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Showing 181 to 189 of 189 (0.408 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"andeparation off powers"" "subject:"andeparation oof powers""
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'n Funksionele en strukturele ontleding van die 1993- en 1996-grondwet met spesiale verwysing na die trias politica-leerstukLabuschagne, P.(Pieter) 30 July 2007 (has links)
Text in Afrikaans / The broad focus of the thesis is an analysis of the meaning and the modern development of the doctrine of the separation of power (trias politica) and the application thereof in the constitutional development in South Africa. The first chapter outlines the historical restrictions that were placed on governmental authority by the trias politica doctrine. In the following chapter the application of the trias politica doctrine in different governmental systems (parliamentary, presidential and semipresidential) are analysed. In the third chapter an analysis is made of the constitutions of the former Boer republics, chronologically followed by an analysis of the 1909, 1961 and 1983 Constitutions, to establish to which extent the trias politica doctrine was incorporated in the respective constitutions. In the subsequent chapters, the focus shifts to the constitutions in the post democratic era, namely the 1993 interim Constitution and the 1996 (final) Constitution. It is evident that the new supreme Constitution and an independent judiciary yielded to a stronger adherence to the separation of power principle. It is also evident that the retainment of the parliamentary system, with a fused legislature and executive authority, inhibited a stronger separation of power. The inclusion of sosioeconomic rights in the Constitution resulted in a more direct involvement in governmental policy. However, the Constitutional Court managed to maintain a fine balance between reviewing policy and the formulation of policy. In the closing chapter a short summary is provided, followed by comments on possible alternatives to the existing system to ensure a stronger separation of powers. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL. D. (Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law)
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A capacidade normativa de conjuntura no direito econômico: o déficit democrático da regulação financeira / The rule-making powers of Brazilian Central Bank and of the National Monetary Council: the democratic deficit of financial regulationJean Paul Cabral Veiga da Rocha 12 November 2004 (has links)
A regulação financeira, especialmente a regulação bancária, tem um papel central na organização da vida social. As modernas técnicas regulatórias, altamente sofisticadas, são o resultado de décadas de evolução. Elas exigem técnicos especializados, orçamentos específicos e uma estrutura institucional complexa. Mais que isso: para promover as regulações sistêmica e prudencial, os reguladores necessitam de amplos poderes normativos uma capacidade normativa de conjuntura. A atribuição de tais competências a órgãos que não contam com a legitimidade das urnas é considerada por alguns autores uma espécie de anomalia no direito constitucional. Para outros, ao contrário, ela é um elemento necessário do desenho institucional do Estado Regulador contemporâneo. É nesse ponto que se cruzam os debates sobre o processo de burocratização da vida social e sobre o desenvolvimento dos cânones do direito ocidental, especialmente a doutrina da separação dos poderes. A juridificação das esferas sociais suscita o tema do déficit democrático da formulação de políticas pela burocracia. A presente tese desenvolve, a partir do modelo de democracia deliberativa de Jürgen Habermas, a premissa normativa segundo a qual o controle judicial é necessário para garantir a legitimidade democrática do processo administrativo normativo. Como o cidadão comum não dispõe nem do conhecimento técnico nem dos meios materiais necessários para acompanhar o processo de tomada de decisões, o controle judicial deveria funcionar como um mecanismo de controle democrático da regulação financeira. A tese analisa esse déficit democrático a partir da jurisprudência constitucional do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) relativa à separação dos poderes e às disputas doutrinárias sobre delegação legislativa e poder regulamentar. Os estudos de caso, focados no sistema financeiro, buscam investigar se a atuação do STF tem garantido de forma adequada um equilíbrio entre a racionalidade tecnocrática e as exigências normativas de uma democracia deliberativa. / Financial regulation, specially banking regulation, plays a central role in the organization of social life. The current regulatory techniques, highly sophisticated, are the result of decades of evolution. They require well-trained public officials, specific budgets and a complex institutional framework. Moreover, in order to carry on the systemic and prudential regulations, regulators need broad rule-making powers. The assignment of such authority to non-majoritarian bodies is considered by some authors as a sort of anomaly in Constitutional Law. To others, it is seen as a necessary element of the institutional design of the contemporary Regulatory State. This is the stage where the debate about the process of bureaucratization of social life meets the intellectual concern about the current developments of western public law, namely the issue of the separation of powers. The juridification of the social spheres brings the issue of the democratic deficit of bureaucratic policymaking. Since ordinary citizens lack the expertise as well as the material and financial resources which are necessary to monitor the decision-making process, this dissertation develops the normative assumption that judicial review is necessary to ensure the democratic legitimacy of the administrative process. The dissertation analyses that democratic deficit from the viewpoint of the constitutional jurisprudence of the Brazilian Supreme Court (Supremo Tribunal Federal STF) regarding separation of powers, the rule-making authority of Brazilian non-majoritarian bodies and the doctrinal disputes about legislative delegation. The case studies show that the judicial review by STF has in practice rejected the Brazilian public law non-delegation doctrine, but has done it in a way that does not strike a balance between technocratic rationality and the normative claims of deliberative democracy.
