Denna studie undersöker hur applicerbara traditionella krigföringsprinciper är på moderna okon-ventionella krig av hybrid karaktär. Krigföringsprinciperna härstammar från konventionella krig, men gör anspråk på att vara allmängiltiga i alla krig. Är de då applicerbara på moderna okonventionella krig av hybrid karaktär? Studien applicerar traditionella krigföringsprinciper på krig av hybrid karaktär i syfte att utforska principernas applicerbarhet i denna tillsynes ”nya” form av krigföring. Studien förhåller sig till Brett A. Friedmans On Tactics: A theory of victory in battle som teoretiskt analysverktyg, detta då hans teori är baserad på traditionella krigföringsprinciper. De två fallstudiernas resultat tyder på att krigföringsprinciperna genom Friedmans teori är applicerbara på okonventionella krig av hybrid karaktär men inte fullt ut. De innehar därmed ett värde som analysverktyg och pedagogiskt verktyg av genomförda eller pågående krig. Teorin skulle kunna utvecklas gällande kategoriseringen av fysiska och mentala principer, där vilseledning borde kategoriseras som en fysisk princip. Eventuellt har teorin större applicerbarhet på den mer offensiva parten i krig på grund av principernas ursprung ur en offensiv tradition.

Östersjöregionen har genom ryska aggressioner fått ett försämrat säkerhetsläge vilket även medfört att Nato har gett regionen tydligare fokus samt vidtagit åtgärder för att öka den kollektiva avskräckningen i området. Sverige och Finland är två geografiskt stora stater i Östersjöregionen men ej medlemmar i Nato. Hur anpassar sig dessa militärt alliansfria småstater till den förhöjda hotbilden i staternas direkta närområde? Denna teorikonsumerande flerfallstudie ämnar belysa anpassningar inom Sverige och Finlands avskräckningsstrategier och dess trovärdighet inom de grundläggande avskräckningsbegreppen före 2008 samt efter 2014. Studien avser dessutom att undersöka hur Natos förnyade fokus på Östersjöregionen har påverkat de militärt alliansfria småstaternas anpassning avseende sin avskräckningsstrategi i området.  Resultaten visar att Sverige och Finland har liknande avskräckningsstrategier och handlingsalternativ men att Finlands eftertänksamhet gör dem mer trögrörliga i sina beslut medan Sveriges förändringsbenägenhet ger sämre långsiktighet. Dessa två egenheter påverkar ländernas trovärdighet i avskräckningens grundläggande begrepp.

At the time of this study the war in Ukraine has been going on for one year and three months. Russia invaded Ukraine on the 24th of February 2022 with the purpose of erasing the Ukrainian state and its national identity. The purpose of this study is to investigate how Ukrainian citizens view their national identity during an ongoing invasion of their country, and the war that followed that invasion. In addition to that, this study investigates if and how Ukrainian refugees in Sweden have acted to maintain their Ukrainian identity during the time they are staying in Sweden. The study is based on previous research about national identity, nationalism and identity. The study uses two main theoretical approaches: national identity as an imagined community and national identity in relation to ethno-symbolism. The study is a qualitative study that has used eight semi-structured interviews which were performed during a period of three weeks in April to May of 2023.After a thematical analysis of the collected information from the participants this study points to that the perceived national identity with Ukrainian refugees in Sweden is strong, and the participants feel that it has grown stronger since the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The participants also describe a strengthened unity between Ukrainians, both in their physical context in Sweden but also with Ukrainians who are spread out in the rest of the world. According to the participants in this study this unity will continue after the war has ended, and this will have a positive effect on Ukrainians within Ukraine. In contrast to what has happened after earlier conflicts between Ukraine and Russia, the result of this study indicates that the positive changes that has happened regarding the Ukrainian national identity and community since the invasion will be maintained after the war, and this thanks to the collective memory with Ukrainians.According to the participants of this study Ukraine as a nation and Ukrainians as a people will evolve and free themselves from the Russian propaganda that has, both internally and externally, shaped the Ukrainian national identity. This will be done by the Ukrainian people, joining to tell, spread and preserve Ukrainian history, culture and tradition as well as the Ukrainian language.

