Só é possível estudar o tema O controle das contas municipais em um Estado que apresente, em sua Constituição, o princípio da separação de Poderes como uma de suas pedras angulares. Além de competir a cada órgão do Poder uma função típica, também reflexo da teoria da separação de Poderes de Montesquieu é o sistema de checks and balances pelo qual um Poder controla o outro evitando a prática dos abusos. Em matéria de contas públicas, este controle recíproco se apresenta com o dever que o Chefe do Poder Executivo tem de prestar contas ao Poder Legislativo do uso que conferiu ao dinheiro público que, na verdade, pertence ao povo. Fala-se, portanto, na função de controle externo que o Legislativo realiza sobre as contas prestadas pelo Executivo. Em âmbito municipal, o controle externo é exercido pela Câmara Municipal com o auxílio do Tribunal de Contas, ao qual compete o dever de elaborar um parecer prévio sobre as contas de governo anualmente prestadas pelo Prefeito e encaminhá-lo ao julgamento político da Câmara Municipal. À Corte de Contas compete, pois, o controle técnico das contas, através das fiscalizações contábil, financeira, orçamentária, operacional e patrimonial e à Câmara dos Vereadores, o controle político de tais contas. / To study The control over municipal accounts it is mandatory that a State has the principle of separation of powers as a cornerstone of its Constitution. Besides that each branch of Government has specific responsibilities, another reflection of Montesquieus theory of separation of Powers is the system of checks and balances, under which each branch of government controls the other to prevent abuse of power. In terms of public accounts, this reciprocated control is represented by the duty the Head of the Executive has to account for the destination of the public money, which belongs to the people, to the Legislative; i.e., the external control carried out by the Legislative Branch over the accounts of the Executive Branch. At municipal level, external control is carried out by the City Council and the Court of Auditors, which has to prepare a previous opinion on the government accounts annually presented by the Mayor and send it for the political judgment of the City Council. Thus, the Court of Auditors is responsible for the technical control of the accounts, running accounting, financial, budgetary, operational and equity audits, while the City Council is responsible for the political control thereof.

Comme la justice est le principe sur lequel la société humaine doit être fondée, dans quelle mesure Montesquieu est-il le philosophe de la justice ? Telle a été la question fondamentale de cette thèse : envisager la place de l'auteur de l'Esprit des lois et son rôle dans l'élaboration de la conception de la justice. Nous avons essayé de mettre en exergue quelles ont été sa contribution et son incidence dans le développement de l'idée de la justice, à la fois vis-à-vis du droit naturel et du droit positif. D'une part, son oeuvre a permis de comprendre que la justice naturelle est universelle, antérieure et supérieure aux lois positives. Dès lors, parce que l'esclavage est contraire au droit naturel, c'est au nom de cette justice immuable que Montesquieu l'a condamné. D'autre part, en examinant le rapport entre la justice et la liberté, l'auteur a indiqué comment cette justice peut s'épanouir en droit positif. Ce rapport implique la condamnation du despotisme et la nécessité de disposer de mécanismes efficaces visant à garantir la justice et la liberté contre ce danger. / Given the fact that justice is the principle on which human society must be based on, we should ask out selves in how far should Montesquieu be considered as the philosopher of justice? This question is the fundamental idea developed in this thesis: to consider the place of the author of The Spirit of Laws and his role in developing the concept of justice. We tried to highlight what his impact and contribution in developing the idea of justice, both in natural law and positive law has been. On the one hand, his work helped to understand that natural justice is universal, anterior and superior to positive laws. Therefore, because slavery is opposed to natural law, Montesquieu condemned it in the name of this immutable justice. On the other hand, by examining the relationship between justice and liberty, the author pointed out how justice flourishes in positive law. This relationship involves the condemnation of despotism and the need for effective mechanisms to ensure justice and liberty against the risk of despotism.

