient has been a recurring issue in aid work and an important part of the aid decolonization process. This qualitativecase study examines how employees at Act Church of Swedens Africa unit interpret and relateto its position of power in partnership relations. The essay also examines if employees at Act Church of Sweden can identify whether power discourse affects recipient organisations' stanceon equality issues. The essay is based on a postcolonial theory that was formed using the concepts of paternalism and power, colonial discourse, partnership discourse and discourse in thespirit of Maria Eriksson Baaz (2005) and Ania Loomba (2008). The theory functions as apatchwork when using Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis because the conceptsare often sewn and patched together in the form of Fairclough's three-dimensional model as ananalysis tool. Norman Fairclough's method is used to analyze text, discursive practice and social practice. The result establishes informants' interpretations and approach to legitimatepower, above all based on its job description where exercising power is a "natural" part of theprogram manager's duties, since a significant part of the work involves donors conveying money to recipients. Regarding the informants' position of power, the focus has been on how thepromotion of shifting power is described and how it should be done. Relevant concepts for thepractical process of shifting power are the way Act Church of Sweden work according to ahuman rights-based approach, capacity development, local ownership, working more locally, information sharing and the reorgansation that came into force in early 2023. Regarding employees' interpretation of whether partners adapt in their approach to gender equality and health,informants state that it depends on the local context. Partners generally adapt because they genuinely have a similar view of gender equality and health as Act Church of Sweden. Or if they do not have the same view the employees would not certainly know. The constant paradox inthe analysis of power relations within aid is something that manifests itself when looking atpower relations in a larger perspective. Because employees both within Act Church of Sweden, back donors and recipient organisations are part of power hierarchies in themselves.

Libraries in Ukraine have been profoundly affected by the ongoing Russian invasion. But more than that, they are constrained by their historical colonial heritage as a Soviet institution which was used by the Moscow regime as a propaganda tool to exert control, both politically and culturally – not least in the form of Russification, which in the context of Ukrainian libraries took the form of a predominance of Russian-language books in place of Ukrainian. The present thesis aims to explore how Ukrainian libraries cope with the current war situation, how they are affected by and come to terms with their problematic past, and how these issues may relate.The study uses ethnographic methods to describe 11 libraries in Western Ukraine in 2023. The findings are discussed against a theoretical background of sociolinguistics, knowledge organization and postcolonial theory. It describes the libraries’ infrastructure problems, the continuing presence of huge Soviet-Russian collections, and the ongoing mass weeding of these collections during the war. The thesis suggests that Ukrainian libraries face five structural problems beyond the impact of the war: poor collections, lack of infrastructure and funding, administrative peculiarities, government regulations, and the catalogues and classifications. Especially, the need for more and relevant books is a pressing and fundamental concern. Two positive developments are suggested to have taken place during the war: ongoing reversal of the colonial heritage through the mass weeding efforts, and a popularization of the libraries through social initiatives relating to the war effort. / Bibliotek i Ukraina har blivit djupt påverkade av den pågående ryska invasionen. Men vad mer är har de varit kringskurna av sitt historiska koloniala arv som en sovjetisk institution som Moskva-regimen använde som ett propagandaverktyg för att utöva kontroll, både politiskt och kulturellt – inte minst i form av russifiering, vilken i de ukrainska biblioteket tog sig uttryck i en predominans av ryskspråkiga böcker på bekostnad av ukrainska. Den föreliggande uppsatsen ämnar att utforska hur ukrainska bibliotek hanterar den pågående krigssituationen, hur de påverkas av och handskas med sitt problematiska förflutna, och hur dessa frågor kan vara relaterade till varandra.Studien använder etnografiska metoder för att beskriva 11 bibliotek i västra Ukraina år 2023. Resultatendiskuteras utifrån en teoretisk bakgrund av sociolingvistik, kunskapsorganisation och postkolonial teori. Den beskriver bibliotekens infrastrukturproblem, den fortsatta närvaron av enorma sovjetryska samlingar samt den under kriget pågående massgallringen av dessa samlingar. Uppsatsen framställer att ukrainska bibliotek ställs inför fem strukturella problem utöver krigets inverkan: undermåliga samlingar, avsaknaden av infrastruktur och finansiering, administrativa egenheter, statliga regelverk samt kataloger och klassifikationer. I synnerhet är behovet av fler och relevanta böcker en tryckande och fundamental angelägenhet. Två positiva utvecklingar föreslås ha ägt rum under kriget: en pågående uppgörelse med det koloniala arvet genom ansatserna till massgallring, samt en popularisering av biblioteken genom sociala initiativ relaterade till krigsinsatsen.