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The political / administrative interface: the relationship between the executive mayor and municipal managerSurty, Fatima January 2010 (has links)
Magister Legum - LLM / Local government is arguably the most significant sphere of government to lay citizens, as it is the point of contact of citizens with their government. Local government enables a direct link between the general public and the basic services that they are entitled to by means of their constitutional and legislatively entrenched rights. It is the only sphere of government that allows and encourages face-to-face engagement between citizens and their governors, providing the necessary platform for interaction, contact and communication. It is imperative therefore that this tier of government operate optimally and competently, as it represents a reflection of the operation of government wholly. Research unfortunately illustrates that public perceptions of local government are negative, with levels of trust in local government being substantially lower than those in provincial and national governments. The responsibility for failure to perform would lie squarely on the shoulders of those individuals leading any institution. The leading incumbents driving a municipality are the political and administrative heads, i.e. executive mayor and municipal manager. / South Africa
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Machtbegrenzungsmechanismen in Internationalen Organisationen / am Beispiel der Vereinten Nationen und der WelthandelsorganisationWolprecht, Karola 21 May 2008 (has links)
Der Einfluss Internationaler Organisationen reicht angesichts der Herausforderung, für globale Probleme Lösungen zu finden, mittlerweile so weit, dass sich die Frage nach den in ihnen vorhandenen Machtbegrenzungsmechanismen stellt. Doch wie kann die Macht Internationaler Organisationen kontrolliert werden, wenn das aus dem nationalen Verfassungsrecht bekannte Gewaltenteilungsprinzip nicht auf die internationale Ebene übertragen werden kann? Die Arbeit analysiert die dazu innerhalb der Vereinten Nationen (UNO) und der Welthandelsorganisation (WTO) existierenden formalisierten Mechanismen anhand ihrer Gründungsverträge. Dabei werden drei Kategorien von Machtbegrenzungsmechanismen identifiziert: Kompetenzzuweisungen und -abgrenzungen, organinterne Mechanismen und schließlich Interaktion zwischen den Organen. Die in der Praxis bedeutsamsten Mechanismen stellen zum einen das Vetorecht im UN-Sicherheitsrat sowie der negative Konsens im Streitbeilegungsgremium der WTO dar, die zur Gruppe der organinternen Mechanismen gehören. Zum anderen besteht in der Kontrolle der Streitbeilegungs-Panel der WTO durch den Appellate Body eine wichtige Machtbegrenzung durch Interaktion. Die Untersuchung dokumentiert das paradoxe Phänomen, dass die Mechanismen zur Begrenzung der Macht in vielen Fällen auch eine machtsteigernde Wirkung haben, indem sie die Effizienz, Akzeptanz und Legitimation der Organisation erhöhen. Die Verfasserin erklärt dies damit, dass das Augenmerk der Gründungsstaaten in der Entstehungsphase auf dem Funktionieren der Organisation als Gegengewicht zu ihren jeweiligen Mitgliedsstaaten lag. Dass Internationale Organisationen in der Zwischenzeit so stark an Einfluss gewonnen haben, dass ihre Macht nunmehr begrenzt werden sollte, ist eine neue Entwicklung, die jedoch in Zukunft deutlich an Bedeutung gewinnen wird. / In light of the challenge to find answers to global problems, the influence of international organizations nowadays goes so far that the question of existing checks and balances within these organizations arises. But how can power be controlled when the principle of separation of powers originating from national constitutional law cannot be transferred to the international stage? The purpose of this thesis is to analyze existing formalized internal mechanisms within the United Nations and the World Trade Organization on the basis of their founding treaties. The author identifies three categories of checks and balances: allowing and limiting competencies, mechanisms within the organs and finally interactions between the organs. In practice, the most important mechanisms of these organizations are on the one hand the power of veto within the UN Security Council and the negative consensus within the WTO dispute settlement body, which belong to the category of mechanisms within the organs. In addition, the control of the WTO dispute settlement panels by the Appellate Body is an important form of checks and balances through interaction. The analysis shows the paradoxical phenomenon, that checks and balances in many cases have the effect of increasing power by augmenting the efficiency, acceptance and legitimacy of the organization. The author explains this by reference to the intentions of the founding states during the developing phase to strengthen these organizations as a counterbalance to their respective member states. It is a new development that international organizations have now increased their influence so much that their power should be limited, but this will become significantly more important in the future.
