This thesis explores the prerequisites for peace in Ukraine from a typology of the conflict’s constituent elements. The material examined consist of accounts from open sources and official statements from the warring parties. The thesis concludes that the high intensity combat between two state parties and the ostensible lack of veto-players warrants a conflict with a shorter duration and relatively good prerequisites for solution. Underpinning territorial aspects and general scale of conflict together with lingering features of Russian strategic culture points to a longer and more intractable conflict. The western support for Ukraine contributes both to scale and intensity, but also induces a risk for horizontal escalation.

After the cold war the border or epicenter in the conflict between east and west has moved north. From central Europe to the Baltic sea region. The Åland archipelago in the middle of the Baltic Sea, is a military strategic interest for many actors in the Baltic Sea. Demilitarized and neutral according to international law. This thesis will study the Swedish, Finish, Russian and Nato perspective of which impact Åland has a on national security policy and military strategy for the Baltic region. What are the mechanisms and strategic motives for the actors in using Åland for military purposes. Will the international agreements concerning Åland have any effect in armed conflict? This case study is performed as a qualitative study based on Graham Allison and Philip Zelikows book Essence of decision which will also serve as frame of reference for the thesis. In order to understand Ålands special status according to international law, we have made a historic exposé which aims to give the reader the background needed to understand the islands significance, both historically and present. The analysis is based on four perspectives; The actors ideological position, The rational actor model (RAM), Organizational behavior and Governmental politics. The result of this study shows that Åland will not be left untouched in case of a conflict in the Baltic area. Due to the geographic position of the islands it will be affected regardless of its status in accordance with international law. The motives for using Åland for military purposes can be found with all our four actors with regards to the islands strategic location. The one who can control Åland will also increase his ability to control sea and airspace in the northern Baltics. He will also be able to control the sea lines of communication in to the bay of Bothnia. The incentive to re-militarize Åland and use the island for own military purposes however varies with the four actors. We have found that the incentive is strongest with Finland and Sweden and very limited with Russia and Nato. Ålands status as demilitarized and neutral will probably not have any big significance in an armed conflict in the Baltic sea area. However, it may delay military intervention on Åland but not stop it.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur de feministiska och marxistiska teorierna framställs i fem olika samhällskunskapsböcker på gymnasiet, inom det vetenskapliga ämnet internationella relationer. All användning av teorier inom internationella relationer färgar användaren, användningen av teorierna bidrar således till en viss uppfattning av verkligheten. Läroböcker används fortfarande flitigt inom den svenska skolan, denna användning har däremot ingen central granskning. Granskningen har istället förflyttats till den individuella läraren, skolan eller kommunen. En majoritet av lärare anser att läroböcker förmedlar läroplanen och kursplaner, samtidigt får elever beroende på vilken kommun de bor i olika böcker och därmed olika budskap. Detta leder till ett vakuum där elever ej får möjlighet till en likvärdig utbildning och med detta en bristande förståelse för verkligheten. Denna uppsats är en kvalitativ innehållsanalys som letar efter det latenta i de fem läroböcker som analyseras. Denna analys sker genom ett förbestämt men flexibelt analysschema uppdelat i tema, kategorier och nyckelord. Analysschemat och dess användning har en direkt koppling till teorin som används inom uppsatsen. Uppsatsen har visat att framställningen av feminismen och marxismen inom läroböckerna är bristfällig, vissa centrala begrepp som stat har ej framställts inom böckerna samt att när begrepp har framställts har de varit innehållslösa eller missvisande. Exempel på detta går att finna i att en av texterna anser att krig startas av fattigdom och dåliga ekonomiska förhållanden, istället för den marxistiska uppfattningen att krig uppstår på grund av kapitalismen. Uppsatsen har även visat att den primära användningen inom böckerna är realismen, liberalismen och konstruktivismen. Avslutningsvis har uppsatsen även visat att kritik eller problematisering av framställningen och användningen av teorierna inom böckerna är innehållslös och bristfällig. / The purpose of this essay is to examine how the feminist and Marxist theories are depicted in five different social science high school textbooks, within the scientific subject of international relations. All use of theories within international relations colors the user, the user of theories becomes in this way angled to understand and see the world in a certain view. The use of textbooks is still a very common practice in the Swedish school system, this use however lacks any form of central review. A majority of teachers consider the textbooks as the essence of the curriculum, at the same time students that go to school in different municipalities get different books and in turn different messages. The lack of a central review system has in this way created a vacuum were students are deprived of their right to an equal education and with a lack of understanding as a result. This essay is a qualitative deductive content analysis that searches for the dormant within the texts that have been analyzed. This analysis is conducted by a predetermined flexible assay schedule, the use of this schedule has a direct link to the theory of this essay. This essay shows that the depiction of feminism and marxism within the textbooks is flawed, specifically the absence of certain key words like state but also that the depiction of some key words are shallow. Example of this is one text that describes poverty and bad economic conditions as the reason for war, however Marxism considers capitalism as the primary reason for war. The essay shows that the primary depiction of theories within the books are realism, liberalism and constructivism. The essay shows that a critical view or problematization of the theories within the books have not occurred.