The northern province of Sweden has in both literature and film been depictured as something foreign and mythical, unlike the rest of the country. It has been my purpose to show in this essay that the systematic categorization of Norrland and its literature reveals multiple criteria known to define the colonial era. By reading the novel Stallo by author Stefan Spjut with postcolonial structures in mind I aim to show how the author uses Swedish mythology and through the presence of The Other criticizes colonial structures in place to this day. By examining the gothic atmosphere I intend to indicate how the trolls in the novel figures as both a horror element as well as a representation of nature itself. It is my belief that the author by further reinforcing the mythological in relation to Norrland addresses the problem at hand. That Norrland is still to this day a colony within its own country. / I Norrland kan ingen höra dig skrika. Det är så det norrländska landskapet har framställts inom både litteratur och film i Sverige. Norrland har genom åren gestaltas som något avlägset och mystiskt, nästintill främmande. Helt olikt resterande delar av landet. Det är min avsikt att visa hur den systematiska kategoriseringen av Norrland och dess litteratur avslöjar flera av de kriterier som per definition beskriver kolonism. Genom en postkolonial läsning av spänningsromanen Stallo (2012), av författaren Stefan Spjut, söker jag visa hur författaren genom svensk folklore och genom en övernaturlig närvaro kan kritisera koloniala strukturer.

This essay focuses on analyzing the rhetoric concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in opinion pieces in the Swedish daily newspaper Dagens Nyheter in 1988. This is done using a qualitative analysis method. The theoretical basis for the essay is primarily founded on postcolonial theory and in particular on Edward Said’s claim that Israel is a new example of European colonialism. The aim is to determine how the authors of the opinion pieces, using certain rhetoric, portray Israel and the Palestinians/PLO in relation to their position of power. The justification and condemnation of violence between the parties will also be examined. The results show that the pro-Israeli authors tend to use the Jews’ history of persecution and suffering as a justification for the existence of Israel. Also, they argue that Israeli violence is a form of self-defense as a result of Arab intransigence and violence. The more pro-Palestinian authors tend to portray Israel as a violent and oppressing regime, and in some cases adhere to the view on the state as an example of European colonialism.