Le présent texte porte sur l’état de la démocratie au Sénégal depuis l’alternance politique survenue en 2000. Adoptant une définition minimale de la démocratie – respect des libertés civiles et politiques, et tenue d’élections libres et justes – à laquelle il ajoute le principe de séparation des pouvoirs, son principal objectif est de répondre à la question suivante : pourquoi le fonctionnement de la démocratie est-il entravé au Sénégal? L’hypothèse avancée pour répondre à cette interrogation est la présence du néo-patrimonialisme. Celui-ci, par l’intermédiaire de la personnalisation du pouvoir et le clientélisme, sape le respect des règles démocratiques dans ce pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest. Pour analyser l’impact du néo-patrimonialisme sur la démocratie au Sénégal, ce mémoire privilégie le néo-institutionnalisme sociologique comme cadre théorique. Cette approche définit les institutions de façon large : celles-ci peuvent englober non seulement des normes formelles mais également des règles informelles. En vertu de cette approche, le néo-patrimonialisme et la démocratie représentent des institutions puisque le premier englobe un ensemble de règles informelles et le second un ensemble de normes et procédures formelles. Ces deux institutions structurent et façonnent le comportement des individus. Dans cette confrontation institutionnelle, les règles néo-patrimoniales influencent davantage l’action des élites politiques sénégalaises – notamment le chef de l’État – que les normes démocratiques. La vérification de l’hypothèse s’appuie sur des études sur la démocratie et le néo-patrimonialisme aussi bien au Sénégal qu’en Afrique. Elle se base également sur l’actualité et les faits politiques saillants depuis l’alternance. L’analyse est essentiellement qualitative et se divise en deux chapitres empiriques. Le premier de ceux-ci (chapitre II dans le texte) concerne la séparation des pouvoirs. Le but de ce chapitre est d’observer la manière dont l’actuel président de la République, Abdoulaye Wade, contrôle le parlement et la justice. Le second chapitre empirique (chapitre III dans le texte) se divise en deux sections. La première s’intéresse aux libertés civiles et politiques qui subissent des restrictions dues au penchant autoritaire de Wade. La seconde section porte sur les élections dont le déroulement est entaché par de nombreuses irrégularités : violence électorale, manque de ressources de l’autorité électorale, instabilité du calendrier électoral, partialité de la justice. L’étude confirme l’hypothèse, ce qui est très problématique pour la plupart des États africains. En effet, le néo-patrimonialisme est une caractéristique fondamentale de la gouvernance en Afrique. Ainsi, beaucoup de régimes du continent noir qui enclenchent ou enclencheront un processus de démocratisation comme le Sénégal, risquent de connaître les mêmes difficultés liées à la persistance des pratiques néo-patrimoniales. / This text is about state of democracy in Senegal since the political changeover in 2000. Using a minimal definition of democracy – respect of political and civil liberties, free and fair elections – completed by the separation of state powers, it aims to answer to the following question : why is the functioning of democracy hampered in Senegal? The hypothesis is that neopatrimonialism, through personalization of power and clientelism, hinders the respect of democratic rules in this West African country. To analyze the impact of neopatrimonialism on democracy in Senegal, this text draws from the sociological institutionalism as theory. This approach provides a broad definition of institutions which includes formal norms as well as informal rules. In this perspective, neopatrimonialism and democracy embody institutions because the former has a set of informal rules and the later a set of formal norms and procedures. These two institutions structure and shape the individual behaviour. In this institutional confrontation, the neopatrimonial rules have a deeper impact on the action of Senegalese elites, particularly the president. To verify the hypothesis, one refers to studies that analyze the link between democracy and neopatrimonialism in Senegal and in Africa. This text also takes into account current events and striking political facts since 2000. The analysis is essentially qualitative and divided in two empirical chapters. The first one (chapter II in the text) studies the separation of powers and how the Senegalese president, Abdoulaye Wade, control the parliement and courts. The second empirical chapter (chapter III in the text) is subdivided in two sections. The first section examines how civil and political liberties are restricted by Wade’s inclination to authoritarianism. The second section analyses the numerous irregular situations that characterize senegalese elections : violence, lack of ressources for the electoral authority, frequent change of electoral timetable, partiality of the justice. On the whole, the hypothesis is confirmed, which is problematic to most of subsaharian African states. Neopatrimonialism is a fundamental feature of African politics. Its persistence could constitute a source of difficulty for African regimes that begin or will begin democratization like Senegal did.