Conflicts should be analyzed in terms of a full spectrum conflict including discourse. There are more means to achieve an end goal than through the kinetic force such as military means. The invasion of Ukraine 24th of February 2022 was the culmination of many years of soft and hard power practiced by the Russian state.  With a thematic content analysis on the Russian President Putin’s address to the Nation 18th of March 2014 and 21st of February 2022 the rethoric was separated into themes and analyzed with two theories. The first was soft and hard power where the themes of attraction- and coercion-based rhetoric was applied to the analysis. The second was legitimacy theory, which entailed that rethoric is a mean to gain support towards a grand strategic policy by establishing the national interest, defining threats, course of action and mobilizing the necessary resources within the state. The results showed that in the first speech soft and hard power was more prominent since there was no official involvement from the Russian state in the conflict in Donetsk and Luhansk region of Ukraine that needed to be legitimized. There was an attempt to influence the Ukrainian government and population to change their policies in a more favorable direction with the use of soft and hard power. The second speech was more in line of legitimacy where the Russian state was about to engage military and thus needed to garner the approval of the Russian state and population to be able to mobilize the resources necessary to accomplish such grand strategic agenda.

Syftet med denna studie har varit att undersöka möjliga förklaringar till den ryska statsledningens beslut att invadera Ukraina. Forskningsfrågan löd: Hur kan den ryska statsledningens beslut att invadera Ukraina förstås utifrån ett rollteoretiskt perspektiv? Forskningsfrågan har undersökts genom att analysera uttalande från centrala aktörer inom den ryska presidentadministrationen och utrikesministeriet utifrån ett rollteoretiskt perspektiv. Tre kompletterande rollföreställningar har kunnat identifieras: (1) beskyddare av landsmän utomlands (2) upprätthållare av principen om odelbar säkerhet (3) återställare av det historiska Ryssland. Rollerna är nära sammanflätade med varandra och används alla av ryska beslutsfattare för att på olika sätt motivera invasion av Ukraina. Jag finner att de tre identifierade rollerna manifesterar sig i Rysslands politiska målsättningar med kriget i Ukraina. Den första Rollen tar sig uttryck i Kremls politiska målsättning att avsätta det politiska styret i Kiev, för att sedan ersätta den med en Moskvavänlig marionettregim. Den andra Rollen manifesterar sig i Kremls politiska målsättning att bevara Ukraina i den ryska intressesfären och ersätta den rådande unipolära världsordningen med en ny multipolär världsordning. Den tredje rollen uppenbarar sig i den överordnande politiska målsättningen att forma ett storryskt rike, bestående av Ryssland, Ukraina och Belarus, likväl erkännandet av en rysk intressesfär i det postsovjetiska området.