This thesis examines and discusses how creolisation theory has influenced the material culture of enslaved people from former Danish West Indies plantations. The essay contends that creolisation is the theory required to advance slavery studies because it demonstrates how enslaved people created their own identity, belonging, and kept African cultures and customs alive despite being socially dead. This was accomplished through an examination of the amount of material discovered at archaeological investigations on former Danish plantations within slave contexts. Through the presentation and analysis of "Afro-Cruzan" ceramics, beads, shells, and pipe fragments, the thesis discusses and argues how the abundance of various objects from enslaved communities is evidence of long-term preservation of cultures, cultural identity, and expression. Furthermore, the usefulness of creolisation theory is emphasised because it is argued to have been developed with a post-processual perspective, avoiding the normative theorisation that has based slavery studies on a perspective in which the enslaved were only marginalised. Finally, the discussion emphasises the importance of remaining critical of how theories and theoretical frameworks have been applied in archaeological studies on slavery, as well as the need to broaden perspectives and include other Scandinavian countries, such as Sweden. / Den här uppsatsen analyserar och diskuterar hur materiell kultur från förslavade människor från plantage tidigare tillhörande danska Västindien är bevis för kreolisering. Uppsatsen argumenterar för hur kreolisering är den teori som krävs för att fortskrida inom studier gällande slaveri då det belyser hur förslavade individer lyckades skapade en egen identitet, samhörighet samt bibehöll sina kulturer och seder levande trots att de ansågs vara socialt döda. Detta görs genom att analysera kvantiteten av påträffat material under arkeologiska undersökningar inom slavkontexter på före detta plantage på de danska kolonierna. Uppsatsen presenterar och analyserar material i form av så kallat ”Afro-Cruzan” keramik, pärlor, snäckskal och pipfragment som används för att diskutera och argumentera för hur den höga kvantiteten av diverse föremål från slavsamhällen är bevis på ett långsiktigt bevarande av kulturer och kulturella identitet och uttryck samt de förslavades bibehållna agens. Vidare belyses även hur kreoliseringsteorin är mer applicerbar med hänsyn till att teorin tycks att ha skapats ur ett post-processuellt perspektiv då det undviker den normativa mentaliteten och teoretisering att slaveristudier grundas i ett perspektiv där de förslavade var endast varor inom ett socio-ekonomiskt samhälle.Diskussionen leder slutligen till hur det är väsentligt att bibehålla ett kritiskt öga om hur teorier och teoretiska ramverk har använts inom arkeologiska studier om slaveri samt hur det är nödvändigt att vidga perspektiven och inkludera andra skandinaviska länder, så som Sverige.

Purpose/Aim: The purpose of this study is to understand the meaning of global responsibility and toxicwaste control. The Basel Convention is the UN's international regulations on the import, export andtransport of hazardous waste. According to the Basel Convention, the export of electronic waste todeveloping countries is fully legal if the recipient country has given approval in writing. Is there a linkbetween toxic colonialism, global responsibility, justice and human rights?Material/Method: A qualitative case study of what delegates from three African countries think abouttoxic colonialism and global responsibility.Main results: The essay gives an explanation of the concept of toxic colonialism in relation to the BaselConvention and the Ban Amendment, from three African UN delegates, furthermore an analysis of theimportance it can have on global responsibility, justice and views on human rights.The essay results show that the Ban Amendment of the Basel Convention is in line with Rawl'sdifference principle and the principle of freedom and would contribute to increased justice on electronicwaste coding if the amendment goes through and is used in symbiosis with human rights: UDHRArticle 25 and ICESCR Article 12.1-2.

The final voyages of H.M.S Erebus and H.M.S Terror marked a pivotal chapter in the tapestry of international relations with the Arctic frontier. The aim of this study is to analyze how these wrecks impact territorial disputes and the geopolitical dynamics between coastal states and international actors. By adopting an interdisciplinary perspective, where archaeology is supplemented by law and geopolitical theory, it has been possible to gain increased knowledge of how actors such as Canada, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the Inuit of Nunavut perceive and utilize the wrecks for their respective territorial interests. With the intention of further deepening the understanding of the complex conditions that shape the wreckages legal status and management in the modern world, an analysis of the legal frameworks regulating the Northwest Passage is also conducted. The study exposes contemporary jurisdictional gaps and emphasizes the necessity of including Inuit perspectives into Arctic Management. / Den sista expeditionen med H.M.S Erebus och H.M.S Terror har kommit att få central betydelse för de komplexa internationella relationerna med Arktis. Syftet med den här studien är att analysera hur dessa vrak påverkar de territoriella tvisterna och det geopolitiska samspelet mellan kuststater och internationella aktörer. Genom att anlägga ett tvärvetenskapligt perspektiv, där arkeologi kompletteras med juridik och geopolitisk teori har det varit möjligt att nå ökad kunskap om hur aktörer som Kanada, Storbritannien, USA och Inuiterna i Nunavut uppfattar och använder vraken för sina respektive territoriella intressen. Med avsikt att ytterligare fördjupa förståelsen av de komplexa förhållanden som formar vrakens juridiska status och hantering i den moderna världen, genomförs också en analys av de rättsliga ramverk som reglerar Nordvästpassagen. Studien avslöjar bristerna i nuvarande lagstiftning och framhäver vikten av att inkludera Inuiternas perspektiv i diskussioner om förvaltning.

