I diskussionen kring hur stater bör förhålla sig till varandra när främmande människor i andra stater utsätts för lidande av sin egen statsledning ställs ofta idéer om globala humanitära rättigheter, som utvecklats efter andra världskriget och förintelsen, emot normer om staters okränkbarhet och principen om att inte intervenera i andra staters interna verksamhet. Syftet med detta arbete är att undersöka i vilken utsträckning begreppet Responsibility to Prevent tillämpats i FN:s säkerhetsråds agerande under en samtida konfliktsituation, detta med bakgrund i utvecklingen av det nya tankesättet med global humanitär rätt som ett gemensamt internationellt ansvar. Arbetet behandlar teorierna solidarism, pluralism och realism. För att söka svaret på frågeställningarna används kvalitativ textanalys av skriftliga öppna källor. Insamlingen av empiriska data består av tryckt media, officiella dokument samt texter och artiklar tagna från internet. Resultatet från arbetet visar att Förenta Nationernas säkerhetsråd till viss del har agerat i enlighet med begreppet Responsibility to Prevent. Vidare redogör arbetet för att två inflytelserika, permanenta medlemmar i säkerhetsrådet har motiverat sitt ställningstagande utifrån olika synsätt på hur konflikten bör hanteras och att deras motiveringar påverkats av deras skilda synsätt på statssuveränitet och intervention. Undersökningen leder även fram till slutsatsen att vetorätten i säkerhetsrådet, under konflikten i Syrien 2011-2012, har begränsat utvecklingen och implementeringen av tankesättet att säkerheten för världens befolkning ska betraktas som ett gemensamt ansvar.

Syftet med vår studie är att undersöka modersmålslärares strategier för att välja läromedel samt motiven som ligger till grund för dessa val på deras modersmålsundervisning i somaliska och arabiska.Studien bygger på ett sociokulturellt perspektiv och ramverk som betonar att elever lär sig i samspel med andra människor, med hjälp av fysiska och intellektuella språkliga redskap liksom läromedel.Denna studie använde en kvalitativ forskningsmetod för att genomföra tio intervjuer med tio modersmålslärare från tre olika kommuner. Nio av intervjuerna genomfördes på plats, medan den tionde genomfördes via Zoom.Studiens empiriska resultat presenteras utifrån lärarnas upplevelser om läromedelsval, och analyseras utifrån olika teoretiska perspektiv.Resultatet har visat att elevernas språknivå och inlärningsbehov vara av yttersta betydelse när de modersmålslärarna väljer läromedel. Resultatet har också visat att läraren strävar efter att hitta läromedel som ofta stämmer överens med Skolverkets läroplan, även om att det är omöjligt att hitta läromedel som täcker hela delar i centrala innehållet i ämnet modersmål.Resultat har även visat att tillgänglighet och ekonomi är två avgörande faktorer som styr skolors inköp av läromedel. / The purpose of our study is to investigate mother tongue teachers' strategies for selecting teaching materials and the motivations underlying these choices in their mother tongue instruction in Somali and Arabic. The study is based on a sociocultural perspective and a framework that emphasizes that students learn in interaction with others, using physical and intellectual linguistic tools as well as teaching materials. This study employed a qualitative research method, conducting ten interviews with mother tongue teachers from three different municipalities. Nine of the interviews were conducted in person, while the tenth was carried out via Zoom. The empirical results of the study are presented based on the teachers' experiences with the selection of teaching materials and analyzed from various theoretical perspectives. The results have shown that students' language proficiency and learning needs are of utmost importance when mother tongue teachers choose teaching materials. The results have also indicated that teachers strive to find teaching materials that align with the Swedish National Agency for Education's curriculum, even though it is impossible to find materials that cover all aspects of the central content in the subject of mother tongue. Furthermore, the results have shown that accessibility and economics are two crucial factors influencing schools' procurement of teaching materials.