It is important for teachers to get a wide knowledge about diversity as we live in a more globalized world. This paper aims to contribute to this knowledge. The paper aims to describe the impact of a more globalized world and how this globalization has changed the early childhood education and care systems in China, Russia and Germany. The focus will be on how globalization has changed preschool and kindergarten, and the consequences there of. The consequences of the changed norms and values of these countries have been studied with the focus on preschool and early childhood education. Theoretical frameworks used as tools for analysis are children’s perspective, ecological systems theory, Esping-Andersen's theory of welfare regimes, “Regimes of the World” and Shulman’s theory of teachers’ knowledge base. We have gone through earlier research and assembled it through a literature study. As it turns out, the ideological change has indeed caused a tremendous change in preschool policies. Preschool children have been allowed more agency and influence in all three previously autocratic nations, including those who remain autocratic. There are norms and values pushedby the state, the families, and the professionals. These norms sometimes overlap, but not always. The norms and values sometimes differ in theory and practice, due to material conditions. Preschools are subject to both norms and values from outside change, as well as agents in their own right. Children can and do form their own norms and values in addition to what adults teach them.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att utreda vilka förutsättningar som krävs för att ett krigsbrott ska föreligga enligt folkrätten, och illustrera detta genom Rysslands angrepp på Ukraina perioden 2014 fram till idag. Den kvalitativa metoden ligger till grund för arbetet, där information hämtats från folkrättsliga källor, såsom internationell sedvanerätt, konventioner och deklarationer, litteratur, pressmeddelanden och artiklar. Ett krigsbrott är en överträdelse av de seder och lagar som finns i krig. Exempel är attacker mot civila och dess egendom, tagande av gisslan, samt användning av viss typ av stridsmedel. Resultatet av analysen visar att Ryssland har gjort sig skyldiga till en rad folkrättsbrott i Ukraina. Ryssland har inte respekterat suveränitetsprincipen, och de har gjort sig skyldiga till brott mot FN-stadgans våldsförbud. De har attackerat civilbefolkningen vilket strider mot Internationell humanitär rätt. Rysk militär har brutit mot Genèvekonventionen om behandlingen av civila, militära och krigsfångar, och de har utsatt Ukraina för cyberattacker. Omvärlden tog tidigt ställning i konflikten genom att sanktionera bland annat ryska medborgare och företag. Internationella brottmålsdomstolen agerade genom att utfärda en arresteringsorder mot president Vladimir Putin och ryska barnrättskommissionären Maria Lvova-Belova, för deportering av ukrainska barn.

The objective of this study is to examine the explanatory capabilities of the international theories, constructivism and structural realism, both separately and complementary. The explanatory capabilities of the theories are examined in the context of explaining the driving forces of Russia's invasion of Ukraine February 24, 2022. This study employs a qualitative research design and a theory-testing method to examine the theories capabilities. This is accomplished by analyzing compiled empirical material from numerous sources. Constructivism posits that the international system is socially constructed and underscores the importance of social norms, shared perceptions and identity in shaping political behavior. Structural realism however, diverges from this perspective and instead highlights the importance of security and power in an anarchic international system. The study concludes that structural realism and constructivism complement each other in their explanatory powers of understanding the driving forces of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Structural realism is however by far the strongest of the theories in independently explaining the driving forces of the invasion.

The aim of this research paper was to examine and understand how Russia contributed to be exacerbating the situation in Syria, leading it from peaceful protests demanding freedom, justice, and a better social and economic life, to a devastating civil war that took and displaced the lives of millions around the world. It seeks to answer why Russia chose to militarily engage in the conflict that began on March 15, 2011. The thesis explores Russian´s methodology in exerting influence and navigating global power structures becomes apparent. The theoretical framework includes realism to analyze Russian´s intentions, with elements of self-interest, balance of power, and security dilemma. Additionally, social constructivism is used to illustrate how identities and norms influenced the course of events.    In conclusion, the thesis determines that Russia viewed the crisis as an opportunity to benefit its own interests and increase its power. There are many other significant geopolitical actors, including the USA, China, Turkey, and Iran, that have a history of utilizing international crises to advance their own strategic goals. Despite the actions of these countries, the focus remains on Russia.

This study is a qualitative case study, with a theory-consuming approach and motive analytical structure that aims to examine Russia's ulterior motives, for the full-scale military invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. The analysis is based on a theoretical framework of two different international relations theories: realism and constructivism. Realism highlights security, military power and the survival of state in the international system while constructivism highlights the interactions between different constructed identities, norms and ideas within the international system. Together with the theoretical framework the analysis uses Kremlin's own statements, to see if it corresponds with the theoretical findings. The study concludes that the two theoretical perspectives complement each other in explaining Russia's ulterior motives and that Kremlin's own statements on Ukraine was able to correspond with the theoretical findings.