In der zimbawischen Literatur sind die Themen Nation, Körper, Gewalt, Sprache und Erinnerung aufs engste miteinander verbunden. Durch den Einfluß von Yvonne Vera hat sich in den 90er Jahren das Bild des weiblichen Körpers und insbesondere die Diskussion um koloniale und postkoloniale Gewalt deutlich verändert. Im ersten Teil der Arbeit geht es um die Frage nach Nation. Unterschiedliche Darstellungen von Nehanda und den Kämpferinnen des 2. Chimurenga werden näher beleuchtet. Außerdem geht es um Veras "pastoral novel" in der sie von einer weißen Farmersfrau erzählt. Im zweiten Teil geht es um die Körperkonzepte in der zimbabwischen Literatur. Gewalt in der Familie und vor allem der weibliche Körper als Schlachtfeld steht hier im Mittelpunkt. Die Vergewaltigte und die Prostituierte sind auch weiterhin Symbole für den kolonisierten afrikanischen Kontinent. Vera versucht diese Frauen aus einer anderen Perspektive zu betrachten. Bei ihr geht es um die Erfahrung der Frauen selbst. Der dritte Teil der Arbeit befasst sich schließlich mit der Frage nach der Darstellbarkeit von Gewalt. Wie ist es möglich von Gewalt zu erzählen, ohne die Gewalt zu reproduzieren? Vera beantwortet diese Frage mit der Reflexion über des Erzählen. Bei ihr wirkt Sprache heilend. / In Zimbabwean literature, the themes of nation, body, violence, language, and memory are closely connected. The dissertation analyses, how the treatment of these themes changed significantly during the 1990s. The focus lies on Yvonne Vera's work and its influence on the image of the female body and the debate about colonial as well as postcolonial violence. The first part deals with the question of nation at the example of various narratives about Nehanda and other female freedom fighters in the Second Chimurenga. Further material is drawn from Vera's "pastural novel", in which she tells about a white settler woman. The second part looks at body concepts in Zimbabwean literature. Special attention is paid to domestic violence and the image of the female body as battlefield. The raped woman and the prostitute are still widely used as symbols for the colonized African continent. Vera tries to break with this tradition by looking at such female characters from the perspective of their own experiences. The third part, finally, raises the issue of the representation of violence. How is possible to write about violence without reproducing it? Vera answers this question by reflecting about narration. Language thus works as a healing power in her texts.