This study on "The road to constitutionalism and democracy in post-colonial Africa: the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo" revolves around a major research problem: What has been the road to constitutionalism and democracy in Africa since independence and how can constitutionalism and democracy be established and consolidated on the African continent? The importance of the problem and its implications for the life of millions of African people and the state of the literature still dominated by persons foreign to Africa make constitutionalism and democracy one of the most fascinating and challenging intellectual projects, particularly among African scholars. This work is a contribution to the development of knowledge and to the building and consolidation of constitutionalism and democracy in Africa. It revisits and critically examines the concepts and the various discourses and voices we have heard form both inside and mostly outside the continent. It highlights the African struggle, explores the major trends, and stresses the challenges and prospects for constitutionalism and democracy in Africa. The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is a case study. The research deals with the unfinished struggle of the people of the Congo and explains why the Congo has gone from DRC to DRC via Zaire, from one crisis of the Congo in the 1960s to another crisis of the Congo since the early 1990s and why the DRC history has been rehearsing in a vicious circle of coups and countercoups, rebellions, unsuccessful national conferences, authoritarian and unconstitutional regimes. Central to the crisis in many African states, including the DRC, is the crisis of constitutionalism and democracy and the failure of the post-colonial state. The study ends with the conclusion that constitutionalism and democracy also belong to Africa and constitute a prerequisite for African survival and renaissance. / Constitutional and Public International Law / LL.D.

Submitted by Nikolay Henrique Bispo (nikolayhb@gmail.com) on 2016-04-29T10:49:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 BISPO (2016). O veto presidencial no STF um estado de caso de tensão entre os poderes.pdf: 2694325 bytes, checksum: 09cd7c7d9c831d32b6578a4c7afc1a4d (MD5) / Rejected by Letícia Monteiro de Souza (leticia.dsouza@fgv.br), reason: Prezado Nikolay, Favor alterar seu trabalho de acordo com as normas ABNT: 1 - Resumo e Abstract: Inserir as Palavras Chaves e Key-words. Atenciosamente, Letícia Monteiro 3799-3631 on 2016-05-02T12:17:16Z (GMT) / Submitted by Nikolay Henrique Bispo (nikolayhb@gmail.com) on 2016-05-02T12:52:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 BISPO (2016). O veto presidencial no STF um estado de caso de tensão entre os poderes.pdf: 2692181 bytes, checksum: 02f5be1ab2c037769b005dd6d661bd22 (MD5) / Rejected by Letícia Monteiro de Souza (leticia.dsouza@fgv.br), reason: Prezado Nikolay, Favor verificar o título da dissertação pois há uma divergência entre o titulo protocolado. Atenciosamente, Letícia Monteiro 3799-3631 on 2016-05-02T13:11:32Z (GMT) / Submitted by Nikolay Henrique Bispo (nikolayhb@gmail.com) on 2016-05-03T17:31:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 BISPO (2016). O veto presidencial no STF um estado de caso de tensão entre os poderes.pdf: 2692181 bytes, checksum: 02f5be1ab2c037769b005dd6d661bd22 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Letícia Monteiro de Souza (leticia.dsouza@fgv.br) on 2016-05-03T17:33:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 BISPO (2016). O veto presidencial no STF um estado de caso de tensão entre os poderes.pdf: 2692181 bytes, checksum: 02f5be1ab2c037769b005dd6d661bd22 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-03T20:06:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 BISPO (2016). O veto presidencial no STF um estado de caso de tensão entre os poderes.pdf: 2692181 bytes, checksum: 02f5be1ab2c037769b005dd6d661bd22 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-01 / Esta pesquisa tem como principal objetivo descrever e analisar a atuação do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) em casos que envolvam veto presidencial a projeto de lei (veto), a fim de identificar como se constrói a relação do STF com os poderes Legislativo e Executivo, nessas situações. Reflexamente, a partir disso, esta pesquisa também analisa quais são as regras criadas pelo STF na delimitação do papel do Executivo e do Legislativo ao decidir os casos sobre o veto presidencial a projeto de lei e para a sua própria competência para resolver esses casos. Para isso, esta pesquisa apresenta a construção do raciocínio teórico sobre o papel do Judiciário dentro dessa fase da separação dos poderes (veto) e a analisa cinquenta e cinco decisões do STF sobre o tema; diversos documentos do poder Legislativo quanto a projetos de leis e lei e; diversos documentos com justificativas quanto ao veto presidencial. Constatou-se que a forma de decisão do STF, nesses casos, é diversificada, sendo possível identificar perfis para cada um dos sete grupos de casos criados na pesquisa; também foi constatado que, por regra, os casos que chegam ao STF representam algum rompimento de entendimento quanto à tomada de decisão política entre os atores políticos envolvidos e fica a encargo do STF a resolução do conflito; constatou-se, também, que o STF é claro quanto ao limite da sua competência para o controle desse tipo de casos, reservando amplo espaço para esse seu poder, contudo, na prática, apenas em casos excepcionais este órgão decide julgar inválido (inconstitucional) o caso. Concluiu-se que, mesmo sendo excepcional, os casos em que o STF atua de maneira enfática as consequências que essas decisões podem causar são graves e, que, por isso, deveriam haver limites legais para a sua atuação e até mesmo