The purpose of this thesis has been to explore if the communicative approach towards Russia, from the European Union and the United States has changed since the Russian invasion of Ukraine. To achieve this a comparative mixed method approach has been used, based on three theories of international relations: liberalism, realism and social constructivism. The mixed method was compiled of an ideological analysis and a frequency analysis conducted on speeches and statements from leading figures from both the European Union and the United States.  The main conclusion of this thesis states that the communication from both actors has changed from a liberal standpoint to a more realistic standpoint since the start of the conflict. The main difference between the actors was seen before the conflict, where the United States used a mixed approach of liberalism and realism, and the European Union used a primarily liberal approach. The changing state of the world could be used as an explanation of the changed communicative approach.

This text is a case-study aimed to examine the relationship between China and Nigeria and see which theory about international relations best kan describe it. The study will be a qualitative theory consuming case-study. This study will examine both meetings between the foreign ministers of China and Nigeria but also the president of Nigeria, this study will also include a analysis of FOCACs Dakar plan and China-Africa cooperations vision. This will then help to get a picture of Chinas relation to Nigeria. What could be seen when analysing the material, is that the relationship could be described and seen as liberal with the different economic relationships that is part of the plan but also a lot of different bilateral and multilateral cooperations I different fields that both countries want to create. But Chinas intentions need to be taken caution because of it being an undemocratic country and the critique that have been made against Chinas involvement in Africa

Den här flerfallstudien har som syfte att undersöka hur den arktiska ursprungsbefolkningen ges regionalt inflytande i intressefrågor som direkt eller indirekt påverkar deras traditionella livsuppehälle i de arktiska områden som tillhör Ryssland, USA, Kanada, Danmark (Grönland) och Norge. Studien tillämpar metoden Ethnographic Content Analysis och utgår från teorierna liberalism och realism inom internationella relationer för att analysera ländernas arktiska policys och institutionella processer som berör deras arktiska ursprungsbefolkning. Vikten av inflytande i staternas institutionella processer är vital för ursprungsfolkens fortsatta överlevnad i Arktis, och eftersom Arktis beräknas bli en ny global region för utveckling så är det viktigt att identifiera farorna som dåliga strategier, policys, rättsliga ramverk och samarbeten skulle kunna skapa i relation till välbefinnandet hos regionens ursprungsbefolkning. Resultatet av studien visar på att Arktis som område är väldigt viktig ur ett geostrategiskt och ekonomiskt perspektiv för länderna, och resulterar i att ursprungsbefolkningens inflytande blir begränsat eller försvårat av staten i vissa sakfrågor som berör båda parter. Flertalet länder erkänner den arktiska ursprungsbefolkningens mänskliga rättigheter, men hur rättigheterna implementeras och vilken utsträckning ursprungsbefolkningen får medverka i implementeringen skiljer sig åt mellan staterna. Skillnaden ligger framförallt i hur maktstrukturen är fördelad mellan staten och ursprungsbefolkningen, där vissa länder uppvisar en stark centralmakt medan andra ger större utrymme för självbestämmande och självstyre. Generellt har staterna därför en betydande roll för beslutstagande influerat av både realistiska och liberalistiska värderingar. I den mån som staterna agerar efter liberalistiska värderingar så arbetar dem aktivt mot att samarbeta med ursprungsbefolkningen och bekräfta deras rätt till inflytande för att generera en representativ bild av samhället. Å andra sidan visar nationalstatens centrala roll i beslutsprocesser på att realistiska värderingar fortfarande väger tungt i samhällsstrukturen samt utformandet av nationella intressen och policys. / This multiple case study has the purpose of examining how the Arctic indigenous population is given regional influence in issues that directly or indirectly are affecting their traditional livelihoods in the Arctic areas belonging to