Syftet med detta arbete är att, dels ur ett fastighetsrättsligt perspektiv, dels ett folkrättsligt perspektiv, utreda om Sveriges urbefolkning samerna kan sägas ha förvärvat en äganderätt till marken i Lappland enligt svensk rätt, eller om detta enbart handlar om en bruksrätt inkluderande renskötsel, jakt och fiske. Vad gäller det fastighetsrättsliga perspektivet har samerna haft en mycket stark fastighetsrättslig ställning på 1600- och 1700-talet. Då behandlades samernas lappskatteland som sådan skattejord, som skattebönderna sedermera genom lagstiftning automatiskt förvärvade full äganderätt till. Så skedde dock inte för samernas del. I stället trängdes de undan från stora delar av sina ursprungliga marker på grund av bl.a. kolonisation, exploateringsintressen, samt nedvärdering av nomadkulturen. Från att ha varit i stor majoritet blev de en minoritet på sina gamla marker. Dessa marker har sedermera kommit att betraktas som kronojord i statens ägo, vilket innebär en stor förskjutning av samernas fastighetsrättliga ställning inom loppet av fyra sekler. Gällande rätt garanterar inte samer som är medlemmar av en sameby någon starkare rätt än en bruksrätt, som till vissa delar är svagare än vad som gäller för andra bruksrättsinnehavare i Sverige. Praxis utesluter emellertid inte att renskötselrätten kan ha gett upphov till äganderätt, särskilt i nordligaste Sverige. Att samerna haft svårt att hävda sin äganderätt kan bero på att rättssystemet inte har haft en egentlig förståelse för rennäringens speciella förutsättningar, vilket gör att exempelvis beviskraven blir höga att nå upp till. Min slutsats är dock att övertygande bevis finns för att samerna har förvärvat en äganderätt, åtminstone till statlig kronomark i Lappland, oavsett om lagstiftningen för närvarande tillerkänner dem detta eller ej. Vad gäller vinterbetesmarker i Lappland föreligger inte lika starka bevis för att en äganderätt skulle ha uppstått, men däremot en bruksrätt som är starkare än dagens lagstiftning tillerkänner samerna. Vad gäller det folkrättsliga perspektivet ger de konventioner Sverige ingått inte uttryckligen stöd för att samernas markrättigheter skall erkännas, och svensk lagstiftning får sägas uppfylla de minimikrav de ställer. Sverige har dock fått internationell kritik för att inte ha funnit en lösning på och förbättrat rättssäkerheten angående samiska markrättigheter. Inte heller har Sverige ratificerat ILO-konvention nr. 169 om ursprungsfolk och stamfolk i självstyrande länder. Anledningen är just att bestämmelser som reglerar markrättigheter inte har ansetts förenliga med svenska rättsförhållanden. Man kan dock hoppas på att Sverige framöver kommer att ta intryck av den internationella utvecklingen vad gäller erkännande av urbefolkningars markanspråk. / The aim of this thesis is to examine whether the Sami people, who is an indigenous people living in the north of Sweden, could have acquired ownership of land areas in Lapland according to Swedish law, or whether they only have a right to use the land that they traditionally occupy for reindeer breeding, hunting and fishing. The question is dealt with from a land law as well as an international law approach. Concerning the land law approach, the Sami people has had a very strong position close to ownership during the 17th and 18th centuries. At that time, the Samis paid tax for their lands, which meant that they were not considered to belong to the Crown, but were treated in the same way as the independent farmers’ lands. However, while the farmers through a declaration from the King in 1789 automatically achieved full ownership of their lands, the Sami people did not. Instead, the Samis were pressed back from large parts of their original territory because of colonisation, exploitation and depreciation of their nomadic way of living. Once a majority, they found themselves a minority in their own land and their territory had become the Crown’s property. Undoubtedly, there has been an extraordinary shifting of the Sami people’s land rights within four centuries. Current law does only guarantee the members of the Sami villages the right to use land for reindeer breeding, hunting and fishing, and this right is in some aspects even weaker than that of other Swedish citizens with similar rights. Still, case law does not exclude the possibility that reindeer breeding could have originated right of ownership, especially in Lapland. My findings on this area are that there is convincing evidence that the Sami people has acquired right of ownership on the lands which they traditionally occupy all year around. On the lands that they share with others, they have a strong right to use the land during the winter, probably stronger than the legislation provides for. What concerns the international law approach, Swedish legislation does fulfil the minimum demands according to the conventions the country has ratified. Still, Sweden has been criticized of not finding a balanced solution to and improving legal certainty on Sami land rights. Sweden has not ratified the ILO Convention no. 169 con-cerning indigenous and tribal peoples in independent countries. The reason for this is mainly the article which aims at strengthening the indigenous peoples’ land rights, which Sweden does not find compatible with national law. Still, one can hope that the ongoing international development on the area will show the way, and that Sweden will pay attention to it in future legislation.