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Normotvorná pravomoc Evropské komise / The rule-making power of the European CommissionLenfeld, Jiří January 2013 (has links)
The rule-making power of the European Commission, dissertation Mgr. Mgr. Jiří Lenfeld, M.A.; supervisor: doc. JUDr. Richard Král, Ph.D., LL.M. Charles University, Faculty of Law, Department of European Law Prague, March 2013 The aim of the dissertation is to analyse the role of the European Commission in the legislative process of the European Union with the focus on procedures for adoption of legally binding Union acts. The European Commission is one of the main institutions of the European Union. It represents and upholds the interests of the EU as a whole and manages the day-to-day business of implementing EU policies. However, to limit the role of the European Commission to that of an executive body would be misleading. Its role in the EU institutional system is much broader than that. The European Commission is the most important legislator among the EU institutions and is also empowered with an almost exclusive power to submit drafts of EU legal acts. The rule-making power of the European Commission could be seen from two different points of view. In a narrow sense of the word it could be seen as a power conferred on the European Commission by the Treaties to propose drafts and to adopt EU legal acts implementing legally binding Union acts. However, the exercise of the rule-making power may...
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Discricionariedade e princípios na hipermodernidadeBanhos, Sérgio Silveira 05 June 2007 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2007-06-05 / This thesis addresses the recent doctrinal and jurisprudential tendency observed in the law in the context of hypermodernity, which indicates an effective reduction in the use of discretionality in administrative acts as a result of the integrated ap-plication of principles and rules. The traditional legalistic approach is currently giv-ing way to a more wide-ranging view, exemplified in Ronald Dworkin s theory of law as integrity through which not only rules, but also principles themselves, should be subjected to a systemic, integrated analysis. Given this, Dworkin s work forms the theoretical platform for the questions raised by this entire study, since the integrated application of principles and rules has become fundamental in the pursuit of the ideal of justice, bringing a new focus on the role of administrative law in an environment of deep and rapid change that typifies hypermodernity. Consid-ering the new concept of the separation of powers, the notion of strict legality, by presupposing a means of controlling the exercise of State power, must be set against other constitutional principles of equal importance, taking into account the particularities of each case in question. In this context, the traditional concept of discretionality is outmoded. Jurisdictive control of these acts is not only possible, but also absolutely essential in a democratic state of law. The synthesis of this new paradigm for administrative law is clear and should be an indissoluble part of administators agenda in contemporary society: citizens are the effective benefici-aries of constitutional rights and guarantees. The technique of balancing principles by assessing their values in the particular case is already part of the jurisprudence of hypermodernity, which is in synchrony with neopositivism and the theory of law as integrity / Esta dissertação demonstra a recente tendência doutrinária e jurisprudencial ob-servada no Direito da hipermodernidade, que indica efetiva diminuição da parcela de discricionariedade nos atos da Administração Pública, a partir da aplicação in-tegrada de princípios e regras. Da tradicional abordagem puramente legalista passa-se atualmente para uma visão mais abrangente na teoria do Direito como Integridade, de RONALD DWORKIN, mediante a qual não só normas, mas também princípios, devem ser analisados de maneira sistêmica, integrada. Dado isso, a obra de DWORKIN é a base teórica de apoio às questões instigadas por todo este estudo, porque a aplicação integrada de princípios e regras se tornou essencial à busca do ideal de justiça, trazendo novo enfoque quanto ao papel do Direito Ad-ministrativo nesta ambiência de profundas e rápidas transformações típicas da hi-permodernidade. Considerada a nova concepção da separação dos poderes, o princípio da legalidade estrita, por encerrar uma fórmula de contenção do exercí-cio do poder estatal, deve ser contraposto a outros princípios constitucionais de igual relevo, observado o caso concreto. A acepção clássica da discricionarieda-de, assim, encontra-se de vez superada. O controle jurisdicional desses atos não é só possível, mas imprescindível num Estado Democrático de Direito. A síntese desse novo paradigma para o Direito Administrativo é clara e deve pautar a agen-da dos administradores na contemporaneidade: os administrados são os efetivos destinatários dos direitos e das garantias constitucionais. A técnica de pondera-ção dos princípios contrapondo valores nos casos considerados já faz parte da realidade da jurisprudência da hipermodernidade, que se encontra sintonizada com o neopositivismo e com a teoria do Direito como Integridade