Some assert that social media has contributed in one way or another to organizing the work of revolutionaries and those seeking freedom and democracy on its platforms and has provided them with a space to express their opinion against authoritarian regimes. However, the information policies of the companies behind social media can discourage activists and enable authoritarian regimes. This case study examines the views of experts and media professionals on the changes in the roles of social media companies over the past 11 years in the context of social liberation movements. Through interviews with four media professionals and a survey of Syrian social media users, the study identifies the perceived restrictions imposed on the freedom of activists and media professionals to use social media, and at the same time identifies the perceived beneficiaries of these restrictions. The results show that social media companies are now playing a dangerous role in imposing an unethical system on new media that is far from impartiality and objectivity. It also empowers people and groups belonging to certain political parties and gives them freedom of expression at the expense of other people and groups. / Vissa hävdar att sociala medier, på ett eller annat sätt, har bidragit till att organisera revolutionärer och de som söker sig till frihet och demokrati på dess plattformar. Att det har skapat ett utrymme att uttrycka sina åsikter på, mot auktoritära regimer. Däremot kan informationspolicy för företagen, bakom sociala medier och dess plattformar, avskräcka aktivister och möjliggöra för auktoritära regimer. Denna fallstudie undersöker synpunkter utifrån experter och media-kunniga, kring förändringar i rollerna hos sociala medie företag under de senaste 11 åren, i samband med den sociala befrielserörelsen. Genom intervjuer med fyra media-kunniga och en undersökning av Syriska sociala medie användare, identifierar studien de upplevda restriktioner som ålagts på aktivister och media-kunniga. Samtidigt identifieras även förmånstagarna av dessa restriktoner. Resultatet visar att sociala medieföretag spelar en farlig roll när det gäller att påtvinga nya medier/plattformar ett oetiskt system som är långt ifrån opartiskt och objektivt. Det ger individer, och vissa politiska grupper, makten att nyttja yttrandefriheten på bekostnad av andra individer och grupper.

Syftet med föreliggande studie är att undersöka hur fem pedagoger arbetar med barns språkutveckling i relation till hur arbetet med barnens modersmål pågår. Studien har använt en kvalitativ metod med semistrukturerade intervjuer av fem pedagoger från fem olika verksamheter. Studien angrips utifrån ett sociokulturellt perspektiv. Tidigare forskningen belyser hur olika miljöer erbjuder olika möjligheter till handling och att läraren behöver ha kunskaper om barns andraspråk och kulturer. Detta sker genom möten med barn och föräldrar. Denna studie visar att barnens modersmålutveckling sker återkommande i dagliga aktiviteter som att läsa böcker, sjunga sånger och leka lekar. Det framkom att de flesta pedagoger inte vet hur de ska stödja barnens modersmålutveckling trots att de flesta av barnen har ett annat modersmål än svenska. Pedagogerna tycker att det är svårt när man inte kan barnens modersmål, men de engagerar sig genom att visa intresse för och uppmärksamma barnens modersmål på olika sätt.

This paper treats the relationship between form and meaning in conditional constructions in Damascus Arabic (DA). More specifically, it treats two, main formal categories of DA conditional constructions: the conditional marker and the verb morphology and, further, how these are related to various degrees of conditional hypotheticality. Apart from the introductory section (Introduction, Aim, Method and Classification of DA), the paper consists of three larger sections: Section 2 gives a basic, theoretical background of crosslinguistic conditional constructions as well as what previous scholars have said about the crosslinguistic relationship between conditional form and meaning. It is found that many of these scholars tend to describe form, but neglect deeper discussions of meaning. This section also provides a general background of the verbal system in DA and the primary TAM (Tense-Aspect-Mood) categories of DA verb forms. The main analysis of this thesis is found in section 3. In this section, I first suggest a method of analysis called ‘the hypotheticality continuum’ which is then employed in the following sub-sections, following Comrie (1986). Thereafter, attention is first paid to DA protasis markers and how the choice of marker is related to hypotheticality. Thirdly, I deal with verb morphology and how the choice of verb form together with a given protasis marker contributes to creating even more fine-grained distinctions of hypotheticality in DA conditional constructions. Lastly, a presentation of results and final discussion in section 4 conclude the paper.

This paper is designed to analyse the situation regarding the attempt to implement democracy in Egypt and why it failed. Theories regarding democratic transition and consolidation is acting as scientific instruments to carry out this case study. This essay directs its focus on several key factors that has contributed to the prevention of democratic reforms. The theory concerning path dependence is used to compliment the remaining theories to distinguish vital historic aspects to this issue. Key factors such as the Muslim brotherhood, the Egyptian military and regime, as well as the liberal movement is examined in this paper to illuminate their respective contribution to this situation. The conclusion of this paper focuses on the military, unwilling to surrender its power, along with the religiously fundamental brotherhood, growing rapidly. A democratic transition was in the making, only to be shut down by the military, regaining its former power. Although chaotic and military-biased reforms continued, they were far from democratic.  Because of all the key factors not sharing any political ideals, the situation has come to an abrupt halt regarding a democratisation process. The democratic ideal has become worn among the protestors and another try at a democratic transition is far from reality.