responsabilização pelas suas decisões. Concluiu-se, também, que os estudiosos da separação dos poderes, mais especificamente quanto ao veto, não analisam a importância que o Judiciário tem nesse processo. / This study aims at describing and analyzing how the Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) rules the cases that deal with presidential veto, in order to identify how the STF's relationship with the legislative and executive branches is built. Through the cases, this research focus on the rules established by the STF in defining the role of the executive and legislative to decide cases on the presidential veto and in limiting its own jurisdiction. To this, the author develops a theoretical reasoning about the judiciary's role in this phase of the separation of powers (veto); and analyzes fifty-five decisions of the Supreme Court on the subject, several legislative branch documents on bills and laws and, finally, presidential documents that have reasoning for the presidential veto. The cases studied showed that the form of the Supreme Court decision in such cases is diverse, since it is possible to identify profiles for each of the seven groups of cases created in the research. Secondly, I found that the cases analyzed, as a rule, represent a breach of understanding about the political decision-making among political actors involved and STF is demanded to solve the conflicts. The cases also showed that the Supreme Court is clear on the scope of their responsibilities for the control of such cases, allowing ample space for its own power, however, in practice only in exceptional cases this body decides invalid (unconstitutional) the case. I also concluded that, even if exceptional cases where the Supreme Court acts in an emphatic manner, the consequences of these decisions can cause are serious and that therefore there should be legal limits to its performance and even accountability for their decisions. Finally, the scholars of separation of powers, more specifically the veto, do not analyze the importance that the judiciary has in this process.

Submitted by Luciana Zaffalon Leme Cardoso (luzaffalon@gmail.com) on 2017-03-24T17:11:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017.03_Tese_LucianaZaffalon_DepositoFinal.pdf: 12954081 bytes, checksum: 3377f8009a09b175e18bdaeadb7082e8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2017-03-27T11:12:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017.03_Tese_LucianaZaffalon_DepositoFinal.pdf: 12954081 bytes, checksum: 3377f8009a09b175e18bdaeadb7082e8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-27T11:42:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017.03_Tese_LucianaZaffalon_DepositoFinal.pdf: 12954081 bytes, checksum: 3377f8009a09b175e18bdaeadb7082e8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-21 / Considering the concept of democracy proposed by Boaventura de Sousa Santos, understood as a "system that transforms unequal power into shared authority" (2016), and starting from the hypothesis that the Justice System can both favor and hamper the democratic deepening, the study proposes to unveil the politicization processes of São Paulo State Justice System, in order to understand how it affects the regional democratic process. The research covers the last two administrations of the São Paulo State Court of Justice´s, Public Ministry´s and Public Defender's Offices, from the beginning of 2012 to June 2016, and analyzes the social impacts of Justice administration in the fields of Public Security and the Penitentiary System, which are brought to the debate to put the analyzed issues in context. As the disputes for the control of Justice administration are structured according to political parties, embedded in the remuneration and corporate guidelines of legal careers, we propose to shift the focus from the judicialization of politics as the key element to explain the separation of powers, to enlighten the effects of the Executive Power agenda into the institutions of justice. In this context, the influence of political decision-making on judicial independence is explored considering practices that are not usually seen in the discussion about the formal and normative dynamics of separation of powers. / Considerando o conceito de Democracia proposto por Boaventura de Sousa Santos, compreendida como “sistema de transformação do poder desigual em autoridade partilhada” (2016), e partindo da hipótese de que o Sistema de Justiça tanto pode favorecer o aprofundamento democrático quanto, ao contrário, pode o obstaculizar, o estudo se propõe a desvelar os processos de politização do Sistema de Justiça do Estado de São Paulo para compreender de que maneira afetam o aprofundamento democrático local. A pesquisa leva em conta o período abarcado nas duas últimas gestões do Tribunal de Justiça, do Ministério Público e da Defensoria Pública do Estado de São Paulo, ou seja, do início de 2012 até junho de 2016, e analisa os impactos sociais da administração da justiça nos campos da segurança pública e penitenciário, que são trazidos a debate para por em contexto os temas analisados. É diante da verificação de que as disputas envolvidas no controle da administração da justiça têm um componente político partidário estruturante, que se imbrica às pautas remuneratórias e corporativas das carreiras jurídicas, que propomos o deslocamento do foco das análises que consideram apenas a judicialização da política no equacionamento democrático da separação ideal entre os poderes, para trazer à luz também a agenda do Poder Executivo dentro das instituições de justiça. Trazemos à baila, neste debate, a influência dos processos de decisão política sobre a independência judicial, considerando práticas que não se localizam necessariamente nos espaços mais visíveis da dinâmica formal e normativa da separação de poderes.