Russia, the United States, Canada, Denmark (Greenland) and Norway. The study applies the method of Ethnographic Content Analysis and uses the international relation theories of liberalism and realism to analyze the nations’ Arctic policies and institutional processes that affects their Arctic indigenous population. The matter of influence within the states institutional processes is of vital significance for the continued survival of the Arctic indigenous population, and since the Arctic is believed to become a new global area of development, it is important to identify the dangers that bad strategies, policies, legal framework and cooperation could create in relation to the well-being of the Arctic indigenous people. The result of the study show that the Arctic is important both as a geostrategic and an economic perspective for the countries, which limits or obstruct the influence given to the indigenous peoples in issues affecting both parties. The majority of the countries recognize the Arctic indigenous peoples’ human rights, but the countries differ in both how the rights are implemented and to what extent the indigenous population are part of the implementation. The difference lies especially in how power is distributed between the state and the indigenous people, where some countries showcase a strong centralized power within the government and other states devote a greater space for self-determination and autonomy. Generally, the states’ role for decision-making is therefore of great importance, influenced by both realistic and liberal values. When acting upon liberal values, the states actively work towards cooperation with the indigenous people and recognizing the indigenous people’s right to influence, to generate a representative depiction of the society. However, the nation state’s central role in decision-making display that realistic values still are paramount in the structure of society and in the formation of national interests and policies.

The concept of producing energy from biomass has, for the last two decades, occupied attention of policy-makers, private industries, researchers and civil societies around the world. The highly contested and contingent character of the biofuel production, its entanglement in the nexus of three problematic issues of energy, climate and agriculture, as well as its injection into the current socioeconomic arrangements, is what makes it timely to analyse. The thesis sheds light on the state of international debate on bioenergy by looking at deliberations of three major global institutions: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), International Energy Agency (IEA) and Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). The primary aim is to trace and analyse how the concept of bioenergy is conceptualized and contextualized in assessments, reports, policy papers and other documents issued by FAO, IEA and IPCC in the 1990-2010 period. The secondary aim of the thesis, based on results derived from the primary objective, is set to problematize and reflect upon currently dominating socioeconomic arrangements that the concept of biomass-derived energy is inserted into. The research questions are organized around four distinctively contentious issues in the debate: biofuel production in developing countries, the food vs. fuel dilemma, bioenergy as a win-win-win solution and the future role of the second-generation bioenergy technology. The research questions are operationalized by applying four theoretical perspectives: the world-economy, Michel Foucault’s genealogy, discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, and Fredric Jameson’s critical approach. The institutional debate illustrates that, while bioenergy appears to be an easy, plausible and thus attractive patch able to temporarily fix societal challenges of energy insecurity, climate change and agricultural crisis without changing much in the socioeconomic structure, its implementation exposes internal discrepancies of the hegemonic capitalist system. Whether bioenergy could actually function as a feasible win-win-win solution is of secondary importance. It is its economic feasibility expressed in the pressure on cost-effectiveness that matters the most but, at the same time, causes serious internal discrepancies in conceptualizations pursued by the organizations. The results point to two main conclusions. On the one hand, bioenergy is