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L'équilibre des pouvoirs législatif et juridictionnel à l'épreuve des systèmes de protection des droits et libertés : étude comparée : États-Unis, Canada, Royaume-Uni / Separation of powers between courts and legislatures : the impact of human rights protectionBachert, Audrey 01 July 2017 (has links)
Alors que la protection effective des droits et libertés est souvent conçue comme dépendante de leur garantie juridictionnelle, cette dernière implique une transformation de l'équilibre qui s'établit entre le juge, non élu, et le législateur, représentant du peuple souverain. À travers une analyse pratique des effets du travail juridictionnel sur l'activité législative, tels qu'ils se sont déployés aux États-Unis, au Canada et au Royaume-Uni sur les quinze dernières années, il est possible d'évaluer les conséquences de la consécration de certains droits dans un catalogue opposable par le juge au législateur, en matière d'équilibre entre les pouvoirs législatif et juridictionnel. Si ces trois systèmes, aux traditions constitutionnelles éloignées, disposent chacun de mécanismes spécifiques pour assurer le respect des droits consacrés, plusieurs points de convergence peuvent être mis en lumière. Leur étude sera alors l'occasion d'appréhender dans une perspective renouvelée l'équilibre qui s'établit entre les deux institutions. Elle fera progressivement apparaitre l'idée d'une véritable collaboration du législateur et du juge en matière de protection des droits et libertés dans les démocraties contemporaines / Effective human rights protection is often perceived as being dependent upon their judicial enforcement. However, such a mechanism transforms the relationship between unelected judges and electorally accountable legislators. Through an empirical analysis of the effects of judicial review on legislation and legislative decision-making, in the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom, during the last fifteen years, the actual impact of the entrenchment of human rights in a written bill of rights will be assessed and evaluated. Even though these three countries have different processes to guarantee the respect of entrenched rights, and despite their long-settled and contrasting traditions, their systems are not as conflicting as it is often thought. This study finally leads to a better understanding of the relationship between judges and legislators in contemporary democracies and underlines the idea of a genuine collaboration of powers
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L’idee russe de l’Etat, contribution a la théorie juridique de l’Etat : le cas russe des origines au postcommunisme / The russian idea of the state contribution to the legal theory of the state : the russian case from its origins to the postcommunism periodLherbette-Michel, Isabelle 16 December 2013 (has links)
Il existe une continuité dans l’« idée » russe de l’Etat qu’une analogie dans la continuité des systèmes ne reflète pas. De la Russie impériale à la Russie soviétique, l’Etat (Gosudarstvo) n’est pas conçu comme une entité abstraite et autonome. A la dimension césariste du pouvoir correspond la non-émergence, et du concept et de la réalité d’un Etat. Jusqu’en 1917, la conception russe du pouvoir est conditionnée par le discours idéologique – religieux. Après 1917, sa principale caractéristique est d’être subordonnée à l’idéologie, en tant qu’expression de la volonté du Parti communiste. L’Etat soviétique s’impose donc comme un Etat « de fait » et non comme un Etat « de droit ». La prédominance du discours idéologique entrave, à la fois, la constitution d’une culture de l’Etat, qui reste une culture du pouvoir, et la formation d’une culture de l’antériorité et de la supériorité du droit sur l’Etat. Après la désintégration de l’Union soviétique, la référence à la démocratie libérale et à l’Etat de droit devient un outil de la création d’une nouvelle légitimité pour l’Etat postcommuniste. L’entrée de la Russie dans la modernité politique nécessite une rupture avec les postulats idéologiques du passé. Or, la déconstruction du socialisme est un processus beaucoup plus complexe que la construction de la démocratie. Bien qu’ayant subi, sur plusieurs siècles, plusieurs types de transitions – de l’absolutisme de droit divin au socialisme, puis au postcommunisme -, l’Etat russe a donc conservé certains caractères constants et typiques qui en font, encore