This study examines how the word ʾillā is treated in the Swedish Qur’ān translation from 1917 by Karl Vilhelm Zetterstéen. The analysis is based on Swedish and Arabic grammar and translation theory, and considers the fact that this Qur’ān translation is considered to be quite faithful to the source text. The study finds that the textual equivalent of ʾillā varies greatly in the target text, and further that it is not limited to exclusive conjunctions nor exceptives; rather, it often consists of a restrictive adverb in an affirmative clause, when ʾillā in the source text is in a negative clause. This points to a unique problematic of translation where ʾillā is concerned, which warrants further examination in future studies.

In the era of the Arab Spring, the people of Libya and Syria have fought for freedom and democracy. This essay aims to examine and analyze how The United Nations Security Council works to solve international problems in the world.   The main questions of my study are:   - How did the UN work on the basis of R2P in Libya and Syria?  - Why could the UN Security Council to agree on R2P in Libya but not in Syria?  Under the Arab Spring as the context, the purpose of this essay is to study the role of the United Nations UN in Syria and Libya. So, I highlight to the role of UN in R2P Responsibility to Protect in Libya and Syria. In 2011, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1973, which established a no-fly zone over Libya. The UN’s actions in Libya succeeded to remove the dictator Muammar Al-Gaddafi by R2P's principle, while The UN failed to remove dictator Bashar AL-Assad in Syria. The purpose of the R2P in Libya was to establish a no-fly zone and safe areas to protect civilians, but this led to the overthrow of Al-Gaddafi's regime in violation of the UN Security Council Resolution 1973.  I have used the theory of Realism and Liberalism to adapt them with my own theory to achieve the aim of my essay. In this paper, I used also content analysis as a guide of Method to reach conclusions. The materials used for this essay are documents, books and articles etc.  The results of my study are that the most important reason for Russia and China to use their veto in the UN Security Council is fear for the misuse of the international resolution to overthrow the regime in Syria. And thus, harm the very strong Chinese and Russian interests in Syria.

The people in Tunisia demanded democracy and civil liberties, which led to large-scale demonstrations against the Tunisian regime in December 2010. The demonstrations against the authoritarian regime was considered to be the beginning of the Arab Spring. Of all states that was affected by the Arabic Spring, Tunisia became that one country that succeeded their transition from an authoritarian state to a democratic one. In order to analyze why Tunisia became a democratic state, this study aims to clarify what factors that affected the democratization process. Through the theoretical framework of Samuel P. Huntington, the factors that affected the third wave democratization are used in this study in order to analyze the Tunisian democratization and transition. Through analyzation; deepening legitimacy problems of the regime and economic growth was considered to affect the Tunisian democratization. Actions of external actors partly affected the country’s democratization. However, religious changes and snowballing effects was considered not to have an impact on the democratization and transition towards democracy.

Muslim women’s rights, and gender equality in the Muslim world, are commonly discussed subjects within the academic world. Feminism, as a term, is often connected to this topic of discussion. This thesis aims to analyze two different perspectives concerning how these rights should be achieved: Islamic feminism, using internal resources, and Muslim feminism, using external resources. Islamic feminism, as a strategy, proposes that by interpreting the Quran, the ultimate revelation of God, Islam could provide the central and egalitarian meaning of the Quran. There is disagreement within the academic community whether Islamic feminism would enable these rights. Muslim feminism, as a counterpoint to Islamic feminism, proposes that the state must become secularized. Rendering Islam and the state as separate entities.    This thesis will utilize the theoretical perspective on Islam and feminism from five feministic academics. They all have different backgrounds, standpoints, and approaches towards the development of Muslim women’s rights, as well as what strategies they suggest to improve them. These strategies encounter different kinds of difficulties. The Islamic feminism, which uses the Quran, runs the risk of being too heavily associated with already established interpretations of the Quran. It may be seen as intertwined with existing fundamentalist views. On the opposite side of the spectrum, Muslim feminism may create a divide between Islam and women’s rights. This thesis aims to present the potential of different theoretical perspectives on Islam and feminism as well as the limitations on suggested strategies for improvement of Muslim women’s rights.