inevitably entrapped by the rules and arrangements of the hegemonic system that, in turn, cause internal contradictions. On the other hand, the institutional debate attempts to stabilize the shaky conceptualization of bioenergy, so that it can appear consistent and plausible, even if the possibility of reaching the closure of meaning fades away, with more conflicts on the rise. Furthermore, the results also show that the three international organizations exhibit uniform patterns of argumentations and the way they similarly discuss biomass-derived energy illustrates the objective to stabilize the meaning and adjust the concept of bioenergy to the hegemonic system. / Under de senaste två decennierna har idén om att producera energi av biomassa rönt stor uppmärksamhet bland forskare, företagare, beslutsfattare och i samhället i övrigt. De förhållandevis många kontroverser och alternativ som är förbundna med produktion av biobränslen, deras koppling till de tre problemområdena energi, klimat och jordbruk, samt deras etablering inom samtida geopolitiska, socioekonomiska och miljömässiga sammanhang, gör dem till en aktuell fråga att analysera. Avhandlingen belyser den internationella debatten genom att fokusera överväganden och ståndpunkter inom tre globala institutioner: FN:s mat- och jordbruksorgan (FAO), Internationella Energiorganet (IEA) och FN:s klimatpanel (IPCC). Huvudsyftet är spåra och analysera hur begreppet bioenergi formas och kontextualiseras i bedömningsrapporter och policydokument producerade av FAO, IEA och IPCC under perioden 1990-2010. Ett ytterligare syfte är att problematisera och reflektera över de socioekonomiska förhållanden som bioenergibegreppet ingår i. Forskningsfrågorna är formulerade utifrån fyra kontroversiella områden i debatten: biobränsleproduktion i utvecklingsländer, dilemmat mat kontra biobränsle, bioenergi som en ”win-win-win-lösning” och den framtida roll som tillskrivs andra generationens bioteknologi. Forskningsfrågorna operationaliseras genom att var och en knyts till ett av fyra teoretiska perspektiv: världssystemteori, Michel Foucaults genealogi, Ernesto Laclaus och Chantal Mouffes diskursteori respektive Fredric Jamesons kritiska ansats. I debatten framställs ofta bioenergi som ett enkelt och rimligt alternativ med kapacitet att tillfälligt lösa samhälleliga utmaningar som energi-osäkerhet, klimatförändringar och jordbrukskrisen, dock utan att den socioekonomiska strukturen ändras nämnvärt. Analysen visar emellertid att begreppsliggörandet istället påvisar interna diskrepanser i det hegemoniska, kapitalistiska systemet. Huruvida bioenergi verkligen kan fungera som en sådan ”win-win-win”- lösning framstår som sekundärt i dessa texter. Det är kostnadseffektiviteten som har störst betydelse, men samtidigt skapar man här allvarliga begreppsliga diskrepanser inom organisationerna. Utfallet av analysen pekar på två huvudslutsatser. Å ena sidan är bioenergin oundvikligen låst av det hegemoniska systemets struktur och de motsägelser som det rymmer. Å andra sidan tycks debatten inom organisationerna söka efter en stabilisering av det instabila begreppsliggörandet av bioenergin så att den framstår som konsistent och möjlig. Vidare visar analysen också att de tre organisationerna har liknande argumentationsmönster, och det likartade sätt på vilket de diskuterar energi från biomassa illustrerar en stabilisering av mening inom diskursen där bioenergibegreppet anpassas till det hegemoniska systemet.

When Sweden 2017 changed the risk valuation of an armed attack against Sweden from not likely to that it can’t be ruled out, it got the swedish peoples and medias attention. Russia has during the last centuries had an extensive impact in Swedish security and defense politics. This study examine if there has been any change in the Swedish representation of Russia and as a consequence may have affected the risk assessment. By analyze the discourse in four reports by the Swedish Defence Commission with the method of framing this study will use the theory of securitization developed by Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde as it advocates a wide concept of security. Securitization is the process in which an actor turns a subject into a matter of security. The study finds evidence that the representation of Russia in the Swedish discourse has changed for the worse and it is possible that it has affected the changed risk assessment.