Submitted by Cristiane Oliveira (cristiane.oliveira@fgv.br) on 2011-06-10T21:16:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 60090200007.pdf: 955148 bytes, checksum: de08a7ba5f3218abb7380440507dcb89 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vera Lúcia Mourão(vera.mourao@fgv.br) on 2011-06-10T21:18:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 60090200007.pdf: 955148 bytes, checksum: de08a7ba5f3218abb7380440507dcb89 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vera Lúcia Mourão(vera.mourao@fgv.br) on 2011-06-10T21:18:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 60090200007.pdf: 955148 bytes, checksum: de08a7ba5f3218abb7380440507dcb89 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-06-10T21:36:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 60090200007.pdf: 955148 bytes, checksum: de08a7ba5f3218abb7380440507dcb89 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-11 / A Reforma do Judiciário de 2004 é parte de um longo processo de tentativas políticas de implementação de mudanças que não surgiriam espontaneamente na cultura jurídica. A súmula vinculante é exemplar desse histórico, pois se trata de instrumento voltado para corrigir problemas persistentes que decorrem da ausência de uma cultura jurídica de precedentes no Brasil. Entretanto, o próprio funcionamento do instituto depende da adequada aplicação da lógica de precedentes, pois a clareza dos enunciados vinculantes aprovados decorre da clareza da ratio decidendi de seus respectivos precedentes. Além do estudo dos debates legislativos que criaram o instituto da súmula vinculante, bem como dos procedimentos de aprovação das súmulas vinculantes penais editadas até o final de 2010, pesquisou-se como o Supremo Tribunal Federal administrou o manejo deste instituto conflitante com a maneira tradicional de fundamentação judicial e de referência não-fática, mas conceitual, entre decisões passadas. / The 2004 Brazilian Judiciary Reform is part of a long process of political attempts to create changes that were not produced spontaneously by the legal culture. The súmula vinculante is a great example of such process, since is a legal institute aimed to solve persistent problems that came from the absence of a legal culture of precedents in Brazil. However, the own effectiveness of the institute depends on the adequate use of a precedents rationale, since the clarity of the binding rulings depends on the clarity of the ratio decidendi of the respective precedents. By the analysis of the legislative debates that created the súmula vinculante, as well of the approval proceedings of the binding rulings related to criminal law issued until the end of 2010, it was researched precisely how the Brazilian Supreme Court managed to handle such institute that conflicts with the traditional way of providing grounds to judicial decisions and of conceptual rather than factual relation between past decisions.

This paper discusses the judicial review under the focus of theories of institutional dialogues. Main objective, aims to demonstrate that the weak systematization of institutional dialogues allows to find points of their incidence in the Brazilian, specifically the unconstitutionality by omission. Aims, specifically, to analyze the relationship between the Supremo Tribunal Federal and Congress in interpreting the Constitution and in the unconstitutionality by omission. It also aims to analyze the relationship of institutional dialogue and decisionism in unconstitutional omission and analyze the unconstitutional omission from the perspective of the agenda power of the Supremo Tribunal Federal. Finally, aims to analyze technical decision in which the Supremo Tribunal Federal leaves room for the intervention of other state power in implementing the Constitution. The selected research methods are mainly bibliographic and legislative and jurisprudential research. It also used the deductive method. It was found, after detailed analysis on the institutional dialogues, they have a meager systematization, despite its two central points: the performance as an empirical theory, in which interaction will always be, more or less, among the Powers; and normative theory, that this interaction is required for generating results with less prone to error and more democratically legitimate. Thus, can be found them in the brazilian legal system, greatly as regards the unconstitutionality by omission. / O presente trabalho discorre sobre a jurisdição constitucional sob o enfoque das teorias dos diálogos institucionais. Objetiva mostrar que o conceito polissêmico dos diálogos institucionais permite encontrar traços de sua incidência no ordenamento brasileiro, sobremaneira na inconstitucionalidade por omissão. Pretende, de forma específica, analisar a relação entre o Supremo Tribunal Federal e Congresso Nacional na interpretação do texto constitucional e na inconstitucionalidade por omissão. Intenta ainda analisar a proporção entre diálogo institucional e decisionismo na omissão inconstitucional, bem como analisar a omissão inconstitucional sob a ótica do poder de agenda