aujourd’hui, un modèle hybride, en tension entre autoritarisme et démocratie. / There is a continuity as concerns the « idea » of the state that an analogy with the different systems does not reflect. From imperial to Soviet Russia, the state (Gosudarstvo) is not thought of as an abstract and autonomous entity. Until 1917, the Russian conception of power is conditioned by the religious ideological discourse. After 1917, her main feature is one of submission to ideology, in other words the expression of the will of the Communist Party. The Soviet state stands out by its « de facto » nature, rather than a « de jure » state. The supremacy of the ideological discourse hampers both the constitution of a new state culture, which remains focused on power, and the formation of the precedence and the superiority of law over the state. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, reference to liberal democracy and the rule of law becomes a tool in creating renewed legitimacy for the postcommunist state. Russia’s entry into political modernity demands a rupture with the ideological postulates of the past. The dismantlement of socialism is a much more complex process than the construction of democracy. Despite having been subjected, over centuries, to many types of transition – absolutism founded on divine right to socialism, then postcommunism -, the Russian state has always preserved certain features (be they constant or specific) that make it, and still today, a hybrid model pulling towards both authoritarianism and democracy.
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Les projets politiques et les fondements historiques de la communauté chiite au Bahreïn depuis l’indépendance 1971 / The political projects and the historical foundations of Shi’a in Bahrain since independence in 1971Al shaikh, Aayat 12 May 2018 (has links)
Le chiisme au Bahreïn est un phénomène sociopolitique complexe. A l’époque contemporaine, les projets politiques chiites transnationaux et nationaux ont connu une nouvel ascension. Les analyses politiques et médiatiques dominants réduisent souvent le chiisme dans le champ sociopolitique bahreïni aux projets politiques dominants en Iran, en Iraq, et au Liban, qui projettent le renforcement de leur pouvoir religieux et politique. Or, les chiites de Bahreïn sont souvent assimilés à des adeptes des politiques menées par les clercs influents outre le pays insulaire. Ils sont considérés comme des instruments de l’hégémonie des acteurs chiites. Ces grilles de lecture ne représentent qu’une approche réductrice et partielle du champ chiite. Certes, le chiisme bahreïni est influencé par les acteurs et les politiques régionales et transnationales, mais l’analyse de ses fondements et de son évolution démontre qu’il est spécifique à son contexte local. Le champ chiite local est façonné par des interactions sociopolitiques diverses, tels que des processus de socialisation politique, la transnationalisation, la pratique des rites particuliers, l’organisation des institutions, les relations avec l’Etat, etc. A l’époque contemporaine, les acteurs chiites bahreïnis sont influencés par des théories et des projets qui émanent de la sphère transnationale, cependant ils développent des projets sociopolitiques distincts. Dans ce contexte spécifique du Bahreïn, l’Etat même dominant, ne peut pas contrôler ses acteurs et leurs projets sociopolitiques, qu’ils soient transnationaux ou nationaux. / Shiism in Bahrain is a complicated socio-political phenomenon. The contemporary era is marked by a new rise of national and transnational shi’a political projects. Dominant political and media analysis consider shi’ism in the Bahraini context as a simplest extension of dominant political projects in Iran, Iraq, and in Lebanon.However, Bahraini shi’a are frequently assimilated to unconditional followers of influential non-Bahrainis clerics and their politics. In that framework, shi’a in Bahrain are considered as instruments of the shi’a actors’ hegemony. Those methods of interpretation appear superficial.Certainly, as we noted above, regional and transnational actors and politics affect the shiism in Bahrain, but the examination of its basis and its evolution demonstrate that it’s specific to the local schema. Various socio-political interactions shapes the local political sphere; such as political socialization processes,transnationalization, rites’ practicing, institutions’ organization's, relations avec the State, etc. In the contemporary period Bahrainis shi’a actors are indeed influenced by the theories and the projects stems from the transnational sphere, however, they develops their own and distinct socio-political projects. In this specific context, the State, even dominant, control neither these actors, nor their projects whether they are transnational or nationals.
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