Det dröjde 32 år från det att Folkrepubliken Kina blev permanent medlem i FN:s säkerhetsråd till dess att landet kontinuerligt deltog med militära förband inom ramen för FN:s fredsbevarande insatser. Kinas plötsliga och fortsatt ökande engagemang för FN-insatser väcker frågan om bevekelsegrunderna för detta paradigmskifte. Med utgångspunkt i Kinas ekonomiska och militära utveckling samt landets internationella relationer, syftar studien till att förstå Kinas ökande deltagande i FN:s fredsbevarande insatser. Kinas ökande internationella engagemang talar för att möten mellan svensk och kinesisk militär personal kommer att öka. Studien är därför relevant och kan utgöra en kunskapskälla för Försvarsmaktens officerare, som i kommande tjänsteutövning ska interagera med kinesisk militär personal inom ramen för internationella insatser. Studiens slutsatser är: (1) Kina strävar efter att balansera de negativa internationella effekter som landets politiska system innebär genom ett målmedvetet arbete för internationell normförskjutning. Det innebär att förändra såväl den internationella bilden av Kina, som Kinas verkliga internationella förutsättningar. (2) Bevekelsegrunderna för de ökande kinesiska FN-insatserna kan förstås först genom att placera insatserna i en internationell kontext med kinesiska utgångspunkter. FN-insatserna utgör där en medveten och kostnadseffektiv åtgärd i Kinas strävan efter internationell normförskjutning och multipolaritet. Insatserna leder till ett ökat diplomatiskt handlingsutrymme vilket kan användas för såväl ekonomiska som militära syften. (3) Det finns idag inga tecken på att nuvarande trend avseende Kinas engagemang för FN:s fredsbevarande insatser avtar. / Since the People’s Republic of China became a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), it took 32 years until continuously participating with troops within a UN peacekeeping operation. The sudden and increasing peacekeeping-commitment raises questions of motives. Based on China’s economic and military development and its international relations, this study aims at understanding China’s increasing participation in UN peacekeeping operations. China’s increasing involvement in UN peacekeeping operations implies that meetings between Swedish and Chinese military personnel will increase. This study is therefore relevant and may constitute a source of knowledge for personnel of the Swedish Armed Forces who will interact with Chinese military personnel within international peacekeeping operations. Conclusions: (1) China strives to balance the negative international impacts of the country’s political system through a focused effort for shifting international norms. This means changing both the international image of China as well as changing China’s international conditions. (2) The motive for increasing Chinese UN efforts can be understood by placing these in an international context with Chinese perspective. The UN efforts constitute a focused and cost-effective step in China’s pursuit of shifting international norms towards multipolarity. The efforts lead to increased diplomatic capability, which can be used for both economic and military purposes. (3) There are currently no indications that the current trend of China’s commitment to UN peacekeeping operations is diminishing.

The question of whether there is soft law in international law has been as much the subject of contemporary debate as whether or not there is private legal authority in the international society. The legal boundaries seem to be blurred by the process of globalisation and the recent shift in international law. The traditional definition of international law has been outdated as new forms of treaties has introduced new subject of law to the judicial arena. At the same time a supplementary map of law has been added to the cartography of international law, soft law. These correlating processes have comprehensive political and legal consequences at both the international and national levels. This essay examines and identifies soft law from a legal-political perspective and locates and explores private forms of legal authority on the map of contemporary international law. In respect to theory, it accounts for an interdisciplinary approach involving issues of both international law and international relations. In the process this study examines issues regarding the relative legal normativity and the blurring of legal authority in international law. The focus is on the legal character, the constitutive practices and the legal and political influence of soft law. It discusses the influence and power exerted by soft law over state actors in the international system and at the national level. The essay finds that soft law is of substantial relevance in the international ambit. To some extent a limited normative force of certain norms is recognized in soft law even though it is conceded that those norms would not be enforceable by an international court or other international organ. To say that it does not exist because it is not of the enforceable variety, might blind students of international law to another dimension of the landscape of international practice. Soft law does not translate to soft obligations in the reality of international society, and it seems to be some confusion surrounding the obligations conceived by it. The research here presented suggests that its political and legal power is substantial. The researched examples do not display any real private legal authority in soft law. This is because soft law is found to be a separate phenomenon from international law proper. However, soft law’s impact on national governments combined with the wider acceptance of the presence of private actors in the creation of soft law suggests that private power is noteworthy in comparison. In one of the studied examples, the soft law is concluded by private business representatives solely, but in requiring the status of soft law it is dependant on the recognition of the international and national legal bodies.