do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Por fim, pretende analisar as técnicas de decisão em que o Supremo Tribunal Federal deixe espaço para a intervenção de outros órgãos estatais para a concretização da Constituição. A metodologia usada é a dedutiva e os métodos de pesquisa selecionados são, sobretudo, o bibliográfico e as pesquisas legislativa e jurisprudencial. Encontrou-se, após detida análise sobre os diálogos institucionais, que elas possuem conceito amplo, apesar de seus dois pontos centrais: a atuação como teoria empírica, em que sempre haverá interação, maior ou menor, entre os Poderes; e teoria normativa, em que essa interação é desejada por gerar resultados com menor propensão ao erro e mais democraticamente legítimo. Com isso, consegue-se encontrá-las no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, sobremaneira no que se refere à inconstitucionalidade por omissão. / Mestre em Direito Público

Marinha do Brasil / O texto constitucional brasileiro de 1988 sofreu diversas alterações em matéria tributária e financeira. Praticamente todas as emendas constitucionais tiveram sua constitucionalidade questionada em razão de alegadas violações aos limites materiais do poder de reforma constitucional. O presente trabalho procura delinear alguns parâmetros para a construção de contornos mais precisos dos limites do poder de reforma constitucional em matéria tributária e financeira. A delimitação de tais parâmetros de reforma, além de contribuir para o exercício da jurisdição constitucional na análise da constitucionalidade das emendas constitucionais, permite que sejam mais bem delineadas quais as decisões fundamentais que a Constituição adotou na seara financeira e tributária, relacionadas ao federalismo, aos direitos fundamentais e à separação de poderes. / This study aims to analyze the constitutional amendments and to examine the limitations to which they are submitted in tax and public finance law. Constitutional changes are necessary as means of preservation and conservation of the Constitution. Constitutional norms are not to be considered perfect but are yet in a constant state of mutual interaction with reality. The obtained results with the research enables us to evaluate the limitations that are imposed to constitutional amendments, the binding orders of the Constitutional Court, the prohibition of abolition of perpetual clauses, as the prohibition retreating to fundamental rights, federalism and separation of powers.

Esta tese pretende ampliar o objeto de análise da judicialização da saúde, ao situar a questão dentro do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). A partir do estudo sobre a integralidade da atenção e a universalidade de acesso, que tomamos como regras do sistema, procuramos identificar o mínimo existencial do direito à saúde, tanto no SUS como no caso concreto. Defendemos a tese de que a identificação do mínimo existencial do caso concreto e do sistema de saúde pode ser realizada por várias pessoas: pelo legislador, pelo administrador, pelos membros do Conselho de Saúde e da Conferência de Saúde, pelo médico que assiste o paciente. Vimos também que a discricionariedade do administrador quanto à escolha das prestações mínimas a serem implementadas é reduzida no que diz respeito à saúde. Uma vez identificado o mínimo existencial da saúde, esse direito deve ser satisfeito, não se admitindo qualquer restrição, pois essa é uma exigência do ordenamento jurídico, que tem como valor fonte a pessoa humana. Defendemos também a posição de que, diante da omissão do Legislativo e do Executivo na implementação do direito ao mínimo existencial, caberá ao Poder Executivo atuar para que sejam cumpridas as políticas públicas e atingidos os objetivos do Estado Democrático de Direito. / The objective of this thesis is to expand the analysis of the judicialization (or judicial control) of health by placing the issue within the scope of the Brazilian Universal Healthcare Program (SUS). From the study on comprehensive care and universal access, which we accept as being the general rule in health system, we try to identify the existential minimum of the right to health both in the Brazilian Universal Healthcare Program SUS and in the concrete cases. We defend that the identification of the existential minimum in concrete cases and in the health system can be done by several people: the lawmaker, the administrator, the members of Health Councils and Health Conferences, and the physician attending the patient. We also saw that the administrators discretion towards choosing the minimum services to be implemented is reduced when referring to health. Once the existential minimum for health is identified, this right must be fulfilled, with no restrictions, since this is demanded by the legal system, whose basic value is the individual person. We also defend the position that, in view of the omission of the Legislative and Executive branches in implementing the existential minimum, it will be responsibility of the Judicial branch to act so that public policies are met and objectives of the Democratic State ruled by the law are complied with.